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After disarming and demobilizing, why do some ex-combatants re-engage in organized violence, while others do not? Even though former fighters have been identified as a major source of insecurity in post-civil war societies due to their military know-how, there have been few efforts to systematically examine this puzzle. This paper fills this research gap by comparing the presence or absence of organized violence in different ex-combatant communities - all the former fighters that used to belong to the same armed faction and who share a common, horizontal identity based on shared war- and peacetime experiences. It does so by analyzing six ex-combatant communities in two countries: ex-Cobra, Cocoye and Ninja in the Republic of Congo and ex-AFRC, CDF and RUF in Sierra Leone. Contrary to assumptions found in the literature on disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating (DDR) ex-combatants, this paper finds that factors such as the availability of small arms and lack of economic opportunities or personal security have little explanatory value in themselves. Instead, ex-combatant violence is rather the result of interaction between entrepreneurs of violence, relationships and intermediaries. It argues, more specifically, that former fighters only take to arms when they have access to entrepreneurs of violence - political, military, religious or business elites who have the will, capacity and ability to coordinate organized violence in a post-conflict setting. By utilizing relationships based on selective incentives and social networks, these actors can generate the enticements and feelings of affinity or trust, needed to convince ex-combatants to resort to arms. However, as entrepreneurs have limited contact with former fighters, they are dependent on the services of intermediaries - such as former mid-level commanders - to do the actual recruitment for them. These findings demonstrate that the hybrid character of many peace processes is a major source of ex-combatant violence; by failing to fully dismantle post-war structures peacemakers provide spoiling elites with the capacity to sponsor new violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the security-development nexus is portrayed as ?obvious? by national governments (e.g., UK, France, Canada) as well as in the discourses of international organizations (e.g., UN, OECD-DAC) and regional organizations (e.g., EU) and by a minority of researchers, the majority of scholars highlight the ambiguity of the security-development nexus as it is subject to multiple interpretations. These deductions raise the following concern: why is the security-development nexus described as ?obvious? in official political discourse(s) when the great majority of scholars emphasize the ambiguity of the security and development link(s)? This paper will argue that behind the ?obvious? security-development political discourse(s), referred to in this paper as ?strategic obviousness?, are hidden ambiguities. On the one hand, these ambiguities are what we call ?causal ambiguities?, that is infinite causal links which can be established between different issues deriving from the security-development nexus and, on the other hand, there are ?strategic ambiguities?, which refers to ambiguities that are used by actors who appropriate the security-development nexus and interpret it in order to serve different interests that are sometimes contradictory and incompatible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deployment of military forces abroad has been a major component of US grand strategy since the beginning of the Cold War. From providing security to the United States, its interests, and its allies, there are multiple reasons for maintaining forward deployments. It has been from this conict and economic perspective that the Field of international relations has typically approached the issue of military deployments. Beyond the work in political science, others have argued that the presence of American military personnel abroad creates a series of negative externalities that local communities suffer from. In this paper, we put some of these claims to the test by looking at the effect that military deployments have had on crime rates within the host state. More precisely, we examine whether or not US military deployments are significantly asso- ciated with higher levels of criminal activity across a large subset of possible crimes, including theft, physical and sexual assault, and murder. To that end, we employ cross-national crime statistics from the United Nations as well as recently collected data on US troop deployments to examine the impact that a US military presence has on a host country. Consequently, this paper contributes to a greater understanding of the impact that US military deployments, and US foreign policy more broadly, have had on other countries. By extension, this study will also enhance our understanding of the micro-level factors that might affect relationships between alliance partners by examining the roots of domestic opposition to a foreign military presence within a host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses and analyzes European security from the perspective of Eastern Europe. The main argument is that in the region the EU is faced and has to deal with three different paradigms of European security simultaneously: cooperation, competition and conflict. The problem and challenge for the EU is that as a consensual winwin actor it is not equally or necessarily at all well prepared to play all of them. The paper introduces the main policies and instruments the EU has developed for the region and discusses the main developments/operations the EU has undertaken. The paper ends with some conclusions pondering the relative weight the three paradigms can be expected to have as well as discussing the role of the EU in the region in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the next twenty years, two trends will have a major impact on global governance: China's rise as a military power and the ability of regional multilateral institutions to effectively address disputes. In Asia, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is attempting to build a security community but various internal and external challenges serve as an impediment to resolving the most complex issues. One clear example of the intersection of China's rise and the ability of multilateral organizations to impact regional security is the territorial dispute in the South China Sea. Therefore, this paper will examine the intersection of these two trends by focusing on prospects for dispute resolution between China and ASEAN. The paper will outline the various dialogue mechanisms between China and ASEAN and discuss the efficacy of those mechanisms for resolving disputes in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Russia's recent efforts to provide Venezuela with a nuclear reactor and its