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Many analyses of neoliberalism in Latin America assume that it was the debt crises of the 1980s which convinced domestic capitalists of the need for market reform and signaled the exhaustion of the developmental state. Using a combination of primary and secondary sources, this paper argues that in Brazil capitalist support for neoliberalism only emerged roughly five years after the debt crisis, in the aftermath of the Cruzado Plan (Plano Cruzado), a failed government attempt to control rampant inflation. I argue that in the context of increased mobilization and crisis following the plan, newly fortified business organizations spread a vision of neoliberalism which resonated with many industrialists in São Paulo, Brazil's economic capital, and turned them firmly against the developmental state. This period of mobilization stands in contrast to São Paulo industrialists' reaction to the debt crisis of 1981 when they remained both passive and divided over the issue of economic liberalization. Following the Cruzado Plan, however, Brazilian industrialists remained politically fragmented relative to other national bourgeoisie in the region. This continued fragmentation explains the conflict among industrialists over what "economic opening" would look like in the years following the Plano Cruzado. Thus, this paper emphasizes the relative increase in organization and mobilization which turned industrialists against the developmental state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the anti-dam movement in Brazil, including its initiation, growth and current form. It argues that the anti-dam movement has constructed a new arena of communicative action to contest the construction of hydroelectric dams. The local meetings and organizing conducted by the anti-dam movement build this arena of communicative action to directly oppose governmental and corporate interests. As a result the anti-dam movement in Brazil has successfully halted the construction of many dams, including what would have been the largest dam in Latin America. It has garnered resettlement packages for previously ignored communities, and has altered discourse around dam-planning. Its instigation and success has been strongly shaped by governmental policy, institutions and connections. It has also relied heavily on an organizational form of internal cross-class alliances in the form of professionalized non-governmental organizations and grassroots groups. This paper argues that the scientization of governmental decision-making has been used to rationalize dam-building and has hence stimulated the movement?s attempt to create new forms of communicative action. It additionally argues that these norms and their supporting governmental structures shape activism. This paper is the first assessment of one of the most important transnational social movements in the world; one that played a critical role in initiating the global anti-dam movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers agree in that early life experiences and socialization significantly impact life paths, yet, little academic research has investigated girls' unpaid household contributions to their households. Using nationally-representative data from Brazil, this paper investigates the relationship between mothers' work intensity and daughters' family work (care work and house chores), with a focus on children and adolescents. We further explore the connection between girls' family work and school absenteeism, a critical factor in girls' human capital formation. Supporting a substitution effect argument, we find that as mothers work more, girls' unpaid family work increases. Still, this association varies by socioeconomic strata, being stronger for girls from disadvantaged families. Moreover, our findings suggest that domestic and care work may have a detrimental impact in the educational attainment of Brazilian girls. Taken as a whole, our findings point out to family work as a mechanism of intergenerational transmission of gendered disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores a question that has so far been under-explored in the study of civil society organizations: Which factors determine whether or not the interaction between "experts" working at NGOs and grassroots activists produces practices of knowledge construction that truly promote the moral, political and economic agency of popular groups with restricted access to "expert" knowledge? Such exploration is based on a literature review, complemented by an analysis of ethnographic data collected during the summer of 2006. The fieldwork data included in this paper is the result of a voluntary work experience at PACS - Instituto Politicas Alternativas para o Cone Sul, an NGO based in Rio de Janeiro. PACS is one of the most influential NGOs in the emergence and institutionalization of the Brazilian movement of Solidarity Socio-Economy. It had a fundamental role as the coordinator of the mobilization process that led to the creation, in 1996, of FCP-RJ - the Forum of Worker's Cooperatives of Rio de Janeiro. This forum was the first organized structure created by the movement in Brazil to debate policy issues affecting cooperatives, networks of microenterprises, microcredit and the informal economy. For reasons of practicality and focus, this paper will only use field data on "Casa da Confiança" ("The House of Trust"), a microcredit and training project that PACS developed with members of neighborhood-based associations, in the framework of FCP-RJ. This project is a typical example of production of practices of knowledge construction that empower popular groups with restricted access to "expert" knowledge. