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This paper argues that out of the ?service learning? movement of the 1980s, a new form of scholarship is emerging known as the ?scholarship of engagement.? Engaged scholarship has two core components which are not fully captured by the concept of service learning: first, it includes other scholarly functions beyond teaching, including research; and second, it focuses on genuinely reciprocal collaboration with communities. This paper defines the scholarship of engagement, creates a taxonomy five forms of engaged scholarship, and documents practices associated with this movement. Informed by a problem-driven, pluralistic approach to engaged scholarship, this taxonomy suggests that the new forms of engaged scholarship each have important contributions to the civic renewal of American higher education, and together make up an exciting and growing movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political and economic dimensions of state takeover of local school districts in a theoretical framework that reveals the intergovernmental tensions evident in restoring local control after a contentious period of state intervention. Over the course of the past fifteen years, state takeover has generated not only the strongest resistance from local officials of any policy innovation to reinvigorate the performance of local education agencies within the American public education system, but also the most diverse set of results in the duration and extent of state involvement at the district level. What accounts for this variation? And, more importantly, what does the emergence of state takeover signify for the future of the intergovernmental system in the context of American public education? In this paper, the authors present preliminary findings from a national quantitative analysis of local school districts that have been subject to state takeover and have since regained local control, as well as empirical case studies of two states, Alabama and Kentucky, where state authorities have restored local control in at least eleven local school districts. An analytical consideration of the effects of state takeover on decision-making authority at the district level, fiscal and resource allocation, and the consequences of local capacity and local culture demonstrates that 1) local autonomy is conditional based on acceptable performance as defined by the state, 2) the sequential progression of state takeover in reforming the mode of local governance as well as the variable nature of duration necessitate more consideration by policymakers seeking to enhance performance accountability, 3) economic factors may have less to do with the return of local control than politics, and 4) the significance of unemployment and debt measures in contributing to the duration of state takeover has the potential to fundamentally reshape our understanding of intergovernmental relations and state policy leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the estimated effects on students and families of 1) the offer of a voucher on students and parents, often described as the Intention-To-Treat (ITT) effects; and 2) switching from a public to a private school, commonly referred to as the effect of Treatment-On-the-Treated (TOT). Students who were evaluated entered private school in grades 2-5 in New York City and grades 2-8 in Washington, D.C. and Dayton (and other parts of Montgomery County, Ohio). Specifically, the evaluation estimates the impact of the program on student test scores, parent satisfaction with their child’s school, as well as parent reports of the characteristics of the schools the child attended. Check author’s web site for an updated version of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jacob Hacker's notion of 'drift' is an important addition to the conceptual toolkit of institutionalists and welfare state analysts concerned with change as well as continuity. Drift occurs when policy fails to adapt to changing patterns of social risk either because of the 'stickiness' of welfare institutions, or as a result of 'deliberate efforts by political actors to prevent the recalibration of social programs' (Hacker 2005: 46). While many institutionalists concerned with policy change have focused particular attention on ideas (inter alia Blyth, Cox, Hay, Schmidt), they feature less explicitly or prominently within Hacker's framework. This paper brings together 'ideational' perspectives with the analysis of policy drift through a comparative analysis of Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) in three 'liberal welfare regimes'. Although existing accounts of drift are predominantly concerned with the (non) adaptation of existing policies to new circumstances, social-structural change can also create needs that could only be met by wholly new policies. Indeed, Hacker himself notes that 'US social policy could have adapted to changing social realties …some nations … have dramatically expanded public protections that help women enter the labour force and balance work and child rearing … however, the US clearly did not follow this path.' (2005: 54). But this argument is too sweeping. Here I excavate and analyse attempts to follow this sort of path in the US and two other 'liberal' states.First, the paper insists that purportedly 'new' risks are rooted in social (gendered and socio-demographic) trends that date back to the 1950s and 60s. Second, drawing on Barrington Moore's classic, but neglected concept of 'historically suppressed alternatives' (1978) it retrieves US, Australian and UK political and policy initiatives that sought or seek to address the new risks associated with change gender roles. Despite expectations that liberal regimes would treat ECEC as largely a private/market matter, the paper shows that each of these countries has each played the role of ECEC 'leader' during different decades since the 1950s (first the US in the 50s and 60s, then Australia in the 70s, and particularly 80s and early 90s, and the UK since the late 90s). This pattern - both the achievement of and (at least in two cases) decline from leadership - requires explanation. The paper focuses particularly on two aspect of the role of ideas. First their international currency - the manner in which ideas developed in one state can help to shape debate and policy elsewhere - especially the early - and enduring - influence of US policies and policy ideas (especially those surrounding the Head Start programme) in Australia and the UK. Second, it argues that the existence or non-existence of ideas is rarely crucial - apparently influential policy ideas have been present in and since the 1950s and 60s in all three states. Indeed, elements of policy that attempt to 'counter' drift induced by changing gender roles have also been present in them (some, like Head Start apparently well entrenched). As Crouch and Keune (2005) note, states' policy configurations can contain diverse - even contradictory - elements (or as TH Marshall classically argued they can 'make a square meal of a stew of paradox'). Much more than the existence of particular ideas or even individual policies, drawing on work by Blyth and Hay I argue that to address changing social risks requires the skilful articulation of particular ideas and policies into a broader political project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teaching abroad poses unique challenges and rewards for US-based academics. This paper provides a primer that addresses these challenges, drawing from my experience teaching a course on the political economy of international migration in Morelia, Mexico. The paper provides recommendations on how U.S.