implications for U.S. security policy. The Russo-Venezuelan nuclear program's intent was declared and signed into effect in November 2008, the first working group session took place in 2009, and it all culminated in the most recent agreement on October 15, 2010 to officially go ahead and start building a nuclear reactor in Venezuela. This is significant since it will be the first Russian nuclear reactor built in Latin America. It, most likely, is a harbinger and many more Russian nuclear reactors will be coming to not only Venezuela but to all of Latin America. This paper argues that future Latin American purchases of Russian nuclear reactors may seriously undermine the principle of the Monroe Doctrine, particularly since the customers will most likely have to rely on Russia for future enriched-uranium, expertise, and maintenance (usually, all are incorporated into a nuclear energy contract). Moreover, with the nuclear energy deal Russia has made recently many economic and military agreements with Venezuela worth billions of dollars. The benefits of a nuclear energy agreement can go well beyond the contract itself, particularly given the great value of nuclear energy and the very select number of suppliers. Nuclear energy deals, thus, can improve a country's chances at the very least of winning in many other competitive economic situations. In the end, with Latin America's ongoing rapid economic development and growing need for energy resources, a heavy reliance on Russian nuclear reactors could represent a major change in Latin American politics and, likely, a serious decline in American power in the region. It also may lead to the possibility that the enriched uranium may go from nuclear energy to nuclear weapons at anytime in the future and, thereby, fundamentally altering the balance of power in the hemisphere. Overall, this paper contends that the U.S. must do much better in defining the Monroe Doctrine and, then, competing more effectively with other countries seeking to penetrate the region through nuclear energy deals and other major agreements. The paper concludes with recommendations on how the U.S. can respond to this recent nuclear reactor deal and the potential effects on the Monroe Doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In fields as different as homeland security/emergency management and environmental conservation, there has been much discussion of the need for governance systems that are "resilient". Characteristics of resilient systems include flexibility, adaptability, diversity, redundancy, a mixture of formal and informal institutions, and robustness. Resilient systems are now frequently advocated to handle complex global problems that require the interaction of states, international organizations, and non-state actors. In this paper we consider how the concept of resilience can link to contemporary global governance thought and efforts. Given recent scholarship on institutional design, change, adaptation, and replacement, it seems that there is much interest in developing better ways to examine how international regimes are designed to address complex global problems. Surprisingly, however, the concept of resilience has not been used often in the IR field even as it is prominent elsewhere. We contend that resilience is a useful tool for studying contemporary global governance. This paper will clarify what is meant by resilience, link this meaning with current conceptual understandings of global governance, and demonstrate the utility of incorporating the insights of resilience into a better understanding of how global policy issues are managed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War Nordic cooperation blossomed and Nordic identity was strong but defence was left outside of the Nordic framework. After the end of the Cold War, Nordic cooperation waned and it was largely replaced by cooperation within the EU framework. During the past couple of years, however, the Nordic defence cooperation has been boosted by a number of initiatives and common projects. The paper tries to analyse this recent rise of Nordic defence cooperation. Theoretically the article revolves around the question of how material and identity factors explain security cooperation in today's Europe. During the Cold War it was easy to explain that identity was important in low politics cooperation between the Nordic countries but geostrategic factors and national interests based upon them determined (the lack of) defence cooperation. Even today, Nordic defence cooperation is justified more by costefficiency and geographical proximity than by common identity. The argument of the paper is that Nordic identity nevertheless plays an important role in motivating defence cooperation. It is not driven by pure cost-efficiency or strategic calculation. The role of identity needs however to be understood not as a kind of independent force but as part of the political process. Nordic identity explains the rise of Nordic defence cooperation in three ways: it facilitates informal cooperation between defence officials at various levels, it is easy to sell it politically to domestic audiences and it is not seen as contradicting European or NATO cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research that taps into the biological basis of human cognitive potential has been active in the past decade. Outside of academia, multiple US government agencies, particularly the ones in security communities, also have rising interests in the research and development of cognitive neuroscience applications. In light of this, certain questions need to be investigated: why are the security communities interested in the research of cognitive sciences? What kinds of potential benefits and problems do the research and application of cognitive sciences bring? How do discoveries in cognitive science and neuroscience research relate to the way that human behaviors are theorized in politics and war? The advances in cognitive sciences and their security applications present complex problems, yet the definition of these problems continues to remain ambiguous. This paper explores the ways through which the emerging research and security applications in the cognitive sciences impact how one theorizes about politics and war. Particularly, by emphasizing the "human" element of armed conflicts, this paper shows that certain discoveries in cognitive sciences present potential challenges to some existing assumptions made about combatants in terms of human costs, soldier's morale, and cognitive autonomy. It is suggested that these assumptions have limited scope and utility in light of today's scientific progress and may need further consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, China has been under frequent attacks by nature. Due to high population, low economic development, wide climate range and vulnerable environment, China would adopt appropriate adaptive and reduction actions according to the basic situation of the country