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Seismograph all over the world jumped on May 11, but not on the 13th. INDIA'S NUCLEAR TESTS CAUGHT THE international community off guard. This has caused some commentators to question [...]

An excerpt from the White Paper issued by the British Minister of Defense about the new British defense policy is presented.

Discusses the history of the civil defense program of the U.S., from 1944 to 1984. Reason given by the government on the establishment of a civil defense program; Studies conducted on the potential impact on a typical American city of the hydrogen bomb; Creation of the U.S. Federal Civil Defense Administration; Ways used to educate the public on civil defense; Implementation of the Interstate Highway Act of 1956.

The article focuses on the reorganization of the U.S. National Security Council (NSC) under the presidency of Dwight David Eisenhower. The author provides an analysis on the performance of NSC under the administration of former president Harry S. Truman and identifies its weakness. Some of which is the informal nature of NSC proceedings during that time and that NSC had been always late in the policy-making process in matters concerning national security. But with the powerful tandem of Robert Cutler and Eisenhower, several significant changes occurred in the NSC. The NSC structure was strengthened and the Council mechanism was implemented for all major foreign and military policy-making.

Reports on U.S. academic scientists' resistance to participation in Star Wars research in response to a solicitation letter from the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization (SDIO). U.S. President Ronald Reagan's call on American scientists to devise ways to render nuclear weapons 'impotent and obsolete'; Highlights of the solicitation paper from the SDIO; Sense of dishonesty surrounding the program.

Presents a letter to the editor concerning an article about the Soviet Union's countermeasures to the Star Wars ballistic missile defense system of the U.S.

Comments on the ironies associated with the Manhattan Project, to which many of the finest minds in American physics dedicated themselves to save Western civilization from facism by building an atomic bomb ahead of the Germans and to save Western civilization from the atomic bomb itself by devising formulas to prevent a nuclear arms race. Speech of I.I. Rabi to a group of physicists at Los Alamos on the 40th anniversary of the facility; Concept of the atomic bomb as the final arbiter of war.

Raises questions about the consultation procedures for deciding on who and how American-controlled nuclear weapons in Europe are used. Nuclear dilemmas faced by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) host nations; Consequences of deployment and use of nuclear weapons for host countries; Credible system of consultation on nuclear policy and weapons release as a political requirement for NATO.

The article presents the author's views regarding military aid given by the U.S. to countries in Central America. It says that the U.S. credibility is in question. What matters to U.S. President Ronald Reagan is that Nicaraguans' support of a revolution that repudiates U.S. imperialism and Central American-style capitalism is likely to be viewed as a loss for the U.S. and a gain for world communism.

The article focuses on the changes in the British defense policy that would include nuclear weapons such as hydrogen bomb in its policy. Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill was the main proponents of the changes of the policy. Churchill has expressed his concern about the dominance of Soviet Union and its communist satellites in the nuclear warfare. He has suggested a universal agreement of disarmament of nuclear weapons as a solution to the problem. The agreement on cessation of nuclear bomb test would decrease the threat from radioactive contamination.

Analyzes Canada's defense policy, especially in regards to its defense budget and armed forces in Europe. Plans to buy nuclear-powered submarines; Canada's role in NATO defense.

The article reflects on the author's view related to war as an environmental issue and the U.S. attitude towards war. The attitude of the U.S. to fight for oil fields of the Persian Gulf region, which is relatively easy as compared to Europe or Japan, is the result of oil crisis in the nation. The article also discusses different ways to cut the energy consumption by 10 to 15 percent.

The article reports on the policy statements and programs of the Democratic Advisory Council concerning issues and topics on science for the 1960 Presidential campaign in the U.S. In recognition of science as an important issue during the campaign period, both the Democratic and Republican Parties have appointed advisory committees to consider science organization and its role in national and international affairs. This paper highlights the ceaseless attempt of the U.S. to reduce the intensity of the arms race with the general objective of providing a rational world security system by means other than sheer strength in military weapons, force, and alliances. Unfortunately, these efforts have not met with success despite fourteen years of disarmament negotiations within the United Nations.

Replies to a comment from a reader concerning the author's article about the Soviet Union's countermeasures to the Star Wars ballistic missile defense system of the U.S.

The article presents the author's comments on the paper "French military politics," by Pierre M. Gallois which appeared in the August/September 1981 issue of the journal. The author feels that Gallois' observations about French security policy deserve careful study. He feels that Gallois exaggerates the ability of Soviet military planners to disarm the forces of either the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Europe or the U.S. strategic forces in a first strike.

Reports that China has edged into supporting international arms control while cutting back some of its own military programs. INSET: The Chinese nuclear force..