-based instructors can make their teaching abroad experiences as productive as possible for students and themselves. Challenges included housing, language, the distracting local environment and a diverse classroom drawn from universities, community colleges and the host institution. Opportunities included numerous guest speakers, fieldtrips and the first hand accounts of local students. This paper serves as a useful primer for readers unfamiliar with study abroad programs, for faculty interested in applying to such programs, or for those already preparing to teach abroad. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the Cumulative General Social Survey (GSS) survey data and find that American confidence in schools declined markedly between 1973 and 2010. Those whose confidence declined the most were white, elderly men. In order to determine if this lost confidence was due to poor student performance, we examined NAEP math and reading scores (1978-2008). We found evidence of strong improvements across students of all ages and racial groups. Finally, we re-estimated the NAEP gains by using two different statistical methods that control for changes in the demographic composition of the American student body. We find that failure to control for these factors causes researchers to underestimate NAEP gains by more than 40%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since A Nation at Risk report was released in 1983, improving the quality of the educational system in the United States has been an issue of high national importance. To address the perceived failure of the American educational system, the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) implemented a combination of high-stakes testing and sanctions for low-performing schools. Twelve years after the passage of NCLB, serious disagreement still exists as to the efficacy and appropriateness of NCLB's sanctions. In this paper, we examine recent data on California schools and find that a) that NCLB sanctions were more likely to be imposed on disproportionately poor, minority schools, yet b) schools facing NCLB sanctions improved more rapidly on standardized tests than did schools that did not face sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines recent state challenges to federal directives, whether regarding health care, education, drivers' licenses, environmental regulation, medicinal marijuana, gun control, abortion, light bulbs, land use, or management of endangered species, with the intent of drawing conclusions about the conditions associated with state success in securing relaxation or repeal of these directives. A review of state success in securing relief through congressional, administrative, and judicial processes from 2009-2011 suggests the benefits of reframing our understanding of the conditions under which states can be successful in challenging federal directives. Rather than viewing one or the other of these institutional processes as superior or inferior to the others in their responsiveness to states concerns, it is more useful to give prominent consideration to the political and policy interests of the federal officials who inhabit these institutions and identify various situations where federal officials' interests align with or are made to align with state officials' interests in reducing fiscal or administrative burdens or reclaiming state policy discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent litigation concerning "educational adequacy" attempts to raise taxes and increase education spending by suing states for under-funding low-performing public schools. This approach, however, ignores the need to increase the efficiency of current spending. It disregards evidence that the U.S. government's monetary investment in public education, despite being significantly higher than that of other industrial democracies, has not translated into improved student achievement. Increased spending may make it easier to avoid tough decisions in funding disputes, but it erodes incentives for districts to be economically savvy and disrupts the democratic process by pursuing policy through the courts, rather than through the legislature. This paper argues that adequacy lawsuits are not an effective avenue for pursuing substantive reform or improved student achievement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though K-12 education policy has become an increasingly salient topic in the United States, few individuals understand the diverse arrangements states have devised to govern America's schools. Describing that variability and then using it to explain student academic success and state policy production is this paper's empirical goal. That focus provides a new test of institutional theories of executive power in policy networks, which predict that more powerful executives in less fragmented networks are likely to produce desirable outputs and outcomes. The results strongly suggest that states perform better when governors are empowered to appoint leaders of state education agencies, but that performance wanes if governors can appoint agency leaders and members of state education boards. The results are more mixed regarding education finances, where fragmentation has inconsistent impacts on student academic success, but does appear to attenuate effective policy production. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides information on the development and implementation of the No Child Left Behind Act in the U.S. Trends behind the history of federalism and intergovernmental relations in the country; Creation of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 for education programs; Significance of standards-based reform to educational policies for the academic achievement of students.

