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This paper considers the changing views of disasters and the changing views of communities and its manifestation in global disaster management and therapeutic governance of communities. The paper will discuss the shift in Western societies from the optimistic view of human agency in disasters and community responses as stoical and pro-social to a view of human pathology in disasters and community responses as dysfunctional. The last part of the paper will discuss the shifting Western views towards disasters in the developing world. The traditional humanitarian treated emergencies as caused by natural disasters and the community as innocent victims, often represented as the helpless supplicant child, who needed aid. The recipient community in international aid was thereby not culpable, but infantilised. Over the last two decades there has been a shift to approaching emergencies as natural disasters to on-going complex emergencies. The concept merges emergency, development, political and psychosocial analysis and is influenced by social psychological theories. Complex emergencies are attributed to cycles of poverty, trauma and violence. Under the concept, the community becomes problematised and re-conceptualised as victims and perpetrators requiring therapeutic governance to break the vicious cycles of dysfunction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though most social movements form in order to press for significant social change, unequivocal policy success is rare and difficult to achieve. Instead, movements may win incremental victories--increased public attention or media coverage, Congressional hearings, judicial rulings in lower courts--that stop short of the movement's ultimate goals. Drawing on data collected from different anti-death penalty organizations around the United States, this paper investigates how such partial success affects the subsequent level of support and resource endowments of movement organizations. In so doing, this paper contributes to a larger body of work that studies movement outcomes, while reorienting the focus to how movements react to lesser gains. Ultimately, I argue, the impact of small victories is curvilinear: movements initially benefit from incremental advances both in terms of support and income levels. However, continued success produces an eventual tipping point where gains actually contribute to sharp declines in support and resources. Overall, small gains or setbacks in formal institutional arenas--legislatures and courts--have more of an impact than more informal changes in behavior, attitudes, and practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-evaluates arguments that relate states' power to thelikelihood of interstate conflict, by highlighting the conditionaleffect of preferences on the relationship between power and conflictat different levels of hostility. When the level of conflict is low,power disparity is likely to decrease the chances of conflict andthis effect increases when states share similar preferences.However, when states have very divergent preferences, power paritymay not significantly decrease the probability of low levelconflict. This is because low costs of conflict allow states tofollow their preferences. When states make costly decisions of war,however, the distribution of power has an independent impact on waronset. High costs of war make states choose war carefully and paymore attention to the chances of winning. In this case, preferencesmay not have conditional effects on the exercise of power. Thefindings of this paper generally support these arguments. Powerdisparity decreases the chances of both low and high level conflict.Similar preferences between two dyadic states have a pacifyingeffect on low level conflict by conditioning the relationshipbetween power and conflict. Interestingly, when states sharesignificantly dissimilar preferences, preference factor prevails inthe decision of conflict and thus the pacifying effect of powerdisparity disappears. In fact, in this case power disparity promotesthe chances of fighting. In sum, this paper provides an explanationon the inconsistency between theoretical arguments and empiricalfindings in the previous studies of power and conflict, illustratingstrategic importance of power and preferences at different levels ofconflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to summarize our existing understanding of third-party intervention in civil conflicts. For all intents and purposes, it is a literature review. This review serves two aims. On the one hand, it serves a cumulative purpose by demonstrating the work of others and how it has contributed to our understanding of third-party intervention in civil conflicts. On the other hand, it also identifies gaps in our existing understanding concerning patterns of intervention behavior. That is, this literature review serves as a starting point for developing a theoretical explanation of continuity and change in intervention patterns. Most studies treat opportunities for intervention as isolated incidents with little consideration for patterns of behavior. Patterns are typically more obvious over longer timeframes and are often guided by more abstract notions of state interests. In this paper, I assess the explanatory power of existing theories of intervention in explaining the similarities and differences in the pattern of U.S. intervention during the Cold War and that after the end of the Cold War. Although I focus on U.S. intervention patterns in particular, this is only to provide a focal point for further theoretical exploration. Overall, I determine whether or not existing explanations of intervention help us understand change in the U.S. pattern of intervention following the end of the Cold War. I find that although the existing literature is helpful in understanding when states intervene in general, it is wanting as it pertains to explaining change in intervention patterns. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explain how information communication technology, or ICT, can play an effective and tactical role in bridging conflict early warning with early response. The first section of this paper reviews the raison d'être of conventional early warning systems, their underlying methodologies and use of ICTs. The second section traces the trend towards more decentralized approaches to disaster management, suggesting that conflict early warning initiatives take heed of the lessons learned and current applications of ICTs in disasters. The third section identifies the tactics and ICTs used by activist citizens and nonviolent movements to highlight the potential of non-conventional approaches to warning and response. The conclusion ties together the ICT threads from the three sections. In keeping with the theme of the 49th International Studies Association (ISA) Convention of 2008, "Bridging Multiple Divides," this paper seeks to link the lessons learned in conflict early warning, disaster response and nonviolent action to improve on current responses to violent conflict. The three sections that follow thus assess the effectiveness of conventional approaches to conflict early warning; contrast these approaches with those practiced in disaster response; and draw on survival techniques and civilian resistance studies to outline the potential added value that a tactical approach offers vis-à-vis bridging conflict early warning with response. These three sections are themselves framed into three parts: analysis of the systems, critique of the methodologies and review of the ICTs. Since the purpose of this research is first and foremost to assess the role of information communication technologies in early warning, those parts receive priority—albeit within the contexts of the associated systems