Examines the gap between theory and practice in the U.S. nuclear weapons strategy. U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staffs' adoption of a set of targeting categories for nuclear weapons; Preemptive counterforce targeting; Various levels of responsibility involved in nuclear strategy making; Integration of nuclear strategy and foreign policy; Concept of limiting damage by means of a second-strike counterforce attack.

Discusses the neutrality involved in the economic impact of the U.S. military spending. Debate on the economics of military spending; Focus of military spending critics on the indices of the general economic activity; Perception on the positive impact of military spending; Problem in the analysis of the relationship between military spending and economic growth.

Discusses the refusal of Great Britain and France to subject their nuclear forces to negotiations and its implications for superpower reductions and domestic politics. Condition imposed by Soviet Union for an agreement on intermediate nuclear forces; Views that reflect the logic which has caused Great Britain and France to create and maintain their nuclear forces; Nuclear force strategy of each country; Soviet concerns over the strategic modernization plans of Great Britain and France.

Argues that the acceptance of Star Wars research funds by laboratories and universities in the U.S. could have an adverse effect on the open environment that is essential to productivity in basic science. Debate in the scientific community over U.S. President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative; Less disagreement among academics and researchers over the desirability of accepting the Pentagon's Star Wars research contracts.

Looks at nuclear arms control by the year 2000. Suggestion that world stability will depend upon peace in space, the control of strategic nuclear weapons, and the vigorous promotion of economic and cultural exchange; Overview of the politics of arms control; Arms control agreement between the U.S. and the Soviet Union; Predicted growth of the developing nations in 2000.

Argues that a reduction of U.S. and Soviet nuclear arsenals to one-tenth their present sizes would maintain deterrent capabilities while exerting a stabilizing influence on the balance of terror. Discussion of alternative futures that has characterized the nuclear weapons debate; Adoption of finite or minimum deterrence; Comparison of a finite deterrence force and current superpower nuclear arsenals.

Comments on the dominance of the defense industry in the Soviet Union. Complexity of the process by which the Soviet Union has made its military and defense decisions; Scholars and diplomats concern with strategic questions; Immediate beneficiaries of defense expenditures; Complexity of the Soviet defense policy; Major developments in the Soviet defense policy process.

Discusses why there is a need for a radical reduction in the number of nuclear weapons and an improvement of conventional defense strategies. Possibility of the occurrence of a nuclear winter; Considerations for providing an adequate conventional defense of Europe.

The article offers information on a Civilian-Military Contingency Hospital System proposed for development by the U.S. Department of Defense to prepare for any contingency. The aim of the system is to provide immediate medical aids to all the causalities of the early stages of nuclear conflict. Under this system, large and medium sized hospitals would be consolidated to provide a minimum of 50 beds each, up to a national total of 50,000, for the treatment of military casualties. Moreover, the U.S. Veterans Administration would provide 85,000 beds and the military hospitals 27,000.

The article focuses on the history of the nuclear arms race between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The arms race between the two countries has been marked by extreme changes. The expenditure of the Soviet Union on strategic weapons as a percentage of the country's gross national product has remained constant since the year 1964. According to "NSC Report 68," a document issued by the U.S. National Security Council, Russia possesses armed forces much more than those required to defend its territory. The former U.S. President Dwight David Eisenhower administration designed a nuclear policy of massive retaliation. According to the policy, the U.S. would increase its nuclear weapons in response to an increase in the nuclear weapons possessed by the Soviet Union.

The article presents information on the transition due to the emergence of a new generation that has the urge to assume power in the Soviet Union. The transition is related to the factors on economic, military and social policy. Several developments have taken place in the Soviet Union including the installation of intercontinental ballistic missiles thereby acquiring massive retaliatory capability, and the holding of new bases for the deep-water navy. In relation to the U.S.-Soviet relationships that began in the mid-1980s on subjective realms, significant developments have been initiated in both the countries. The potential changes in the Soviet Union are more radical due to the fundamental priorities started by the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in 1929.

The article focuses on the importance of weapons data and assessments of defense capabilities in national and international security issues. For the purpose, the article examines briefing by the U.S. Department of Defense on the Soviet Union's military capabilities to the May 1981 NATO defense ministers' meeting in Brussel, Belgium. It also examines material contained in the publications of the International Institute of Strategic Studies, particularly regarding the balance of forces of U.S.-Soviet strategic nuclear weapons. The annual publication "Military Balance" has since 1960 occupied a central place in the West as a source of information on the military forces of all countries.

The article discusses the consequences of the economic developments and policies carried out in the regime of Russian leader Joseph Stalin. The author elaborates on the consequences of those policies for the consumers of the Soviet Union. As the consumer came last in Stalin's model of economic development, the consumer had to bear the brunt of the negative impacts of the policies. In those policies, the priority was placed on heavy industry, with the hope that this will cause overall economic growth in the long run. With that hope and promise, the consumers had been witnessing the diversion of the country's resources into industrial and military buildup. The author elaborates on the popular discontent caused by those policies.