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades of the twentieth century, Brazil as well as many other developing nations worldwide have experienced numerous episodes of collective violence that can best be defined as lynching. Using the racial threat model and racial democracy, race-as-class, racial discrimination, and racial formation models of Brazilian race relations as theoretical bases, this paper looks for evidence of a racialized nature of lynching in Brazil (January 1980- June, 2003). Specifically, this paper analyzes the available data on the race of victims and perpetrators of lynching, as well as Sergio Paulo Pinheiro's case studies of lynching in the State of São Paulo all of which was compiled at the University of São Paulo's Center for the Study of Violence. This empirical evidence suggests race is not central in the selection of victims in Brazilian lynching. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focuses of this paper are the improvement of migration methods and their application to the migration between the Brazilian states of Bahia and Sao Paulo.There are several techniques used to measure and categorize migrant movements. However, these techniques still have some limitations. The first aim is to explain previous methods to estimate migration models. Machado (1993) created a formula to estimate probabilities of emigration, but this technique has some errors. In the denominator, the component of emigration needs to be added. In the numerator, children between zero and five years of age need to have special weights, adding the indirect effect of migration. The correction of Machado?s technique is an improvement in the migration study. Another objective is to demonstrate the results obtained from Brazilian Censuses. The main findings suggest higher migration levels from Bahia to Sao Paulo. More industrialized areas attract more female than male migrants, which might be explained by the existence of more labor opportunities for women. The patterns of migration are different between those states. On the one hand, migration to Sao Paulo is more concentrated in labor ages. On the other hand, migration to Bahia presents probabilities that suggest a familiar migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines independent living among elderly Brazilians 65+ of different racial groups since 1980. Consistent with current ideas about the living arrangements of elderly people around the world, there was an overall increase in independent living among Brazilian elders. However, the increase mainly reflects change among White Brazilians who constitute a little over half the population whereas there was little change among Browns or Blacks. Since in general Whites tend to have higher socioeconomic status than Browns and Blacks in Brazil, one might suppose that a racial disparity merely reflects socioeconomic differences, and that disparate change merely reflects differential change among different social strata. If this were true, there should be 1) no racial difference in the likelihood of independent living, and 2) no racial difference in the change in that likelihood once socioeconomic factors are controlled. We find from examining microsamples of the 1980 and 2000 censuses that, 1) there is a net racial difference in independent living in both 1980 and 2000, and 2) there is a net racial difference in change among unmarried men. Either or both situations among all elders could be due to some cultural or minority status factor not captured by the structural characteristics included in our statistical models. Additional study is needed to more positively identify what those explanatory factors might be, and would ideally include information about non-coresident kin as well as coresident kin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the association of informality, demographic, and educational changes with earnings of male workers in Brazil. Our analysis takes into account informality, demographic, educational, and economic regional variations over time, using Demographic Censuses microdata. Results suggest that informality, demographic, and educational transitions are correlated with earnings. Proportions of people in age-education-informality groups tend to have negative associations with aggregated earnings. Workers with secondary education completed experience negative effects on their earnings by having lower education than university graduates (education effect) and by representing a bigger share of the population than males with university education completed (cohort size effect). These effects depress earnings more in the formal than in the informal sector. These negative correlations have been decreasing in magnitude over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the community-level conditions that effect rates of different forms of violence. Specifically, it tests changing economic conditions, "dangerous classes" and effective policing models of Brazilian violent crime (i.e. homicide and assault), violence by the community (e.g., lynching), and state-violence (police violence). Among the findings is that: changing economic factors were uncorrelated with all three forms of violence; higher concentrations of poor non-whites are not correlated with higher violent crimes rates; higher concentrations of rural immigrants have lower rates of violent crime; concentration of non-whites and poor has a correlation with higher rates of lynching; and the concentration of non-whites and poor actually has a negative effect upon the rate of police violence. This leads to a conclusion that police violence is employed in wealthier communities to control crime, while poorer communities rely on lynching as self-help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of compulsory licenses has become increasingly commonplace in the developing world for the purchase of essential medicines marketed by transnational pharmaceutical companies. The use of this legal instrument outlined by the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) has been particularly prevalent for anti-retrovirals, medicines used to treat AIDS/HIV, due the epidemic's