and their respective methodologies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to exemplify how conflict and cooperation co-exist in transboundary water management. Previously, conflict and cooperation have been treated as independent forms of interaction among actors in transboundary water management, especially states. The underlying assumption was that conflict could give way to peaceful co-operation. However, even during violent confrontation between actors, a form of collaborative action can take place, while peaceful cooperation can hide important tensions and inequities. ‘Securitized’ and ‘desecuritized’ relations between actors in interdependent ‘basin hydro-security complexes’ can exist side by side. This paper therefore proposes that conflict and co-operation co-exist, to form a range of actions actors can take. The Transboundary Waters Interaction Nexus (TWINS) offers a conceptual approach in identifying differing levels of co-existing conflict and cooperation in riparian relations. The advantage of this approach is that the historical development and dynamics of riparian relations can be charted, so that the temporal component of conflict and cooperation which impact on today’s basin relations (the ‘shadow of the past’) is included.The relations in the Orange, Tigris-Euphrates and the Mekong River basins are subjected to a TWINS analysis. The case studies show various dynamisms in basin relationships, which indicate the changes of status quo in management regimes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Initially developed by anthropologists, and still closely associated with anthropological research, ethnography has become an accepted and popular research strategy in many academic fields, including sociology, cultural and political geography, media studies, social psychology and education. Scholars of world politics, however, rarely make use of ethnographic research methods to either generate or interpret research data. Why is this the case? There is no inherent reason why those of us who study world political processes and institutions should avoid using ethnographic methods. On the contrary, the grounded, contextualised data that ethnographic methods can generate, and the detailed understanding of everyday processes and practices they can provide, could make a significant contribution to our understanding of contemporary political processes and phenomena.This paper will outline and examine the case for making greater use of ethnographic research methods to study world political processes and institutions. After outlining the methodological principles and analytical procedures that typically guide ethnographic research, it will explore some of the ways in which ethnographic research and ethnographic methods could contribute to contemporary political research. The paper will argue that ethnographic methods not only offer a way of identifying and illuminating the everyday processes that sustain and are sustained by world political structures and processes, but also of exploring and analysing the connections between everyday practices and large-scale political phenomena. Ethnographic research methods thus merit greater and more serious attention than they conventionally receive. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fighting in internal armed conflicts does not occur arbitrarily across a countries territory. Therefore, this paper addresses the question where fighting takes place in sub-state wars with at least two non-state actors and how we can explain spatial patterns of armed conflict in areas of limited statehood. In order to predict conflict behavior in space, this analysis, first, builds upon the theoretical argument that how actors finance their fighting explains patterns of violence in sub-state wars. Second, the paper uses a new database on violent events in Somalia from 1990-2006 to test the implications of our spatial theory. The findings show that strategic and financially important grids experience the most violent events. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The application of the securitization framework of the 'Copenhagen School' to risk-like security threats clearly discloses the limits of the framework: it basically ignores the higher contestability of such dangers. Therefore it is unable to grasp the political consequences. The processes at the basis of the involved volatility of perceptions can be captured through the introduction of the social psychological concept of 'Socially Shared Reality'. It allows a grasp of the social processes of the intersubjective establishment, maintenance and disappearance of a perceived security issue and to characterize the political effects stemming from these processes. The paper thus makes the case for complementing the so far agency-centred, de-contextualised securitization framework with social processes that exert strong influence on securitization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a sociological and social-psychological framework, this paper examines a case of compliance with conflicting international norms by investigating the foreign policy of liberal democracies towards repressive regimes that are friends, allies or clients. In these cases, the democracy may not be favourably disposed towards sanctions, as the relationship with the Violator (which points to support) acts as a cross-pressure on its role, identity and adherence to human rights norms (which point to sanctions). This social dilemma is not resolved in a vacuum, as the liberal democracy becomes the target of social sanctions by states who act as 'third elements' (Simmel) that seek to compel a change in its foreign policy towards the Violator. These dynamics are explored with the cases of British policy towards South Africa under apartheid (1947-1961, a move from support to sanction of a friend) and American policy towards the Greek colonels (1967-1968, a move from sanction to support of a client and ally). The analysis of declassified primary materials reveals a fluid goal-setting process in which states have relational and social motivations for complying with norms, as inter-state social pressure has a direct impact on the hierarchy of their conflicting relational and material goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When diplomacy was dominated by nobility, diplomatic training, to the extent that it was deemed necessary at all, could be achieved through the reading of Juan de Vera Y Figueroa, Callières or Wicquefort, through a grand tour of the abroad or through practical experience at one or more embassies. As the nobility lost their grip on diplomacy, and foreign services became more professional, formalised training was established in a number of countries around 1900. Such training was obviously intended to make the aspiring diplomats more adept at international interaction, and, partially through direct copying, there are numerous similarities between the schemes in different countries. However, diplomatic training was also intended to make the aspiring diplomats the best possible representatives of their own country. Using the planned and implemented attempts at establishing formalised diplomatic training in Norway between 1870 and 1950 as my case, in this paper I argue that debates over the content of diplomatic training constitutes one key battleground in the ongoing mediation between external socialisation and internal self-realisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to propose an analytical framework for the study of the conditions favouring the internalisation of environmental costs as a recurrent practice integrated in corporations' current accounting practices. We examine this transformation through the history of another accounting transformation, that of amortization. This historical approach allows us