and under the framework of sustainable development. the PRC government released its first policy report on climate change in June 2007, China's National Plan for Climate Change. In 2008 and 2009, China followed up with the release of a white paper titled China's Policies and Actions on Climate Change, which points out that "as a responsible developing country, China is fully aware of the importance and urgency of addressing climate change and has adopted a series of policies and measures in this regard." This essay addresses China's policy responses towards climate change. This paper discusses China's policy response to climate change. The discussion begins with the influences of climate change on China's environment and then moves on to discuss China's concern, guiding principle, goal and policy action in reaction to the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents the early stages of a new project that explores Sino-EU cooperation and competition on the African continent. Existing literature which explores China's growing influence in Africa has been characterised by an exclusive focus on China's policies vis-à-vis Africa, and has been frequently undergirded by a growing anxiety that Western influence is in danger of being undermined. This paper seeks to problematise these assumptions by exploring whether the EU and China, who both aspire to attain a 'responsible' identity in the international community, may cooperate in their respective development and security policies towards the African continent. The main focus of the paper is on how the EU has attempted to influence Chinese development aid policies towards Africa. In this paper, I argue that China's quest for recognition as a 'responsible great power' has made it susceptible to Western pressure to alter its 'irresponsible' aid policies. I explore the degree to which the EU has acted as a 'socialiser' in getting Beijing to accept and internalise international norms that govern developmental aid, as well as the limitations to the EU's influence. The paper also makes a contribution to its field by generating implications for understanding the moral authority the EU possesses in the Asia-Pacific region (usually seen as a sphere of American influence and strategic interest) and the 'target audience' for China's quest for recognition as a 'responsible great power'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how international relations scholarship might benefit from studying the emotional consequences of ontological security and insecurity in interstate relations. The first section offers a broad overview of emotion and argues in favour of a modified constructionist approach. In the second section I combine this approach with the concept of ontological security to illustrate how identity based security needs are sustained and potentially transformed via the types of interactive routines states and individuals engage in with one another. In the final section I first apply these understandings to an analysis of some of the historical narratives present in the long standing and often acrimonious USCuban relationship. I so doing, I illustrate the connection between routinized interaction, identity maintenance and specific emotions. I focus on three embedded emotions - pity, gratitude and humiliation - and argue that each plays a key role in explaining the enmity that still exists between the Cuban and American states, and the differing perceptions those states have of each other. I conclude the paper by making three basic contentions concerning ontological security, emotion and international relations: first, this concept offers scholars a way to consider emotion as both socially constructed and as a rational and necessary component of our capacity for agency; second, it allows us to analyze the social psychological consequences of particular types of social interactions; and finally it offers a means through which we can call into question some of the assumptions informing the problematic history of US-Cuban Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will critically analyse the varied ways in which the mainstreaming of the concept of human security has influenced post-Cold War policy on the control of military technology. The paper will note that apparently progressive campaigns such as tho ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes as its starting point the observation that bordering practices in global politics are less and less straightforwardly related to territorial sites. That is to say, bordering practices, understood as controls on the movement of subjects, are not only found at territorially identifiable locations such as ports, airports and traditional crossings between states. Rather, they are increasingly ephemeral and impalpable: electronic, non-visible and located in zones that defy a conventional territorial logic. Examples include biometric identification to control movement and technologies to track movement such as social security data, financial transaction data and similar GPS based records of activity. Furthermore, the rise of international border management agencies, such as BORTAC in the US and FRONTEX in the EU context, has led to the proliferation of border simulation exercises. These innovations in the international politics of border management challenge conventional assumptions about the relation between territory, bordering practices and 'reality', which often underpin theoretical starting points in the study of global security. With this in mind, the paper investigates the analytical purchase of the concept of the virtual for understanding these practices. It marries insights on the concept of the virtual offered by Jean Baudrillard with Michel Foucault's understanding of 'security' and Giorgio Agamben's treatment of the sovereign ban and bare life. I argue that a global regime of virtual border security relies upon the simulation of the ban in order to attempt to produce the effect of maximum security in the West. However, this attempt is shown to constantly backfire, leading to the vary forms of insecurity systems of resilience strive to eradicate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the challenges and opportunities of regionalization and globalization in the context of North America vis a vis Latin America. While many argue that North America is the best example of integration, the results are not evenly spread and the resistance increasing. Canada, Mexico and the United States may agree in some areas but disagree in many as well and the relation of the bloc with the rest of the continent is definitely an issue to solve since Mexico belongs to both regional frameworks. This paper at the end presents scenarios for the further integration and their parameters for the relationship with Latin America, as well analyses the reasons of the current state of affairs and oportunities with the current administration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between threat perception