high visibility and demands from organized civil society groups. This paper argues that the TRIPS accord represents an institutional shift in terms of the regulatory aspects of globalization that directly impacts social policies in the developing world. But normative pressures concerning the legitimate use of compulsory licenses have changed as a result of waning US hegemonic power. A case study of Brazil's use of compulsory licenses in the purchase of AIDS medicines provides evidence to support these assertions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses original research conducted in the cities of Belo Horizonte and Brazilia on the rise of human development in Brazil. Specifically, I look at how a network of international and national UNDP officials, local researchers, and state politicians interacted in the state of Minas Gerais to institutionalize the human development paradigm into a tax policy that both redistributed wealth and spurred development in health, education, and the environment. Through interviews with players involved at both the national and state levels, I found that human development's innovative measurement technologies (the human development report (HDR) and index (HDI)), and Brazil's unique version of these (based on a universally accessible database), provided tools that simultaneously enabled and pressured politicians to create redistributive reforms. I set this story in a theoretical context that starts with Foucault, but tries to move beyond him by drawing on the concept of performativity as used by Michel Callon and others. This concept, I argue, can serve as a bridge between the development and economic sociology literatures. By considering human development as a potential "alternative performativity", moreover, we can imagine a theoretical project that accounts for development's power dynamics, but also makes room for a progressive political project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, racial classification is organized around three main categories: white, pardo (i.e., mulatto), and black. There is considerable slippage between these categories, leading some scholars to hypothesize that money whitens. Some have speculated that the social pressure to identify with lighter categories whenever possible presents an obstacle to race-based mobilization in Brazil. However, there is some evidence that there has been a recent trend towards racial mobilization that includes a push to identify as either black or white, which would suggest an increasing polarization of racial identity in Brazil. This paper tests these hypotheses by examining the individual and neighborhood characteristics associated with "self-lightening" and "self-darkening." Self-lightening refers to a discrepancy in which the respondent's racial self-classification was lighter than that reported by the interviewer, and self-darkening is the opposite. The findings are consistent with the theory that money whitens and provides partial evidence for racial identity polarization, although not necessarily as a result of political mobilization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries encourage entrepreneurship to promote social and economic development. Scholars have documented the connections between race, ethnicity, and entrepreneurship in various societies but few studies have focused on Brazil. The entrepreneurial economy in the country is hardly known, and there is a paucity of research that accounts for factors such as race, religion, and unpaid family labor. The theoretical foundation of this study is based on Nee, Sanders and Sernau's mixed economy theory, and Aldrich and Waldinger's framework of ethnic business development. Analyses of the 2000 census data for men in the state of Sao Paulo suggest that African Brazilian entrepreneurs tend to have smaller enterprises and earn less than white entrepreneurs. In addition, results from heteroskedastic regression suggest that the variance of earnings increases as firm size increases. The study discusses policy implications concerning racial inequality among business owners. Additionally, the study discusses theoretical implications of the findings, and proposes that market and traditional forces shape the mixed economy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many are concerned with the rise of the technology or information age. Part of this interest is generated by uncertainty regarding how this change in social landscape impacts other social processes. Studying social movements elucidates both the generation and resolution of conflicts particular to issues of science, technology and information. I propose a new framework through which we can understand social movements characteristic of the technology and information age: anti-scientization movements. These movements contest and democratize expert knowledge in order to achieve their goals. I hypothesize that these social movements have emerged to create institutions where science and knowledge is democratized in response to growing policy dependence on expert knowledge. In order to empirically explore the way such movements work, I compare the anti-dam movement (ADM) in Brazil and environmental breast cancer movement (EBCM) in the United States. Qualitative data in the form of interviews (128), ethnographic observations and document collection were used to study these movements. Despite the very different internal and contextual aspects of these movements, they both employ similar tactics and institutional forms to legitimize lay knowledge and reconstruct official discourse. This framework elucidates a growing phenomenon critical to social movement theorists, science studies and political scientists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current census debates surrounding Brazilian race categories center on two contrasting proposals: the adoption of the multiracial moreno term vs. the use of the collective black