to deconstruct environmental accounting and to provide another path to the concept of externalities (and environmental liabilities). We will examine, as the main events marking the route, the representation of the environment in which the conceptualisation of accounting externalities is embedded, the non-accounting valuation models from which the concept of externalities draws its source, the confrontations between contradictory accounting logics that have retarded its implementation, and finally the experimentation sites that have served as pioneers leading to the dissemination of environmental accounting. These sites are more than examples of environmental accounting implementations; they are the basis for the establishment of regulations regarding the internalisation of externalities and the symptoms of the transformation of a corporation as a social institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relational repair is a key concept to understand the maintenance and evolution of close allies' relationships. Close allies - such as some of the founding members of the Atlantic alliance - sometimes go through disputes that are serious enough to endanger their relationships. Because they attach great value to these ties, they have to find a way to overcome their deterioration, i.e., to achieve relational repair. Yet, little scholarly work has been done on the concept of relational repair among close allies after a serious dispute. This paper contributes to filling this gap by showing how relational repair processes are initiated - from the very start of the disputes - through the actions and interactions of the countries concerned. Applying some of the findings of research in sociology and social-psychology on relational repair among individuals, I show how certain actions or communications can be effective in facilitating relational repair processes among close allies during serious disputes. I illustrate these claims through the analysis and comparison of two cases of serious dispute: the Suez crisis of 1956 and the NATO crisis of 1966. Both crises opposed two close allies, France and the United States, and eventually led to relational repair between them, but they differed as to some of the actions that were undertaken by both countries during the dispute. This in turn led to differences in the evolution of the relational repair processes that took place between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars argue that hostland social integration will encourage moderate political attitudes among diasporas. On the other hand, structural integration is thought to affect the opportunity structure of diasporas, but not their political attitudes. In this paper we offer an alternative explanation for the relationship between integration and diaspora attitudes. Our argument, based on findings in social psychology and social work, is that structural integration empowers diasporas to process and contextualize war-related experiences and make sense of daily life, and through the mechanism of a higher sense of coherence, enables them to envision a common future with other groups both in the host and homeland. We find support for our claims in a unique set of survey data collected amoung four diaspora populations in Sweden: structural integration encourages reconciliatory attitudes among diasporas, while social integration does not. Through their transnational engagement, structural integration of diasporas has the potential to encourage lasting peace in their homelands. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the seminal work of Robert Jervis on cognitive biases and constraints of rational decision-making has influenced students' engagement with the psychological aspects of state action. In fact, he is to be credited for firmly anchoring psychology within our reasoning about the (foreign policy) behavior of governments. Yet, the traditional literature on the psychological dimensions of state action suffers from a regrettable limitation: in a methodologically individualist vein it often focuses solely on the cognitive processes that inform state leaders' decision-making, while neglecting interpersonal processes of "meaning-making" that enable such decision-making in the first place. American pragmatism in general and Herbert Blumer's approach of symbolic interactionism in particular can help us to transcend the approaches hitherto prevalent in IR. His emphasis on social-psychological processes allows for a new, intersubjective dimension in the study of proliferation. In applying the theoretical insights of a pragmatist/interactionist-inspired social psychology to the case of nuclear reversal in Switzerland, this paper seeks both to enrich our general understanding of the psychology of proliferation, and to trace the specific, underlying processes of "nuclear opinion-formation". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the literature on human rights and conflicts, from which it derives three primary positive effects of human rights on conflicts through institutional guarantees, recognition of human needs and identity transformation. We criticise the existing literature for failing to theorise the complexity of the relationship between human rights and conflict transformation, and point to potential negative impact. In order to do so, we place the three effects in the context of different forms of human rights (individual political, individual social and collective/group rights). We then put forward a conceptual framework to analyse the effect of human rights that focuses on the invocation of human rights as part of securitising or desecuritising moves within a conflict situation. This leads us to proposing two core hypotheses about the relationship between human rights and conflict, relating to the degree of institutionalisation of rights and the particularity of their invocation by conflict actors. We conclude with a discussion of the conditions that affect the positive or negative impact of human rights on conflict transformation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks what are the factors that prompt individuals to support the initiatives of chauvinistic nationalist leaders? I argue that both the ethnic conflict and nationalist literatures have not given sufficient attention to the individual level factors that would prompt ordinary people to follow nationalist leaders and eventually engage in violence for the sake of their group. But rather, the majority of the research from both the rationalist and ideational traditions have deduced the factors that drive individual and mass behavior from theoretical assumptions and evidence the centers only on the actions and rhetoric of elites. Thus, while scholars have adequately addressed how elites can mobilize mass populations, they have given little attention as to why elites are able to do to so. To address these empirical and theoretical gaps, I develop an approach that builds upon symbolic politics theory and insights from social psychology. I contend that hostile myths and symbols evoke an array of negative emotions that facilitates more rigid thinking and an openness to taking risks, and that individuals support elites who offer an outlet for these emotions because it fulfills basic psychological needs such as having a positive individual and collective sense self-esteem and a feeling of control over the current situation and the future. I test both my modified symbolic politics approach and its rational choice competitor with a laboratory experiment that utilizes 200 undergraduate subjects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relation between geographic settlement patterns of ethnic groupsand conflict has usually been examined in a unidirectional way; manystudies deal with the question of how certain settlement patternspromote conflict. However, the reverse causal direction has beenneglected. My paper addresses the question of the interdependence ofsettlement patterns and conflict, that is, how settlement patternsaffect conflict, and how conflict in turn changes the ethnic map. Istudy the dynamics of group geography and conflict in Bosnia usingdata on ethnic population shares at the municipality level, bothfrom before and after the war. These data are combined withinformation on conflict events from the Armed Conflict Location andEvents Dataset (ACLED). My results lend support to an explanationthat relates conflict to territorial aspirations of ethnic groups.Conflict is more likely in municipalities with a high degree ofinter-ethnic competition. Furthermore, conflict seems to be theprocess that transforms the system into a less competitive one. Ishow that as a result of conflict, the overall territorialcompetition decreases. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social psychology has made noteworthy contributions to the analysis of international conflict in the perceptual and cognitive areas, although the extent of these contributions to explaining causation and escalation is a matter of some debate. Nonetheless, the operation of self-serving biases, selective and distorted perceptions, stereotypes, and mirror images have been implicated in the processes of intense and destructive conflict between identity groups and states. Furthermore, the effects of errors in cognitive attributions, the self-fulfilling prophecy, and various biases induced by the need for cognitive consistency have rendered this a rich area of analysis and application. Finally, heuristics and biases in the processes of social judgement and choice have been implicated in the exacerbation of international conflict. In addition, there are various factors in group functioning (e.g., groupthink) that may reduce the rationality and effectiveness of decision making in stressful situations of conflict. This paper will review some of the theory and research in these areas, while at the same time acknowledging the potential limitations in terms of research methodology and external validity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Psychology has had an increasing influence on constructivist research in recent years. Scholars have utilised a range of insights from the discipline of psychology to develop an emerging research programme focusing on the intersection of these fields. This paper engages with one specific area of psychology, the social identity approach in social psychology. I outline the contributions that can be gained from an enhanced engagement with this perspective. Whilst constructivist utilisation of psychology has largely been of a cognitive nature, often focusing on the individual attributes of leaders, the social identity approach draws together both cognitive and social elements, looking beyond the individual to social group memberships. I aim to demonstrate what this stimulating area of social psychology has to offer constructivist research and on what terms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National borders embody a number of paradoxes: The boundary both separates and joins neighbouring states. The border delimits and defines the state and its territory, yet is located at the periphery. In regions where states are weak, there is a tendency for conflicts of one country to flow over into neighbouring countries and become entangled with conflicts there. This paper explores how the form of such cross-border conflict dynamics relates to the character of the two states in question. This is done through the comparative analysis of flows across Ethiopia’s borders with Eritrea, Somaliland, Somalia and Sudan, respectively. The idea is that the differences between the dynamics across the different borders can to some extent be explained by the differences between the states involved, and the differences in Ethiopian state penetration of its respective borderlands. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars have noted the difficulties of applying insights from the psychology lab to the study of decision making in the real world. Some of these difficulties are knowable deductivelyâ€"for example, real-world decision making commonly takes place under conditions of uncertainty, whereas some of the potentially most powerful discoveries from psychology came to light through the analysis of decision under risk. Other difficulties, however, come to light in the course of conducting field research. Unless we are willing to give up on applied political psychology altogether, it is incumbent upon us to identify problems and workarounds as self-consciously as possible. In this paper I draw upon my experiences researching international crises in various cultural contexts, and using various methods, with the aim of moving closer to identifying “best practices.” ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their search for understanding the implications of being an EU member state yet outside the euro zone, scholars have tuned to the logic of consequentialism, the logic of appropriateness and more recently the logic of arguing. This paper applies the logic of everyday practice to the case of the euro-outsiderness and argues that a euro opt-out represents a stigma, an attribute that is deeply discrediting within a particular social field. Existing research suggests that euro-outsiderness is a relatively stable position, yet, through an in-depth case study of the United Kingdom and Denmark, I suggest that euro-outsiderness is constantly reconstructured. Two mechanisms are at play: the imposition of stigma by the insiders and the active reactions against these processes by the euro-outsiders through sophisticated strategies. While the UK officials turn their stigma into an emblem and engage in missionary battles, Danish representatives identify with the in-group and seek to conceal their euro-outsiderness. These stigma management strategies have often proven successful in the past, but the enlargement of the Eurogroup and the continued stigmatisation of euro-outsiders will make life increasingly difficult for the British and Danish representatives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studying the nature of trauma and how it affects individuals, societies, and groups is a complex and challenging undertaking. The majority of research on trauma comes from a psychological approach, although scholars in sociology, social psychology, and anthropology have also begun to explore the issue. In the this paper the author briefly explores the sources and dynamics of trauma as according to several social science disciplines. Then he focuses on the need for conflict resolution theorists and practitioners to address trauma related issues in their work. All too often, conflict resolvers working in deep-rooted conflicts, fail to recognize the severity of trauma that many parties have suffered in the hopes of negotiating a solution to a conflict or rushing to undertake reconciliation. This failure to adequately acknowledge the suffering that parties experience and the effect it has on populations can lead to future conflicts and continued suffering. Moreover the author examines how conflict resolution practitioners can be affected by burnout and secondary trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies social-psychological theories of opinion formation to international norm dissemination by testing several hypotheses as they apply to the ECHR’s influence on British public opinion. The key finding is that while policy elites and policy professionals are more likely to be influenced if they are engaged in European affairs, the same logic shows that the public at large is insensitive to the Court’s influence. Methods include historical analysis, small-sample