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Most of the economies of the developing world are now in the process of restructuring in the direction of free market and liberalization with an overall aim at developing outward looking internationally competitive economies, with negative social consequences. India had adopted the New Economic Policy in 1991 in the wake of the debt crisis, as an essential part of the Structural Adjustment Policy urged by the IMF and the World Bank. It was believed that this would make India overcome its foreign exchange deficits, encourage foreign investments and strengthen the balance of payments. The present paper looks at the women in the agricultural sector in India to show that there is a lot of difference between the global rhetoric and the local reality. The paper show that the contemporary process of globalization with emphasis on technical change in agriculture associated with higher capital intensity, greater mechanization of production and post harvest operations, the development of crop and livestock with varied characteristics geared to the requirement of commercial commodity production has been accompanied by changes which women experience in unique ways. These include the loss of knowledge, skills and production contributions. Due to the existing difference between women and men's access to knowledge, skills, responsibilities and concerns and control over resources they are affected widely by the global process. Since women in the informal sector have none they continue to bear the brunt of gender and class inequalities, experience increasing marginalization and pauperization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we propose a theory of emerging powers and apply it to the case of IBSA, a forum of cooperation established in 2004 by India, Brazil and South Africa. We contend that emerging power is a strategic identity that derives from the inability of a hegemon or of a group of core powers to effectively impose their preferred order to the world. That inability creates a strategic position that a small number of countries can fulfill. Fulfillment of that position depends on their ability to contribute significantly to the establishment of a “minimum governance coalition.” The significance of that contribution, in turn, depends on the legitimacy they bring to global governance, the veto power they hold in the functioning of formal or informal governance mechanisms, and the regional balancing power that they bring to the resource mix on which global governance relies.We show that IBSA is a coalition of emerging powers trying to monopolize developing countries access to global governance; and 2) that their internal differences matter less to their alliance than the contribution that they make to each others’ claim to membership in the global governance club. The article is divided in two sections. The first one presents the model. The second proposes an explanation of IBSA’s emergence and of its relative success in terms of that model. This application is not a test but an illustration of the mechanics of emerging power emergence and participation in global governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes trade reform possible in a traditionally closed economy? Economic reform and structural adjustment have been global movements for more than a decade by now, yet trade reform remains one of the most difficult arenas of policy change in many developing countries. The distributional politics of trade, and the rise of protectionist pressures in the advanced countries of the world, have contributed to a backlash against serious trade reform in many countries. Despite countervailing pressures in favor of rising protectionism, India's trade regime has undergone serious reform in the last decade, encompassing policy changes, outcomes, and institutional changes. During these years a party espousing economic nationalism and fear of the open economy has ruled the country. This empirical puzzle forms the starting point of this paper. I ask: how has trade reform been consolidated in a traditionally closed economy like India? I argue that crucial domestic societal changes are a necessary precondition for changes in state's attitudes; yet, external forces may change the preferences of domestic forces, as well as change the balance of power among interest groups. These, new coalitions in favor of greater global integration, come into contact with a activated state; these intra-group/intra-class factors combine with state-class transformations to effect change in trade orientation and reform turning toward a global openness. This paper, thus, highlights important mechanisms through which global trade integration and institutions shaped the domestic politics of trade. The international trade institutions not only constrain behavior of domestic actors, but also constitute interests and identities of key domestic actors. Moreover, participation in global trade negotiations changes the preferences of some producers, and strengthens the hands of recently created, externally oriented, domestic producers by bringing them closer to the national-state actors and by encouraging collaborative strategies between business and state actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the high cost of medical care at home, western patients are increasingly going to developing countries for medical care. The sale of high-tech medical care to foreigners is currently a reality in numerous developing countries and has come to be called medical tourism. It is an economic activity that entails trade in services and represents the splicing of two of the largest world industries: medicine and tourism. This paper focuses on the growth implications of medical tourism in ten countries that are actively catering to international patients (including India, Philippines, Thailand, South Africa, Costa Rica, Malaysia, Chile, Cuba, Argentina and Jordan). It starts off by assessing the size of the medical tourism phenomenon in these countries by compiling data on the numbers of foreign patients and the income they generate.There are two objective of this study. First, it aims to understand how revenue from international patients translates into output, jobs, income, etc. in the host countries. Second, this study strives to understand why some developing countries are more successful in promoting medical tourism than others. In other words, what are the advantages they possess that enable them to overcome domestic and international obstacles to trade in healthcare services.By way of conclusion, this paper will present the following reasons why Malaysia, for example, attracts foreign patients while Mauritania does not: competitive prices for high-tech medical services, abundant human capital, domestic research and development, developed physical infrastructure, developed legal and political institutions and a market economy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How states behave in the context of a negotiation can best be understood within a domestic-international framework such as two-level game which focuses on international and domestic-level inputs simultaneously and attempts to understand the strategic interaction between them. However, the literature on two-level games, with some exceptions, focuses primarily on bilateral negotiations between developed states. Studying developing country responses in the context of multilateral negotiations requires us to both modify certain assumptions and question some of the conclusions. The existing literature looks at cases where the negotiations are initiated