The article presents information on issues related to strategic considerations concerning nuclear deterrence. It is informed that though elimination of nuclear weapons is practically impossible, its presence instead acts as a stabilizing military factor in Europe. Even the U.S. government also extended its nuclear deterrence to protect its European allies. However, as the Soviet Union government developed advanced nuclear power, the U.S. government refined its deterrence policy by introducing the "flexible response" policy that relies on counterforce and damage limitation strategies. It also discusses the security issues within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and within individual Alliance nations regarding inhibitions on use of nuclear weapons.

This article discusses various issues related to the quest of the United States to counter the threat coming from the military strength of the Soviet Union. The article makes specific reference to the defense policies of President Jimmy Carter. Time is a crucial factor as far as balance in power is concerned. Crediting the Soviet Union with "worst-case" capabilities which they might obtain 10 years down the line is one of main strategy of the United States' defense establishment that they use for selling new weapons programs to the United States' Congress and the public.

The article discusses the objectives and policy of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) under the administration of U.S. president Ronald Reagan. Certain developments in the Reagan era caused the agency to be embroiled in controversy. This led to upsetting within the agency which included Eugene Rostow, a law school professor succeeding Michael Pillsbury as the acting deputy director of ACDA. He tried to rewrite most of the policies with an experience of largely academic nature rather than strategic. The foreign policy of the U.S. under Reagan administration is also described as ineffective and disorganized as a whole. There was a strong opinion in the favor of dissolving the agency because of its policies coming in direct conflict with the administration.

The article focuses on issues related to the military use of nuclear power in the United States. With the emergence of atomic power for military use in 1954, the U.S. Congress witnessed an increasing public awareness of the dangers of radiation. Congress admitted that development of the new power source could only be possible if there was public acceptance. The debate over civilian nuclear power has dates back to the 1940s when American public became aware of the biological impact of nuclear radiation.

The article focuses on the views of the author on the likelihood of U.S. President Ronald Reagan's administration's supporting a new arms control dialogue with the Soviet Union. The author suggests that the primary goal of arms control negotiations should be to freeze the current nuclear balance. The arms control dialogue between the superpowers should be based on openness in terms of military data and doctrine to avoid the kind of force planning from uncertainty.

The article presents information on a study regarding provocation leading to brinkmanship between various countries, especially those involving the Soviet Union. The study was conducted on the origins of 13 global wars including, Korea (1903-04), Rhineland (1936) and Cuba (1962). The reasons found for brinkmanship risks were the need to assert power, domestic political instability of the state, and insecurity of the political leaders involved. The author attributes the Cuban missile crisis to the Soviet Union's need to overcome its strategic inferiority caused by the U.S. administration's knowledge of Russia's ICBM failure. Aggressive military operations by the Soviet Union can be managed if the U.S. administration is firm and sensitive to Russia's security concern.

The article presents information related to the Fiscal Year 1981 budget of the U.S. Department of Defense. The 1981 budget has shown a tremendous increase from 1980 and indications are that the total figures will go up further during congressional debate. The crises in Iran and Afghanistan and election year politics are key factors which fuel the upward rise. There are many controversial programs and serious policy and budgetary questions within the $158.7 billion in new Total Obligational Authority requested for the Pentagon.

The article focuses on global military spending. Industrialized countries comprise 75 % of the total military spending, but that percentage reflects a decline in spending since 1955. There has been rapid increase in the military spending of Third World countries. Arms acquired through the international arms trade comprise most of the weapons used in wars. The annual rate of increase of the value of major weapons supplied to the Third World since 1974 is 25 percent. It is necessary to control the international arms trade in order to prevent a conventional war from escalating to a nuclear world war.

The article comments on the necessity for a Strategic Arms Limitation Talk (SALT) II agreement between the U.S. and Soviet Union. It is better to have a treaty which seeks to control arms, though imperfect, than none at all. Contrary to the assertion of the American Right that SALT II only benefits the Soviets, the agreement benefits both parties. Ultimately, the success of SALT II depends on the political will of both superpowers to reduce, regulate and control nuclear weapons that threaten the survival of mankind.

The article examines the civil defense program of the Soviet Union, and suggests conclusions that the United States can draw from it. It surveys the supposed program to train citizens for military deployment, evacuation and sheltering plans, assumptions held about the nature of a U.S. attack, and post-attack recovery estimates, and concludes that much of these are unrealistic, inadequate in the face of large-scale nuclear attack, or spurious. It notes that there is little evidence that Soviet leaders have planned their economy with civil defense in mind, and that there is not much basis for claiming that Soviet leaders would risk war with the U.S., which has more than sufficient capability to nullify whatever passive-defense measures may have been taken by the Soviet Union.