and collective defense in contemporary international security. The paper examines the relationship between external threat perception of weapons of mass destruction proliferation and the rela ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses political and technological aspects of cyber terrorism. Though the term "cyber terrorism" has become widely used, the range of meanings attributed to it is expansive. This paper tries to differentiate among various similar concepts of cyber attacks and outlines what can be done. Cyber attacks are not only physical attacks (body war) such as the demolition of a dam or the crash of airplanes, but also psychological attacks (head war) that are intended to impact people's minds. The latter could have longer and even irreversible effects. In order to counter these attacks policy makers need to understand the cultural gaps between government culture and geek culture. Our social systems including national security are increasingly dependent on geeks' technologies. If governments could involve geeks, effective measures would be possible to track cyber warriors. It is easier to stop the Internet, but cyber terrorists will never stop it, because it is the terrorists that are taking advantage of it. Policy makers must establish a better relationship with people who know technologies well. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the global health implications of security-oriented regulation of laboratory research on pathogenic micro-organisms. The challenge with such regulation, implemented to address government concerns about biological weapons use, is to maximise security benefits while minimising interference with legitimate scientific research conducted for therapeutic ends. The biotechnology sector performs basic research on infectious diseases, produces vaccines and other drugs, and instructs health professionals on how to use them. Too much biosecurity regulation might cripple commercial and academic enterprise in the life sciences and thereby diminish the ability of public health systemsâ??particularly their diagnostic and patient care elementsâ??to respond to an infectious disease outbreak. It may also hinder valuable international collaborations on addressing local and transnational infectious disease threats. On the other hand, the potential application of gene technology for offensive purposes highlights the powerful position held by scientists with access to pathogens and knowledge of what makes them dangerous. The paper compares biosecurity regulatory schemes in the United States and Australia, and offers more general observations about health and security trade-offs in a global context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the focus on the state and state transformation distracts attention to security orders and in particular makes us blind to the role of firms in security orders. It proceeds to suggests that looking at security orders as practices is a way of circumventing this blindness and to move the analysis forward. The paper then discusses what an analysis in terms of practices may entail, emphasizing questions of order, contextuality and change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the benefits of bridging the debate between rationalism and constructivism to European foreign policy analysis. It is suggested that European Foreign Policy is driven by two interdependent forces, which are defined as security and normative considerations. Security policy is, in this paper, regarded as predominantly driven by intergovernmental and rationalist processes whilst norms are the focus of a communitarian and constructivist approach to European Foreign Policy. The predominance of these two processes is however constantly in a flux, depending on the foreign policy issue at hand and the behaviour of the actors involved. Many regard rationalist and constructivism approaches to foreign policy analysis as opposites. This paper seeks to argue otherwise.The EU is here seen as both an arena and an actor. Foreign policy makers are perceived to be acting along a continuum, moving from the logic of consequentialism to the logics of arguing and appropriateness, as they are been socialised into the foreign policy processes. It is however argued that this movement can in some cases be reversed in which actors move back to favouring a rationalist logic of consequentialism depending on the foreign policy interest at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the reform of the Law on the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA Law). It does so by utilizing the Bureaucratic Politics Model (BPM). The paper argues that the BPM's stand-sit proposition and the resultant proposition have strong explanatory power. On the other hand, the bargaining proposition proves useful only to a certain extent. While interaction between bureaucratic actors surely was a crucial element of the decision-making process, the model's focus on the executive branch made it miss other actors that were also important for the reform of the BKA Law. This suggests that the explanatory power of the BPM would be further enhanced if domestic constraints on bureaucratic bargaining processes are systematically incorporated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'National Vision' of the Bush Administration with regard to homeland security aimed to 'prevent the entry of terrorists and the instruments of terror while facilitating the legal flow of people, goods, and services'. International implications of homeland security measures have resulted in the emergence of new class of foreign policy makers: Customs and Border Protection, Transportation Security Administration, and other units in the Department of Homeland Security whose exposure to international partners increased considerably. This paper challenges a reader to make a certain conceptual shift and look at homeland security as a foreign policy issue as well as the internal security one. The analysis of transatlantic homeland security progresses in two steps. First, it explores the post-September 11th development of homeland security cooperation between the US and the EU in order to identify challenges to the transatlantic governance of homeland security. Then, the attention is paid to internal challenges stemming from domestic politics on each side but also to external ones posed by the international environment and third parties. Issues under discussion in this paper include aviation security and customs cooperation which represent most impressive but at the same time most problematic dimension of the contemporary transatlantic homeland security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of MNCs in conflict environments is a relatively new subject for scholarly and policy-oriented inquiry. The small body of research that does exist approaches the issue from corporate social responsibility, human rights, and environmental policy perspectives. This paper, in contrast, will consider MNCs from a security-studies viewpoint, and examine MNCs as actors in conflict systems. The focus will be on firms in the oil, gas, and mining industriesâ??the so-called "extractive sector." Multinational corporations affect, and are affected by, the violent environments in which they do business. This paper will pay particular attention to efforts by certain firms to promote stability through social development and security measuresâ??in other words, conflict mitigation, conflict transformation, or, more bluntly, "corporate counterinsurgency." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to review current criticisms of contemporary liberal state practices as they appear in critical IR theorizing. Specifically, it identifies various modes of drawing on Carl Schmitt's ideas on ultrapolitical liberal crusading as configuring at least parts of these criticisms, arguing that this reliance causes a major lapse in the analyses of "liberal enmity". The paper calls for a reevaluation on two points. On the one hand, a more analytically sensitive treatment of contemporary state practices reveals that mechanisms of generating emergencies and societal mobilization are neither specifically liberal nor limited to the present. On the other hand, the Schmittian distinction between the private "foe" and the public "enemy" is unmasked as a rhetorical device that - aporetically asserting in one place that the Political can have limits and then affirming its "total" character in another - legitimizes communitarian visions of conflict, rather than representing a way of limiting them. Applying these results to the concept of nomos, often presented as an alternative to liberal universalism, unmasks it as a rhetorical device legitimizing violent practices of aggression and ordering, as well as an identity politics of enmity sustained by its eternal outside, which has little, if anything to offer about the humanization of war and politics in general.In sum, contemporary criticisms of discourses of enmity are justified, but they miss their target: it is not the ultrapolitical liberal state that is the agent generating these, but Schmittian practices of sovereignty making a frightening return. The Political is the ultrapolitical, and we need to detect its logic obtaining in contemporary liberal politics of conflict to properly criticize it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines how the precautionary principle has been interpreted in foreign and defence policy. By focusing on the burden of proof, the paper argues that current interpretations of the precautionary principle are not helpful, but that a more nuanced interpretation of the precautionary principle is feasible ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper approaches the issue of forecasting in international affairs theoretically and empirically. In the theoretical section, the paper discussed the epistemological and normative problems arising when attempting to forecast international events, but concludes that forecasting is both scientifically rewarding as well as normatively desirable. It then proceeds to argue that constructivist theories of strategic culture and norms regarding the use of force can act in conjunction with insights about capabilities and future security challenges as a mid-range theory to account for the evolution of the EU as a security actor. This proposition is elaborated empirically by drawing on the empirical findings of comparative strategic culture research to generate some forecasts concerning the goals the EU is likely to pursue and the capabilities it is likely to acquire. It does so by highlighting opportunities for foresighted policy as well as dangers inherent in ignoring some of limitations in terms of future capabilities and common will. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on Global Health Governance has developed rapidly over recent years with a large number of scholars from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds entering the field. Much of this work has been focussed either around the governance roles of specific institutions (IOs, GHPs, foundations etc) or the governance of particular health problems (most commonly infectious disease). Now seems to be a suitable point at which to take a step back and ask some more conceptual questions about how Global Health Governance works and what drives contemporary global responses to health problems.This paper argues that Global Health Governance can best be understood as a process of contestation between a variety of different discourses, each of which takes a particular approach to health as a global issue, and each of which generates certain policy responses. It argues that the key contemporary discourses influencing Global Health Governance are biomedicine, human rights, economism and security, but that other (currently recessive) discourses also have an influence. These discourses are promoted by different global health actors and each has gained salience in particular issue areas. The paper argues that it is in the interplay of these discourses - a process in which both power and ideas play a role - that contemporary Global Health Governance is shaped. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some in the literature on the Democratic Peace, particularly John Owen, have suggested that the underlying mechanisms of the democratic peace function both with other democracies and with non-democracies. Unfortunately, the mechanisms of the democratic peace remain ambiguous. Constructivist work on the democratic peace, and security in general, has made significant headway in exploring the mechanisms that drive the phenomenon, but significant gaps remain. In particular, while constructivist scholars have shed considerable light on the construction of security within the mind of leaders, little work has been done on how democratic leaders convey those constructions to the public. The paper seeks to address this lacuna. Using the Copenhagen School's securitization framework, this paper focuses on the role of identity in how democratic political leaders construct security threats. The paper also seeks to link the construction of threat in the mind of policy maker with the construction of threat in the public. To do so, a case study is made of the buildup to British involvement in Iraq. The conclusions are significant. The paper finds that at the personal level, Tony Blair relied on identity as a critical marker indicating potential threat. In turn, Blair used the language of identity in his efforts to securitize Iraq to the public. While there are some indications that he was successful, there are also indications that the democratic identity of Britons also served to block support of unilateral action. For the public, the role of identity is complex, and while the public democratic identity is clearly powerful, it operates in nuanced ways. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted that a political entity which has reached a certain level of maturity evolves from the "frontier era", characterised by an absence of regulation and a kind of anarchy, to the "boundary era", characterised by order and stability. However, my paper shows that the European Union has initiated a certain return to the "frontier era" in its security relation to the external world. Firstly, at the internal level, the borders between member states are hardly more than administrative divisions, whose interest in terms of security tends to fade. Secondly, the external outline of the EU is a legal and political boundary, i.e. the external limit of the sum of the member states. Its defence is currently guaranteed, and its value in the framework of the new security policies is limited by the fact that security should now be searched upstream, outside this boundary. Finally, there exists a very frontier between the EU and the outer world, a wide space (mainly maritime) separating the EU from the rest of the world. Its strategic depth should contribute to the security of the Union (projection), but as the first frontline, this marginal zone should also be secured itself against incoming transnational threats. The aim of the paper is to discuss the way the EU exercises its power beyond its external boundary, as well as to consider the evolving EU's geopolitical vision. Thus, my research leads to a reflexion on the geopolitical implications of a broadened security agenda for the EU. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I present a new model for relations between the EU and its neighbours. I argue that, against the background of the growing challenges of the European Neighbourhood Space, there is a need to think about a new model for the relations between the Neighbourhood Partner States and the EU. The model should enable a significant upgrade of the political and security relations, as well as those in the economic, research, cultural and social/human fields. The paper departs from the assumption that, the time has come to implement the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) principles and ideas and to accelerate the discussions on the development of a new strategic model. Drawing on the ENP experience, the Barcelona Process and the new Eastern Partnership initiative, this paper proposes the creation of what it calls the "Advanced Partnership" (AdP) Model. The paper exposes and analyses this new model, and further discusses common tools needed to confront political, social and security challenges in the European Neighbourhood Space. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a social theory perspective, social actors produce and draw on collective ideations to make sense of the world, and to situate their practices therein. Seen from a critical vantage point however, the establishment of such ideations is often not the product of very inclusive or 'democratic' elaboration efforts - depending on the empirical issue-area in question, certain actors tend to stand in considerably more privileged positions than others to authoritatively define and prescribe specific collective ideations. Based on questionnaire and interview data, this paper draws on Pierre Bourdieu's notion of the field to illustrate and analyse the distribution of such authorities in the production of national security rationales in what I call the 'field of Swiss national security professionals': What governmental, partisan and civil society actors are being recognised as valid authorities of national security? How is national insecurity being defined, what foreign policy implications are being professed, and what 'ideational positions' do these different actors seize in these two interrelated debates? And last but not least, layering the two previous discussions atop each other, to what extent are the recognised authorities actually successful in imposing their national security views on the field's remainder? By determining the uneven recognised expert authority that different actors enjoy in contemporary Switzerland and by mapping and contrasting the different ideational positions adopted by them, the paper seeks to answer these questions and with it, to contribute a first sketch of the social and ideational power relations at play in the field of the Swiss national security professionals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European renewable energy policy has gone through a remarkable development over the last few years. It has moved from being a predominantly national-level concern with a focus on environmental issues to a top European policy agenda item where security of supply and competitiveness concerns figure with equal prominence. In 2007 and 2008 EU established a very forceful policy framework with ambitious targets and strategies binding to all its member states. This paper examines European renewable energy policy development with a specific focus on the choice of policy instruments to promote renewable sources of energy in power and heat production. The paper traces key policy developments over the last decade and analyzes the role and influence of different interest groups, member states and policy makers in the EU policy-making processes, and how different - and partly competing - policy agendas have played in over time. From these empirical observations we look ahead. Based on key factors and agendas behind current policy developments, what can be said about what directions European energy policy might take in the future? The outlook discusses four distinct policy dimensions that will shape the direction of European energy policy: the climate policy agenda overall; the relative influence of different interests in shaping policy, the balance between European-wide and member state governance, and the level at which further market orientation is pursued in the sector. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security has always been an important issue in energy policy debates but it gained salience in the 21st century. We can observe three changes in the attributes of energy security that have partly redefined the concept. First, skyrocketing prices, network failures and the increasing dependence of European countries on imports have shifted the objectives of energy policy away from the sole focus on market liberalization towards the security of energy supply (economic attribute). Second, the debate around climate change has added a strong environmental dimension to energy security (environmental attribute). Third, energy security is increasingly construed as a global problem requiring supranational coordination (political attribute). This paper examines the concept of energy security in the European Union, where the framing of energy security implies the interconnectedness of market liberalization, climate change regulation and external governance. Is there a true paradigm shift in the European energy policy? Does the move from a planned, monopolized energy system to liberalized markets really impact on energy security? How do