classification negro. Those proposing the former base their argument on the right to self-classify according to one's own sense of identity. Proponents of the negro category contend that it would be most efficient for redressing racial discrimination. We examine the meaning and saliency of these categories and explore the possible consequences of their adoption. Using national survey data, we demonstrate how education, age, color, sex and local racial composition structure the choices of moreno and negro over official census terms. Findings include a negative correlation between education and the choice of moreno, while the opposite is true for negro. In addition, an age effect on both categories suggests a popular shift in racial labeling away from official census terms. We note that similar issues structure current census debates in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article cites a study which discusses Brazil's response to the problem of AIDS. In 1992, members of Brazil's National Commission on HIV/AIDS, including actors from government institutions, NGOs and universities, co-authored a letter of intent to the World Bank, asking for a grant for the purpose of strengthening their AIDS program. The World Bank lent a huge sum of money that helped Brazil achieve an increase in life expectancy for those living with HIV by 12 times. Moreover, statistics reveal that only half of the predicted cases of HIV have even appeared, due to successful prevention measures.

This exploratory project examines the development of Afro-Brazilian protest politics. I review the existing explanations for the relative lack of black movement formations in Brazil and offer a critique of state centered explanations of race based movements. Using event data and newspaper articles about race in Brazil, I explore patterns and trends in Afro-Brazilian politics from 1985-2000 in an attempt to understand the level and nature of protest politics among black Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. In recent history Brazil has experienced a dramatic shift in its religious composition with decreasing rates of Catholicism and increasing rates of Protestantism. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the potential impact of increasing Protestantism on adolescent fertility. Methods. Micro-data from the 2000 Brazilian Census for the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro were analyzed to compare the frequency of ever having had a live birth among females between the ages of 15 and 19 of various religious affiliations (Catholics, Evangelical Protestants, Pentecostal Protestants, other religions, and no religion). Results. Controlling for both individual and community-level sociodemographic variables we find that both Protestant groups have lower adolescent fertility rates when compared to Catholics. Specifically, Evangelical Protestants have 35% lower overall adolescent fertility and 52% lower nonmarital adolescent fertility rates. Likewise, for Pentecostal Protestants, rates of overall adolescent fertility are 23% lower than the rates of Catholics while rates of nonmarital adolescent fertility are 37% lower. Conclusions. Protestant religious affiliation appears to provide a protective effect in terms of adolescent fertility. This finding provides evidence that the changing religious composition of Brazil may have a profound impact on many aspects of society including, but not limited to, adolescent fertility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban space has far more interesting effects on economic development than would be expected by traditional dualistic accounts of third world cities. Net of the well known development of information-intense cores in the centers of such cities and labor-intense marginal firms in the periphery, urbanization creates and destroys jobs by affecting the supply of commercial space, and with it, rent. The verticalization of commercial buildings facilitates the control of space by a limited number of landlords. The rent increases that result from this process handicaps smaller firms that require central location but have limits on what they can pay for space. Since the rent-sensitive sector is labor intensive, this limits the job growth typically associated with advancing urbanism. This adverse effect can be lessened by state intervention into real estate markets - notably by the enforcement of rent control. The employment effects of rent, building supply and verticalization are shown with an analysis of Brazilian restaurants and barber shops. High rents lower employment in this sector. These rents are linked to the supply and verticalization of buildings available to businessmen. Longitudinal trends in urbanization and verticalization should have eliminated significant employment in this sector; this adverse effect was prevented by a strong national policy of rent control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All across the developing world, internationally financed projects have become a major force in shaping the course of development. These initiatives, funded by multi and bi-lateral lending institutions, have emerged as important settings for defining both the rationale for particular forms of development as well as the ideological underpinnings for broader social change. The planning processes for these programs galvanize diverse sets of organizations; and the collective beliefs they form often serve as the foundation for the institutionalization of new social structures and conceptions of development. To assess the importance of these initiatives as foci for social change, this study examines how environmental concerns became an institutionalized component of one such project currently being implemented in Brazil?s Alto Paraguai Basin, known as the Programa Pantanal. Sociological insights from organizational theory are used to guide analysis of the organizational field associated with this