surveys and large-sample experimental designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that non-elite popular sentiment?often referred to as ?hearts and minds??is central to understanding ethno-religious nationalist movements in India and Kashmir. The emphasis is on ?critical events? in the history of the two movements which illustrate the centrality of mass, popular, non-elite agency. It argues also that standard constructivist understandings, especially those emphasizing ?discourse? as cause of politicization and mass mobilization do not satisfactorily explain the resonance, effectiveness and demand for ethno-religious and nationalist rhetoric. Finally, a qualified hypothesis is put forward that non-elite agency in ethno-religious nationalist movements in South Asia is consistent with theory developed in the field of social psychology, especially ingrouping theory, and that that work can constructively inform the political science of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poliheuristic Theory (PH) has received considerable attention in recent years appearing in leading journals such as the APSR, JCR, ISQ, Political Psychology and several books. This paper extends Poliheuristic Theory to model strategic interactions in IR by employing game theoretic approaches such as Prisoners’ dilemma. A case study of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations illustrates the theory and Poliheuristic equilibria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allies disagree with each other and do not see eye to eye on every matter. Conflict among allies may be due to multiple factors; political leadership is among the most important. In the Middle East, and broadly in the Muslim world, one of the steadfast allies of the United States is Turkey -a NATO member. Yet, this alliance too suffers from some serious setbacks -for instance, lack of cooperation in the 2003 Iraq war. At such times, journalists and scholars alike often comment about Turkey turning away from the West and question the "(mildly) Islamists" in power. This paper places such debates into a historical context and investigates if there is indeed any difference between the "Islamist" and "secular" leadership of Turkey since 1991. I correlate Turkey's foreign policy behavior with operational codes of its prime ministers. Two automated content analysis programs, TABARI and Profiler Plus, generate the data. TABARI generates event data from newswire stories to assess Turkey's foreign policy behavior, and Profiler Plus analyzes speeches, interviews of political leaders to profile their operational codes and personality traits. Further analysis is expected to reveal the patterns in interactions between these two states and how leaders' beliefs affect variation in cooperative and conflictual events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the external and domestic determinants of Foreign Policy? How do they combine to procure or impede conflict resolution? Which is more salient? In this paper I argue that domestic considerations are paramount, and Social Psychology and cognitive approaches to domestic choices and the interaction between masses and elites best explain the sources and constraints of foreign policy.Looking at conflict cases as diverse as India-Pakistan or the Arab-Israeli conflict, one notices that Realist explanations alone fail to explain outcomes and variations. Instead, this paper proposes a composite Liberal-Constructivist theory of International Relations perspective that considers domestic preference formation and variation, and the social-psychological dynamics behind them, for a more comprehensive understanding of foreign policy formulation between states.Taking as an in-depth case study the crisis between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in the 1990’s, the paper investigates and analyzes the external and domestic sources of Greek and Macedonian Foreign Policies. It discusses and applies Realist, Constructivist and Liberal theories of foreign policy to the facts of the period examined, emphasizing ideational domestic sources influencing decision-making both for the Greek and Macedonian governments. Further, to explain the initially intransigent Greek position-and its temporal variation-the study employs a social psychology theory developed by Tajfel emphasizing group status importance. To build this case, it also looks at a variety of sources from Petersen’s work on Emotions to Kahneman’s psychological approaches to choice in Behavioral Economics, to the latest literature on Liberal and Constructivist theories of Foreign Policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will provide an overview and analysis of the social psychology of small groups as applied to the mediation of international conflict. The paper begins with a case study of the July 2000 Camp David mediation conducted by US president Bill Clinton and follow-up talks at Taba, where the problems included the following: “On the Palestinian side, a fragmented leadership was consumed by brutal internal struggle over succession. Rarely was there an integrated Palestinian position. Sometimes more than one Palestinian claimed to have the authority to negotiate. It was a messy collective paralysis” (Israeli negotiator Gidi Grinstein, 2001). Such reports indicate that group structure can impact within-group conflict, that motives in the group such as the desire to gain status in the group â€" all group factors about the structure of groups, can impact the ability of groups to reach agreements with other groups (Carnevale, 2005). Recent social psychological research asks the question, How does within-group process affect between-group negotiation? The central proposition is that intragroup processes can affect intergroup negotiation and that there are reciprocal impacts of intergroup negotiation on intragroup processes (Ledgerwood, Liviatan, & Carnevale, 2007). An implication of this is that mediators and other dispute resolvers should attend to the within-group processes of negotiation groups as much as what happens in the between-group negotiation. This presentation will evaluate the empirical record on this proposition, and comment on the limitations and deficiencies of social psychological research with a particular focus on the methods (cf. Carnevale & De Dreu, 2006). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests existing explanations for ethnic violence in the Indian context at the micro-level. In particular, it explores the dynamics of violence across neighborhoods in a small set of Indian cities. Three tentative conclusions emerge from the paper, which combines survey data with computational modeling. First, cities in India are not inherently peaceful or violent, and the incidence of ethnic violence varies?often systematically?across neighborhoods within cities. Second, the likelihood of violence increases as we move from high- to low-income neighborhoods, with violence most frequently being restricted to the latter. Thus, as median neighborhood income increases, violence is likely to decrease, with the caveat that individual income is likely to be a poorer predictor of violence than aggregate neighborhood level income. Third, the probability of violence at the neighborhood level is likely to vary with the degree of residential segregation. As such, Hindu's living in Muslim dominated neighborhoods are likely to be the more intolerant and these neighborhoods to be the more tense and prone to interethnic violence. Thus, when a neighborhood does not reflect the ethnic balance of the city, it is more likely to be violence-prone. In keeping with this logic, Hindu dominated areas with Muslim pockets will not face a similar likelihood of ethnic violence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the emergence and development of