by the executives of states engaged in the negotiations and thus assumes that at least at the agenda-setting phase, the executive has substantial autonomy. This paper, which compares the processes through which India?s negotiating agenda on agriculture and services were arrived at, focuses on negotiations, which were not initiated by the Indian executive but were mandated by the WTO. The very fact that the executive is responding to an international regime stirs up domestic political actors, including but not restricted to specific interest groups whose interests may be affected. India?s negotiating agenda in the two sectors were thus shaped simultaneously by international political and economic factors as well as domestic politics within India. Contrary to the literature?s finding that the executives prefer not to tie their hands, the Indian government made an explicit attempt to involve relevant stakeholders. The paper analyzes how such domestic-international interactions and the executive?s attempt at involving stakeholders have shaped India?s negotiating response and in process, suggests modifications in the two-level game framework. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An exploration of development?s contradictions lends a new understanding for economic reforms in the developing world. The paper contextualizes development strategies from the post-colonial era up to the present experiment with neoliberal reforms, drawing on the experiences of India, Indonesia, and Peru to demonstrate a continuum in the developing world. Over the last fifty or so years, access to capital for the developing world necessarily means accepting the accompanying development strategy. The paper will explore three significant periods, import substitution, export-oriented growth and now free market reforms, in tandem with the market trends of the lending states. This study reveals, vis-à-vis primary materials and empirical studies, aid is a misnomer. Aid of the last fifty years to the developing world has almost exclusively been in the form of loans and investments. This translates into interest and dividends for those with capital and aid, help, really aids both parties. However, with capital also comes policy and the borrowing state must simultaneously enact reforms that give foreign capital awesome domestic independence. Thus power in the context of capital and policy, the state and the non-state actor, is explored over the last half-century as it is power that explains the connections that lie in the three periods of development covered. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the efforts of developing nations to gain access to the economic, security, and political benefits of space. The analysis in this paper compares the efforts of several developing nations and identifies the extent to which developing nations have been successful in gaining access to the many benefits of space. In measuring ?success? the analysis focuses on whether developing countries individually and/or collectively have been able to develop space capabilities and thus the essential elements of national ?space power.? Particular attention is given to the cases of India, Brazil, and China. However, attention is also given to the efforts of several other developing nations in regions such as Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. The paper concludes by identifying several common factors that have constrained the respective efforts of developing nations and ensured that they have remained dependent upon the space capabilities and assistance of more developed nations. This dependency undercuts the ability of these aspiring space powers to improve their respective positions vis-à-vis the more developed nations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federal democracies in the developing world?despite important differences in executive-legislative organization, party systems, and other institutions?may experience similar challenges to centrally-initiated programs of structural economic reform. Regional governments, facing electorates of their own, can reap political benefits from pursuing profligate fiscal policies, while shifting the economic costs of persistent deficit spending to the country as a whole. Central leaders, dependent on regional party-mates and coalition partners for political support, may lack the ability to impose the sub-national reforms needed to consolidate macroeconomic liberalization.In recent years, central leaders in several federal developing countries have consented to allow the World Bank to engage directly with regional governments?effectively thrusting external conditionality downward in hopes that the Bank would impose harder constraints on regional budgets. This paper investigates policy-based lending by the World Bank to sub-national state governments in India and Brazil, the first countries where it implemented such an approach beginning in the mid-1990s. Utilizing data from official interviews and primary document analysis, the paper shows that central authorities in both countries envisioned Bank conditionality as a ?two-level game? strategy for triggering reforms in the states: that is, the Bank?s conditions represented courses of action that the central authorities wanted the states to take anyway, but could not enforce on their own. While the paper argues that the two countries? reasons for authorizing sub-national adjustment lending are essentially analogous, it also shows that there have been important differences in implementation of the approach, which follow both from institutional variations in Indian and Brazilian federalism and from specific tactical decisions by the Bank in both cases. In the Brazilian case, the Bank?s state loans were soon rendered marginal and redundant by broader state debt negotiations and the passage of fiscal responsibility laws, and have receded to a small share of the Bank?s overall lending to the country. In India, state-lending became more fully articulated through two successive coalition governments at the center, and may be helping to catalyze a nascent shift to a more performance-based federal resource allocation regime. Ultimately, the analysis shows that while international institutions can shape sub-national economic governance in significant ways, in at least two of the most important countries in the developing world, such influence is still mediated through institutions of the national state. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American hegemony has passed its peak. The twenty-first century will see a more multi-polar international system. Yet Western European countries may not be the United States' main foils in decades to come. Four new poles of the international system are now widely known in the business and financial press as the "BRICs economies" (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Does the concept of "the BRICs" have meaning within a rigorous political science framing? From the perspective of an economic liberal employing neoclassical assumptions to understand the world economy, the category's justification is surprisingly weak. In contrast, a political or economic realist's framing instructs us to focus on states that are increasing their relative material capabilities—as each of the four is. Finally, within a liberal institutionalist's mental model, the BRICs countries are a compelling set, yet one with a deep cleavage between two sub-groups: large emerging powers likely to remain authoritarian or revert to that state, and those that are securely democratic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]