Foundations do not have authority to propose a bill, sign a bill into law, or hand down a court ruling. However, they wield significant power in the education policymaking arena. Here, we investigate the efforts of foundations to influence school choice policy, focusing particularly on efforts in California and New York. According to our findings, foundations that support school choice advocacy - by engaging in it directly or by funding the efforts of others - are particularly active in the policymaking process at the problem definition, agenda-setting, and policy implementation stages. As well as doing much to promote the creation of a public climate that is supportive of education vouchers, foundations have played a crucial role in protecting school choice policy successes. Thus, their efforts to support the charter school movement have helped ensure that, in the space of a decade, charter schools have become an accepted part of the educational landscape, at the local, state, and national levels. At all times, foundations and their allies supporting school choice have had to find ways to pursue their policy goals in the face of fierce opposition from the more established, embedded advocacy coalition representing the traditional public education system. We propose that foundations be viewed as politically-attuned organizations that have considerably more influence in education policymaking than has generally been acknowledged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the study conducted that examines the impact of work of conservative interest groups, policy planning institutes, and the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) on public higher education pronouncements and policy enactments at both the national and state levels. Topics discussed include general implications for the American political system, changing trends of conservative reform of higher education, and collective bargaining and budgeting in higher education.

The article offers information on the state of early childhood education and care (ECEC) in the U.S. It is said that it is necessary to know the role that deeply held beliefs and values play in policy decision making in order to understand the method of ECEC policy provision and policy changes in liberal welfare states.

The article examines the effectiveness of state-level cut scores that operationalize proficiency under No Child Left Behind Act in the U.S. It analyzes whether funding level at the state level brings higher expectations for students. The mathematical targets set by states to identify students in reading and mathematics are highlighted.

A tension between accountability and federalism is a distinguishing feature in educational policy. Accountability favors clear lines of authority and responsibility, while federalism is characterized by multiple and interdependent levels of government. This tension is further complicated by the different forms of accountability. Accountability involves account-giving in which information is presented regarding the actions of an individual or organization to achieve a particular goal. Viewed as a policy design, five key elements constitute an accountability system: goals, actors, accounts, consequences, and venues. Of particular note are different venues - legal, administrative, political, market, professional, network - that provide institutional settings in which accountability policies are constructed. Different accountability designs are possible depending upon the goals identified, actors involved, accounts used, consequences set, and venues employed. The development of accountability systems is assessed through a federalism lens with separate attention to federal, state, and local perspectives. At the federal level, the Not Child Left Behind Act and recent waivers to that act set the stage for accountability. At the state and local level, a review of accountability systems in five states and five school districts supports this assessment. Intergovernmental dialogues will continue as accountability systems evolve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the significant of civic education in sharing knowledge and skills for the people's part in the democracy in the U.S. It states the civic training can be developed by various agents including social groups, religious institutions and labor organizations. It also emphasizes the objectives of civic education for the philosophical level among scholars, political leaders and educators.