transnational feminist networks have been well documented by feminist scholars (Friedman 1995, Keck and Sikkink 1998, Moghadam 2005), these phenomena have received surprisingly little attention from scholars of social movements. In particular, systematic explanations of feminist political strategies and the outcomes of their efforts are sorely lacking. This paper represents part of a larger project seeking to address this gap by examining the efficacy of various discursive strategies of transnational feminist networks in the post-Beijing era.Drawing on the framing perspective in social movements, I consider 1) the degree to which two very different master frames (Snow and Benford 1992), anti-fundamentalism and women's human rights, promote cross-cultural, cross-issue collaboration among feminist and women's activists, and 2) the political and organizational circumstances under which they do so. In comparing these discursive strategies, I rely largely on a content analysis of organizational materials such as newsletters, position papers, press releases, action alerts, meeting minutes, and scholarly articles from 1995-2005. I conclude with remarks on how such an analysis might inform both the strategic discursive choices of transnational feminists and the developing theories of framing processes in social movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forged through the fires of two world wars, the League of Nations was reborn in 1945 as the United Nations (UN). The preamble gave the new international organization a clear vision: "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow (…)." Article 1 of the Charter requires the organization "to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace." In sum, the spirit of prevention was pronounced at the very genesis of the UN. Still, some sixty years on the organization is struggling to fulfill the vision that brought it to life. One of the first milestones for conflict prevention was The Agenda for Peace in 1992, which presented concrete recommendations to reform the UN into a more proactive body for preventing the escalation of violent conflict. Fourteen years after the first milestone, the UN continues to struggle with this challenge although recent reform efforts continue to highlight the potential of the UN as a multilateral forum for prevention. The numerous proposals for reform within the UN demonstrate both the need for and the challenge of acting preventively. This paper asks whether the UN can systematically act preventively. To this end, we examine the UN's capacity to produce accurate early warning and the capacity of these early warnings to feed into decision-making structures that are expected to take preventive measures. We suggest that systematic early warning within the UN has been ineffective because it has not managed to navigate the UN's decision-making processes. Can early warning systems be retuned to more closely sound out the politics of decision-making structures? Can such systems be geared towards the UN's early response structures? There are invariably two answers to this question: yes and no. In the case of the latter, early warning systems tend to translate what is substantially a political problem into technical studies driven by some hubris and coupled with the UN's normative ideals, raising unrealistic expectations. These early warning systems are generally developed by academics largely removed from the decision-making processes of the UN. They myopically assume a UN run by technocrats. This may explain why "early warning systems of various colors and flavors have been proffered to decision makers for over twenty years […] yet their impact on the decision-making process has been somewhere between miniscule and nonexistent." Is the quest for more sophisticated UN early warning systems no more than quixotic academic reverie? There is no question that current early warning systems leave much to be desired in terms of basic methodological design but the purpose of this article is to argue that these systems can be rethought to foster greater accountability and advocacy for early response. This important shift does require that we step out of our conventional mode of thinking about early warning.This paper asks whether the configuration and functioning of bureaucratic decision-making structures can explain why early warning does not lead to early action. Is early and preventive action against the nature of how decisions are made in bureaucracies? Do the moral demands for action fall on deaf ears when unaccompanied by pressures that push decision-makers to make difficult but necessary decisions? Early warning inevitably calls on decision-makers to make choices about the allocation of limited resources. The decision-maker addresses a potential political problem such as armed conflict first and foremost as a technical or logistical problem. This necessarily distracts their attention from the political nature of the problem, which is more difficult to address... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global anti-globalization (or social justice) movement presents an extraordinary challenge for mobilization. First is the problem of discovering (or constructing) a common interest among highly disparate groups of opposition to "globalization," by no means an obvious matter. Second is the problem of cooperating in pursuit of that interest when there is an overwhelming temptation to free ride on the efforts of others. And third, is the problem of coordinating a coherent collective action. This paper argues for a central role for narrative in the formation of the movement. It argues, first, that theories of social movements based on rational choice and institutional behavior, while helpful, are insufficient for solving the puzzle posed by the anti-globalization movement and, that understanding the movement requires recognizing the way in which a globalization narrative served to construct a common interest in opposing it and engage individuals in a social drama of opposition. The theory of social movement developed in the paper draws on literatures in social movement theory, theories of collective action, cognitive psychology, narrative theory, and others. Empirical evidence is drawn from primary documents of the movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the literature on global civil society assume that progressive movement(s) need(s) to be fixed into commonly agreed upon interests and strategies that make up a stable identity of the movement as a whole. Often, these movements rely upon taken-for-granted speech acts whereby interests and desires are articulated through language, vocal language. By reducing our senses to rational speech acts, we undermine the progressive potential of other forms of sensory language. For this reason, I attempt to provide a polemical reading on the potential of silence(s) as moments and sites of agency. Thus, this paper goes beyond mainstream literature on social movements, and attempts to (re)locate potential for agency within the silent word. The written word becomes that "knowledge [which] is not made for understanding; it is made for cutting,"a space for one own, on paper, on walls, where none existed before. Included in the paper will be a brief analytical section on the problematics of social movements in relying on vocal speech acts as sites of agency. Thereafter, I begin from the premise that useful theoretical frameworks can be drawn from literary works themselves, particularly the ways in which silence manifests itself as a mode of political resistance. This paper will look at how two strangers in two separate novels create spaces of their own by narrating a reading of resistance that resist dominant structures of speech acts. Moments of silence are indeed vague, but they come with potential for something