project as well as the collective rationality that formed among members regarding the role of environmental concerns in development. Evidence from of this case also illustrates the emergence of internationally financed projects as alternative spaces to the state for debating and enacting the ideological features of societal development. This highlights the importance of these arenas as areas for sociological study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to estimate associations of demographic and educational changes with earning of female and male workers in Brazil. Previous studies considered earnings of male workers, but they did not include earnings of female workers. The 1991, 2000, and 2010 Brazilian Demographic Censuses can be utilized for this analysis. Preliminary results suggest that the share of female population had stronger negative effects on earnings compared to the share of male population. Changes in age and educational compositions have significant associations with earnings profiles of female and male workers. Future improvements of this model should consider correlations between female and male shares to better estimate trends on earnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil experienced population ageing and improvement in educational attainment between 1980- 2010. Proportion of workers in the formal economic sector increased between 2000-2010. Earnings decreased from 1980 to 1991 and increased in 2000. However, earnings in the formal economic sector decreased again in 2010. We estimate associations of individual- and area-level variables with individual earnings of male workers living in urban areas in Brazil. Ordinary least squares regressions estimate variations on earnings of male workers, using the 1980-2010 Demographic Censuses. Individual independent variables include age, education, economic sector, race/color, marital status, religion, and region of residence. Contextual independent variables consider demographic, educational, and economic sector compositions by areas of residence. Considering individual-level variables, older and better educated workers have higher earnings. Workers in the formal economic sector have higher earnings than in the informal sector. For area-level variables, higher proportions of people working in the formal economic sector have positive associations with earnings. Proportions of people in age-education groups have negative associations with earnings mostly among older workers. For models by economic sector, proportions in age-education groups have higher positive coefficients in the informal sector, compared to the formal sector. Transitions in demographic, educational, and economic sector compositions are correlated with earnings. These effects generate greater economic inequality in the informal sector than in the formal sector. Our main contribution is the estimation of models about associations of individual earnings with individual and area-level variables, which can be replicated for other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on bilateral trade and investment between Brazil and China. Brazil exchanged its industrially farmed soybeans for light manufactured goods from China. The two countries have been connected with container ships. Commodity production, transformation, and consumption have resulted in "socio-ecological division of labor." This division of labor results in destruction of human, animal, and plant habitat, and cuts the livelihood of small farmers in Northwest China. It also results in irreversible land use changes, and investments in physical infrastructure, which can be commercially useful only if the prices of hydrocarbon fuels remain low.

The prospects for Brazil rising from the semi-periphery are bleak. This is due to both world systems considerations based on international indebtedness, penetration of foreign capital and fiscal crisis within the state - and agency considerations based on political and social factors within Brazil itself. The key to rising into the core is developing local proprietary technology which could created pro-Brazilian favorable terms of trade. Debt induced high interest rates are limiting economic growth and investment reducing local capital's ability to generate such technology. Increased foreign ownership of Brazilian companies is leading to a reduction of research and development actitivies. An alternative road to a locally controlled science would be development of basic science at the university level. Brazilian universities are hampered by low salaries, poor facilities, very low graduation rates, and unwieldy administrative structures that prevent universities from rewarding star researchers. These factors stem less from debt-induced fiscal crisis within the state and more of political considerations within Brazil that lead to the misallocation of scarce educational resources. Agency attempts to overcome these handicaps are having mixed results. The new anti-globalization social movements coming out of Porto Alegre are having impressive results in improving municipal governance - but face too many political obstacles to have a chance to produce a national Brazilian state willing to confront international capital. There are however positive developments in less glamorous areas. The economic wing of the Porto Alegre movement - the Economia Solidaria - is producing impressive increases in employment and reductions in poverty in Brazil - using an explicit nationalist anti-globalization strategy. Furthermore, routine social and economic policies such as support for small business are confronting for the first time disarticulation in Brazil and producing a more balanced distribution of economic incentives and government benefits. These developments by themselves will not propel Brazil into the core. However there is one conjunctural factor that could make a difference ..... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The difficulties of recruiting and conducting focus groups vary according to cultural setting. The methodological challenges encountered in this project took place while carrying out 25 focus groups in the metropolitan areas of Belo Horizonte and Recife, Brazil between April and December 2002. Two age groups were recruited: ages 18-21 and 30-39. The focus groups were conducted with lower-income respondents and middle- and upper-income respondents. Both groups posed different problems and challenges. In the low-income areas, participation in the focus groups and the conducting of the focus groups were hampered by threats of violence and actual violence in the community. Lack of infrastructure made recruitment more difficult: many of the favela, or slum community, residents do not have telefones. I had to rely on members of the community to do the actual recruiting because it was unsafe to enter favelas as an outsider. The respondents came with inappropriate expectations such as that I would be able to give them a job or that this was a mental therapy session which created tension and disappointment during the focus groups. In the middle- and upper-income areas, recruitment was hampered by a general unwillingness to participate in an unfamiliar activity, especially one without the possibility of financial remuneration. Possible participants were highly suspicious the recruiter. While many of them would commit to participate, there was an extremely high attrition rate the day of the actual focus group. The younger age group had a much higher attrition rate than the older age group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using self-reported responses of a random sample of 5,000 residents of Sao Paulo, I examine whether there is a relationship between an individual's race and their probability of being targeted by the police in Brazil, net of class effects. In Brazil, racial classification is organized around three main categories: white, pardo (i.e., mulatto), and black. Because they represent the most disadvantaged group, one might hypothesize that blacks will be most heavily targeted by the police, followed by pardos. On the other hand, research showing that the division between whites and pardos is much greater than the difference between pardos and blacks might lead us to expect these groups to be equally more targeted in relation to whites. The finding, however, is that pardos are in fact the most heavily policed group, net of class effects. I show that this unexpected finding cannot be attributed to racially patterned variations in criminal offending. I consider some possible explanations for this finding, including the policing of racial and symbolic boundaries by the state and by individual police officers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a mixed methodological approach to study race and the marriage market in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Data comes from focus groups that were carried out in Belo Horizonte during July of 2006 as well as the surveys SRSR - Saúde Reprodutiva Sexualidade e Raça/Cor (Reproductive Health, Sexuality, and Race/Color), and the Belo Horizonte Area Survey, both representative samples of the city of Belo Horizonte. The central theme of the project is to use both the qualitative and quantitative data to further understand racial boundaries on the marriage market despite the absence of a clear racial classification system. Findings to date indicate that Afro-Brazilian women appear disadvantaged on the marriage market. Typically they spend more time being single than their white and mixed race counterparts, being passed up by white, mixed, and Afro-Brazilian men, and when in union, are more likely to be in informal unions. The qualitative data collected indicates women do match partners along racial lines; however this process differs by race and class. Theoretically, the research helps further our understanding of the institutions of race, gender, and the family and their interaction in the context of Belo Horizonte, Brazil, including how this may perpetuate racial inequality. Within the perspective of conflict theory, attitudes concerning marriage and procreation are analyzed; demonstrating that these institutions reify racial differences in Belo Horizonte. Outside of the academy, this research engages in a greater public debate of racial inequality in Brazilian society, and how the social institution of marriage perpetuates the socioeconomic differences one sees in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State led development continues to be viable - even in states that are heavily indebted. However, debt changes the calculus of viable state programs by either requiring stringent cost controls or very rapid short term results. Since the point of state led development is to permit "patient" long term initiatives - in most cases, the management of costs is now a critical parameter. This is difficult to manage in democratic societies where demands for expenditures are hard for states to resist. This is illustrated by an analysis of Prodetur - a joint effort of the Banco do Nordeste and the Interamerican Development Bank to create a tourist economy in the Brazilian Northeast. The program was a model of transparent, ecologically oriented, sustainable development - and produced substantial increases in employment and in quality of life. However these gains were not so rapid as to permit ignoring cost considerations altogether. Brazil incurred over $300 million in debt to participate in Prodetur - when viable alternative plans existed that would have produced nearly all of the same advantages for $0 in debt. The political forces that caused the more expensive option to be chosen are considered. The lesson is that globalization has not killed the developmental state - but has made stringent management procedures more important. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]