The article examines how Americans construct and reconstruct the meaning of educational equality and how, alongside a range of other factors, those meanings shape the educational policymaking process. It focuses on Title IX of the Education Amendment of 1972, a statute that prohibits gender discrimination in education programs or activities receiving federal financial assistance. It also examines how operational definitions of equality emerged in debates over equality reforms in public education.

Debates over sex education policy in the United States between supporters of abstinence-only and comprehensive programs reflect a deeper issue about who takes responsibility for care, when, how, and why. In this article, I explore the question who cares by comparing abstinence-only and comprehensive sex education curricula and build on Joan Tronto's idea of privileged irresponsibility to examine responsibility as a conceptual site where power intersects with care. Three specific claims arise from this analysis that speak to central issues in the public ethic of care. First, I contend that the biological act of sex should be recognized as a basic human need essential to understanding the moral subject and a political community's relationships as fully as possible, a goal of the feminist ethics of care. Second, I identify, what I call, the double burden of moral responsibility as a necessary, though previously unseen, component of privileged irresponsibility that addresses issues of care and equality. Finally, I illustrate how morality functions in the decision-making processes central to deliberative democracy in order to suggest that work on public care attend to this often unseen dimension of politics. Comparing the ideological commitments to responsibility in approaches to sex education policy ultimately reveals the need to move beyond personal and social to collective responsibility to advance institutionalizing care in a way potentially transformative of democratic politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. citizens expect Congress to address key policy issues ranging from health care to education and homeland security. Some critics argue that lawmaking today is mostly a symbolic or rhetorical exercise designed to score political points rather than a genuine collective effort to promote social welfare. Does the American Congress have the institutional capacity and/or political incentive to be an effective problem solver? What political or other factors tend to improve or reduce the quality (along dimensions such as appropriate priority setting, technical soundness and instrumentality) of Congress's legislative product?"That was the assignment posed to me by the organizers of this conference.In addition, the policy areas of housing, education, and criminal justice were specified as ones in which problems might be solved. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This presentation demonstates two agent-based models created in the NetLogo simulation environment to teach basic concepts in an introductory American Government course. The first model, "Factions" helps explain Madsion's argument about how the constitution controls the violence of faction through creation of a large republic with a diverse population. The second model, "The State of Nature" helps students understand Hobbes' concept of the state of nature. Both models are available at http://www.modelingcomplexity.net/apsa/ ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the jurisprudential origins behind the present lack of clarity and consistency in the use of affirmative action policies in higher education. The article also seeks to accomplish four objectives one of which is offering an alternative to the Bakke/Grutter/Gratz doctrine that is said to be consistent with the Court's role in setting reasonable standards in other civil rights policy areas. It also presents a brief history of affirmative action outside higher education in the U.S.

Due to the advocacy and organizing of business elites, governors, and conservative intellectuals, education reform emerged on state-level policy agendas beginning in the late 1970s. Although the movement had strong national backing, the opportunities for major changes in the organization of educational governance were strongly shaped by state-level characteristics, most notably, by state racial demographics. Indeed, as this study demonstrates, states with more diverse populations were at significantly greater risk of adopting a greater proportion of the reform policies examined here. The analysis suggests that race played a much larger role in shaping the actual implementation of reform than was previously realized, and that other oft-cited explanations - such as economic conditions, human capital endowments, and public demand - actually played a very small role in this development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]