The article cites two points on nuclear deterrence and a specific proposal based on those points. The first point that the author wants to cite is that deterrence through the threat of mutual assured destruction is not the best strategy for the United States. The second point is that to accept the threat of mutual assured destruction, would mean the creation of mass and deadly weapons. Reducing the level of overkill without requiring or producing any change in the strategy of nuclear deterrence is proposed by the author.

Discusses the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START) II Treaty between Russia and the United States. United States's reduction of warhead numbers in exchange for Russia's ratification of START II; Manipulation of nuclear policy by some nuclear advocates and Cold Warriors; Details on plans made by Strategic Command (STRATCOM). INSET: Strategic forces, today and tomorrow.

Describes the new alliance of Democrats in the Senate who recently banded together to reduce Star Wars spending and terminate the B-2 bomber and MX rail-garrison programs. The new troika of George Mitchell, Robert Byrd and Jim Sasser will be tested when the Senate takes up the Pentagon's Fiscal 1993 budget. Members of the traditional coalition of conservatives who control the Senate's national security agenda; Arms-control leaders running for the Senate; The odds.

This article examines the US-led coalition's conduct during the Persian Gulf War of 1991. A year ago American troops and material headed for the Persian Gulf amid the cheerleading of politicians and the press. But more than a few commentators were already beginning to cite Murphy's Law-if something could go wrong, it would. They warned that a shooting war would produce high casualties, body bags, and perhaps another Vietnam-style nightmare. Compared with the Vietnam War and even World War II, military and civilian leaders approached the Gulf War with a different attitude about fighting. Usually, just-war theorists are united in making a sharp distinction between the process of justifying entry into war (justice of the war), and justifying how the war is fought (justice in the war). INSET: Beyond Vietnam, by N.G.F..

Explores China's interest in tactical nuclear weapons. Origin of China's nuclear weapon program; Inclusion of a simulated tactical nuclear airbust in a military exercise held in Ningxia Province; China's testing of nuclear weapons with yields below 20 kilotons; Allegations that China built underground nuclear facilities in the mountains; Missile exports; China's policy on nuclear proliferation.

The article reports developments related to global military organization and strategy. The Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization at its Paris, France meeting in December 1954, approved the report of its Military Committee that defense planning be based on the use of atomic weapons. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles contended that the cuts in army manpower were the result of technological advances rather than any reappraisal of the world outlook, thus differing from Secretary of Defense Charles Wilson.

The article reports on issues and topics related to the armed forces and defense industry in the U.S. The Defense Department announced a new draft and reserve plan designed to overcome inequalities in the method of recruiting men. The Office of Defense Mobilization plans to have trained skeleton staffs in some secret headquarters outside Washington. A Defense Department directive was issued to procurement officials to avoid concentrating orders in the plants of a few suppliers in order to insure a sound mobilization base by a broad geographical spread.

The article focuses on the American policy regarding the Vietnam crisis as of April 1965. The decision of carrying the war to North Vietnam amounts in effect to an admission of defeat. It has been obvious to anyone with an elementary knowledge of the situation that the war can only be won or lost in South Vietnam, and that aid from the North, while substantial, is not and has not been the decisive factor. According to experts, it is a guerrilla war, and the winning of such a war requires the allegiance, or at least the passive support, of the population.

The article focuses on the civil defense proposals in the U.S. Accordingly, it should prove useful to discuss here the wide range of questions civil defense raises concerning our national strategy and the arms interaction process. Perhaps the most far-reaching consequence of a civil defense program might be to pile a civil defense race upon the arms interaction process and thus open up, as it were a new cold war front in an area in which there has been something approaching tacit agreement. There would be an increased risk inherent in adding this new dimension to the arms race. A substantial civil defense program would be inordinately tension heightening because it would involve large scale community action.

The article presents the perspective of the U.S. on the Western Alliance nuclear deterrent power. The explosion of a nuclear device by Frances had generated debate on the British capability to counter nuclear strike. Regarding the future of nuclear deterrence, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has planned to integrate Western deterrent power and disperse the power among members of the coalition. It can be seen that the difference of international perspectives and interests between the U.S. and European counties is an underlying factor which tend to weaken NATO. The author explains the different proposals for the solution of the problem encountered by NATO. He suggests that an allied deterrence would be the perfect solution to the dilemma that now confronts NATO.

The article discusses the possible consequences on the continuance of inventing nuclear weapons by the superpower nations. Each of this nation's aim focuses on national security. The system of thinking based on security through military dominance has been their core strategy in achieving world peace. However, this mode of analysis is becoming obsolete and is far more positively dangerous in that it will bring about catastrophic damages to the humanity. At a certain point, where tests of thermonuclear weapons in the Pacific and Siberia dramatized this transition. Understandably, accidents and misunderstandings are always a possibility should this misadventure continues, thus, the term stalemate.