surprising and unexpected by offering possibilities for agency, even within global movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses from a modern systems theoretical perspective political discourses of conflict and cooperation in the Middle East. The specific regional focus of the paper are the Mashreq countries (Jordan, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon) and Israel in the period 1991-2005. The paper argues that the constructivist perspective of modern systems theory is particularly well suited to study both conflict and cooperation structures in the Middle East, thereby overcoming some of the shortcomings of more rationalist approaches which tend to conceptualise the Middle East as a regional ?container of conflict?. In contrast to such arguments, the paper argues that in spite of the prominence of political conflicts on the interstate and intrastate levels, the Middle Eastern region is also characterised by formal and informal structures of cooperation that limit the overall societal reach of conflict. By combining IR-approaches on ?regional security complexes? with insights from modern systems theory, the paper looks in particular at the relationship between collective identity constructions in the Middle East, on the one hand, and regional conflict and cooperation structures, on the other. The first part of the paper takes a closer look at the processes of collective identity constructions in the aforementioned countries. On this basis, it proposes a model of Self/Other distinctions that allows to conceptualise both conflictive and cooperative identity relations in the region. The second part of the paper then relates these discourses of identity to the regional structures of conflict and cooperation. Here, the paper is particularly interested in how these patterns of identity relations shape concrete political structures in the Middle East. It hence addresses in particular the role of political, military, religious, media and economic structures. The paper argues that the ubiquitous structures of conflict in the Middle East are balanced by manifold, but often more informal structures of cooperation that limit the overall societal reach of conflict. Such an argument questions the usefulness of conceptualising the Middle East primarily in terms of ?conflict? without an adequate analysis of discourses and structures of cooperation. Moreover, these arguments challenge all those approaches that assume a distinct conflict-inclination of societies and cultures in the Middle East. Rejecting these approaches, the final section of this paper hence puts the study of conflict and cooperation patterns in the Middle East into a world societal perspective. It argues that such a focus on structural developments in world society ? such as functional differentiation, inclusion/exclusion, (de-)bordering ? is better suited to describe patterns of conflict and cooperation in the Middle East, than rationalist, actor-centred or area-specific foci on this region. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When discussing water as a component in conflict, most researchers have concentrated on international issues such as river basin management, fishing rights etc. Many observers have recently remarked that the risk of water-related conflict is inversely related to scale; the smaller the setting, the greater the likelihood of conflict. As in the case of international conflict, it is unclear whether water per se is the source of intra-state conflict, or whether conflict results from the way water is managed, politically and economically. Lack of freshwater can be an element in conflicts with water components, particularly if the social system is unable to handle the distributional issues. The paper discusses intra-state conflicts with water components and proposes a categorisation. Local conflicts, related to water, are for example water-usage conflicts between pastoralists and agriculturalists and/or between different ethnic communities, conflicts involving different parties (water companies, communities, water vendors etc.) in service delivery, urban and peri-urban conflicts between communities over water access and usage etc. Intra-state conflicts with water components are most certainly underreported and there is a lack of data. Because of their low intensity they are not included in data gathering and do not figure in conflict databases. Conflicts are common in relation to water interventions, often in connection to large infrastructure projects such as dams and city water delivery and management. The paper identifies areas for further research and discusses whether this type of conflicts could be incorporated in existing conflict datasets. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As constructivists and other advocates of constitutive theories have often noted, the natural world is very different from the social one. Our ideas about the social world not only reflect that world, but help shape and create it; we are part of the reality we try to describe and explain, not external to it, and we therefore have the potential to alter the reality a theory is merely intended to describe or explain. Our theories about the social world may thus become self-fulfilling prophecies or autogenetic in character. And yet while constructivists often make this point in epistemological debate, there have been relatively few attempts so far to address its empirical implications. With that objective in mind, this paper examines three prominent IR theories – the democratic peace theory, the interdependence equals peace thesis and the ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis – arguing that each has a self-fulfilling character rather than being true or false in any objective or timeless sense; each is, to paraphrase the now time-honored expression, what the relevant actors make of it. The paper also probes the processes by which theories become self-generating, stressing the role of opinion entrepreneurs in fashioning explanatory and predictive theories which become popularized – usually because they seem to fit the nature of the times in some way - so that people begin to believe that a theory explains reality in a naturalistic sense and that its predictions are therefore bound to hold. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cuban missile crisis in 1962 was one of the most serious crises in the Cold War, and had been on verge of a nuclear war. The Kennedy administration finally selected quarantine (i.e. blockade of Cuba) policy out of six options and succeeded in avoiding the escalation of the crisis. This paper aims to explicate the reason why a quarantine policy had been chosen by the administration. For this purpose, this paper uses a multi-agent simulation as methodology, and a social psychology theory is employed to model the simulation.When the crisis occurred, the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (ExCom) was convened to manage the crisis. In the paper, we model the process of decision-making among members in ExCom. For modeling the members, the ?social comparison/ cultural value? theory is used. The theory is one of the most persuasive theories in social psychology and has explained group polarization phenomena. The core assertion of the theory is that when people have to decide their opinions, their views tend to shift toward one which is based on the values shared by a majority through a group discussion and self-comparison. The simulation is designed to allow the virtual ExCom members to change their views dynamically through their discussion.One interesting result of the simulation is that although quarantine was chosen in the actual crisis, air strike which is riskier for the administration, as well as quarantine, is also chosen in the simulation. This paper also analyses what could have happened if situations in ExCom had been different: what different history could have occurred if a stubborn pacifist or a strong war advocator were included in ExCom is investigated. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed paper will critically analyse the securitisation theory of the Copenhagen School and examine how their thoughts may be applied to the internationalisation of threat images. The Copenhagen School has come up with the idea of understanding security as a result of speech acts through which perceived problems become a national security threat. In the original articulation of the Copenhagen School securitisation theory has neither explicitly taken into account the role of images nor the internationalisation of securitisations. Instead the concept of securitisation is primarily conceived of in linguistic terms, referring to concepts such as speakers, speech acts or grammars, and on processes of evolution, i.e. processes of how a threat takes on societal salience. This paper will argue that the current understanding of securitisation theory needs further elaboration and modification. First, the Copenhagen School has underestimated the power of agents to define meaning and the influence of intersubjective context in which speech acts are situated. By concentrating only on the speech acts themselves the Copenhagen School has put too much weight on the mere linguistic act of securitisation. Second, the current concept of securitisation refers to processes within social systems, be they national, regional or global. As a result it does not provide a framework for processes of internationalisation, i.e. processes between social systems. Based on a critique of the current articulation of securitisation theory the paper will propose a more embedded understanding which elaborates the idea of securitisation as a situated social process of producing meaning. Such a more embedded understanding will then be applied to the internationalisation of threat images. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policy puzzle for this project focuses on the rhetorical basis for the engagement policy toward China and the strategies employed by recent administrations to maintain their policy against political opposition. Since Tiananmen Square and the end of the Cold War, the engagement policy debate has become more polarized and the dominant engagement frame has been challenged by more negative interpretations of Chinese intentions. This policy situation raises three important conceptual questions. Why do particular policy frames (like engagement) become dominant and how are they maintained over time? Under what conditions do dominant policy frames become vulnerable to new arguments that require a reframing of the policy issue? What effect does the either-or dichotomy that dominates discussion over Sino-American relations have on an administration’s ability to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy? This paper draws on literature in issue framing from studies in social psychology, public opinion, the media, social movements, and foreign policy to address these questions. The premise underlying this study is that policy framing entails a three-level game, rather than just a two-level game. First there is a game among advisors who work to influence the president’s policy agenda and policy decisions. Second, administrations work to balance international policymaking to domestic political realities. This paper is part of a larger project focusing on the impact strategic framing has on foreign policymaking context in the Nixon/Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush I, Clinton, and Bush II administrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of foreign policy has been dominated by structural approaches, such as neorealism, liberal institutioinalism, and constructivism. This paper attempts to challenge the hegemony of structural theories in the area of foreign policy by developing an agentic approach. An agentic approach will start from how agents (states and non-state actors) seek to interprete and even transform structural variables in the first place. In constrast to the tendency of structural determinism (implicit or explicit) in structural approaches, an agentic approach puts emphasis on the ability of agents to transform the dynamics of international politics. This paper will draw on the philosophy of mind and action, social psychology, and social theory to develop a theory of agency; and in so doing it will contribute to our knowledge of international politics in general as well as foreign policy in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1990s, Islamic activists have been active in promoting a series of initiatives and institutions known as the ?dialogue of civilizations.? This agenda was initiated by the former Iranian President Muhammad Khatami and subsequently promoted by faith-based movements like Gülen Movement, and organizations like the Organization of Islamic Conference. This (agenda of) dialogue provides an excellent opportunity to study ?Islamic norm entrepreneurs? and their strategies. This chapter argues that the discourse of the dialogue of civilizations is a response to the discourses of the end of history, the clash of civilizations, and the rejection of the West by the Muslim fundamentalist. Islamist activists adopt dichotomous frames for promoting their agenda: when interacting with non-Muslims, they appeal to the ?dialogue of civilizations? and ?interfaith dialogue? for mutual understanding, coexistence, and peaceful solutions to conflicts to argue for dialogue in international society. Among Muslims, however, they appeal to (the) dawa, the propagation of Islam, to justify their dialogue-related activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few, if any, studies have considered the potential of deliberative democratic processes in societies emerging from violent civil conflict, though the application of the model of deliberative democracy to less severe cases of divided societies has found resonance with a range of theorists. Merging basic insights of deliberative democratic theory with observations in post-conflict societies and social psychology of conflict, I advance a model of post-conflict deliberation as follows. Despite little attention to post-conflict deliberative processes in the literature, these processes are not just possible or normatively desirable, but vital to post-conflict transformation. The post-conflict context, while far from the deliberative democratic ideal, provides windows of opportunity for initiation of deliberation on the most difficult dividing issues - a necessity if post-conflict societies are to transform the deadlocks of civil conflict. The post-conflict context, on the one hand, entails enduring civil violence. Hence, deliberation in this context cannot conform to the ideal deliberative conditions of inclusion, equality, and reasonableness. On the other hand, however, this context pressures the parties to find functional solutions to problems underlying and arising from violent civil conflict, which is highly difficult to achieve if deliberative conditions are not created. The initial task, therefore, is to locate entry points that would provide a platform for deliberation in post-conflict societies. Such entry points are most likely to be found in areas where the parties have had cooperative experience in the past and require cooperative work to derive indispensable mutual benefits. When these conditions are met and the parties are safe and able to talk sincerely, deliberation can be expected to tend towards the ideal and facilitate post-conflict transformation. I illustrate my argument with contrasting cases in the Georgia-Abkhazia post-conflict environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]