climate change, national and supranational issues contribute to reframing energy security? The paper tries to answer these questions by tracking the evolution of the economic, environmental and political attributes of energy security in the EU context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to conventional wisdom, force can be divested from the state not only towards the market but also towards society. It is useful to imagine three ideal types where force is concentrated in the hands of political, economic, or societal actors. The ideal types are, in addition to Max Weber's monopoly of force, the commodification of force and community self-help. Constellations and transformations in the real world can then be understood in relation to these ideal types. My paper shows that the privatization of force, whether to the market or to society, drastically transforms the fabric of political, social, and economic relations. This includes some deeply ironic effects. States allowing the privatization of force unwittingly erode their most fundamental /raison d'être/, which is the public task of providing security. Firms producing and consuming security as a commodity undermine the institutional foundations of the markets on which they ultimately rest. And communal groups relying for their security on self-help contribute to an anarchic situation where the quest for existential security is bound to remain elusive. The paper contains a number of thumbnail sketches of concrete cases: private military contracting, private policing, prison privatization, gated communities, urban gangs, and Sharia enforcement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, Norwegian strategic culture has been about national defence, presupposing a close or special relationship with the United States. During the Cold War this was also the case in other small and medium sized European countries. The paper analyses the various types of US hegemonic power at work in Norway and how they are converted into influence over the specific content of Norwegian strategic culture and security policy, using a practice-based approach. Within IR theory, hegemony is generally understood as the power of one state to generate consent and support from other states through a combination of coercion, incentives and references to shared norms. In Norway, US influence is based on benevolent hegemony and ideational hegemony and institutionalized in bilateral military practices that have been developed over time. The paper argues that the reproduction of these practices in social structures is shaping Norwegian strategic culture. In principle, the lack of an immediate threat against Norway after 1991 could have loosened Norwegian-US ties and encouraged, firstly, a strategic culture more detached from territorial defense, and, secondly, a more European type of strategic culture. Though Norway participated in the US-led military operation in Afghanistan and had a military presence in post-war Iraq, these contributions were withdrawn in late 2005. To what extent does this indicate a breech away from a declining US hegemonic influence and a development towards a distinct Norwegian strategic post-Cold War strategic culture where the bilateral relationship is less central? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the use of Gender Mainstreaming policies in a peace and security context focusing on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). Adopted in October 2000, UNSCR 1325 recognizes the disproportionate impact of conflict on women and girls and focuses on four thematic areas in conflict prevention, resolution and reconstruction: access to decision-making; peacekeeping operations; disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and violence against women (VAW). More than five years on, UNSCR 1325 remains an instrument on paper. However, a number of UN Member States including the UK; Sweden and Norway have created National Action Plans on UNSCR 1325 and there seems to be increased momentum to use the resolution in a peace and security context. This is not without drawbacks however. The development of National Action Plans predominantly by European States also potentially creates a North/South divide. Drawing on interviews undertaken with individuals working on peace and security issues and UNSCR 1325; this paper will question the progress of implementation and the wider challenges for gender mainstreaming policies in a peace and security context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore some of the general political and economic dynamics of contemporary border management in North America from a comparative perspective. It operates both in terms of some basic policy analysis but mostly offers commentary on theoretical and research approaches to these issues. The paper will take as its framework the events of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent actions by some national governments around the world to reinforce their borders (re‐territorialization). In this regard, the paper pays particular attention to the issue of securitization of borders and mobility, both at the state's frontiers and within it, as a method of counter‐terrorism policy, migration control, and for other exclusionary ends. The securitization process will be traced through several key examples, particularly in North America and Europe. While noting the emergence of new forms of border management such as cross‐border policing in the European Union and bi‐lateral border management in North America, it will also acknowledge the persistence of more traditional border control efforts in many parts of the globe—particularly in the developing world—which are generally less technologically‐driven and often are much less strict as they deal with different security concerns. As such, the paper argues the emerging politics of border management remains differentiated and complex. The paper surveys several of the more interesting conceptual attempts to describe what is going on. To add my voice to this dialogue, I suggest that in order to have more meaningful and robust analysis of these developments, border scholarship needs to move beyond the de/re‐territorializing duality and consider a hierarchy of border security threats. Given the complexity of this picture, the paper ends by calling for a reinvigorated interdisciplinary approach to research on border security. I also suggest we need to think in terms of "risk management" rather than traditional "border security" as such. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will assess the manifold efforts to securitize global environmental change (GEC) as security dangers and concerns for national and human security that poses a new survival dilemma for those who are highly socially vulnerable due to the impact of natural hydrome¬teo¬¬rological hazards whose number and intensity has increased and is predicted to grow further due to the anthropogenic climate change. In the U.S. nearly as many people died due to the impact of Hurricane Katrina in August 2006 as of the terrorist attack of 11 September 2001. But the perception of these two cases as security concerns has differed not only between many governments within NATO but also among the people in Europe and in North America. The securitization of GEC has fundamentally differed and prevented so far effective global counter measures to adapt to and mitigate against the consequences of this new security threat where the enemy is us: our production and consumption patters as well as ways of life. Climate change as a new human and national security danger and concern poses new global equity problems between those countries and people that have contributed most to GEC and the survival of those poor people â€" especially in the South â€" whose livelihood and survival is directly threatened and who lack the resources for counter measures. The key thesis of this paper is that the turn towards the anthropocene requires a fundamental reconcep¬tua¬lizing of security as a result of a multi-, inter- and transdiciplinary process where natural and social scientists cooperate contributing to an anticipatory learning to prevent that the business as usual scenarios on climate change become reality with all its impact on global security policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will aim to provide an interim report on a project that is examining the evolution of EU foreign and security policy over the ten year period, from 1999-2009, that will mark Javier Solana’s period in office as the EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The paper will examine the reasons for Solana’s appointment and his early work on the creation and development of ESDP including his negotiation of a satisfactory security relationship between the EU and NATO. The paper will also examine the proposals in the CFSP/ESDP area that emerged from the European Convention and which were eventually incorporated in the EU Constitutional Treaty. Foremost amongst these was the decision to combine the posts of High Representative and Relex Commissioner and create the new post of European Foreign Minister â€" a post that the European Council awarded to Solana in 2004. The paper will consider the implications for the CFSP and ESDP that flow from the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty and will consider which aspects of the rejected Treaty Solana either has developed or might be able to develop in the future â€" in particular the plan to create an European External Action Service and the development of the European Security Strategy. In the light of the evolution of European Foreign Policy and ESDP since 1999 the paper will examine the extent to which Solana’s development of his role has enhanced the role of the European Union in the contemporary international system. The ongoing question of ‘Who speaks for Europe’ will be considered as part of a wider evaluation of the EU’s ambition and capacity as an international actor as the end of the Solana era approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper undertakes an assessment of the 'security as emancipation' discourse, within the general context of politicization promoted by the critical turn in security studies. It does so by: a) analyzing the debate that has been sparked by 'security as emancipation' and investigating how this discourse has responded to the criticisms wielded against it; and b) gauging the potential of 'security as emancipation' and identifying weaknesses and inconsistencies that need to be addressed. Three general conclusions will be advanced: firstly the 'security as emancipation' discourse has proved to be much more complex and nuanced than its critics purport. Secondly, the framework put forward by 'security as emancipation' - in its combination of an attention towards materiality, an awareness of the social nature of 'threat' and an understanding of security knowledge as deriving from interests and oriented by political goals - offers a privileged pathway towards the critical project of politicizing security. Thirdly, a reconsideration of 'security as emancipation' is necessary, and must encompass a more developed account of the interconnection between security, politics and subjectivity.The paper is divided in two parts. The first part presents the 'state of the debate': it introduces 'security as emancipation', identifies the criticisms it has sparked, analyzes the theoretical context of these criticisms and demonstrates that recent formulations of 'security as emancipation' successfully deal with the objections raised (I). The second part provides a deeper engagement with 'security as emancipation': on the one hand, it undertakes a reflection about the potentiality of 'security as emancipation' within the general context of politicization of security; on the other hand, it assesses the shortcomings of current formulations. The objective is to show that an explicitly normative approach to security committed to the positive transformation of the political sphere must take into account the interconnection between security, subjectivity and politics, and hence the politics of the subject of security (II). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a comparative stance in exploring different explanations for corporate behavior in conflict zones. Traditionally the state is perceived and analyzed as the central actor for the provision of public goods, especially security. Over the past few years business has gained increased attention as contributors to governance. At the same time, their contribution to security has remained remarkably under-researched. Existing research and literature on business behavior in conflict zones has often been policy-oriented and has mainly focused on how corporations contribute to violence, highlighting the extractive industries. Starting from the view that private actors play an increasing role in global governance, this paper analyses whether, how and under which conditions corporations contribute to the provision of public goods, such as economic development, political order and (even) security, in conflict zones.The authors draw insights from heuristic case studies of companies from different industries operating in four countries or regions currently or previously marked by violent conflict (Angola, African Great Lakes Region, Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland). To describe and explain the variance in behavior of companies (i.e. their different contributions to governance), a shared analytical framework will be used by the authors. The analytical framework offers different ‘variable clusters’ (actor characteristics of companies, product and production characteristics, political and social environment of home and host state, conflict dynamics) and working hypotheses developed from existing literature and research. The heuristic case studies will provide an empirical foundation to comparatively strengthen and / or weaken (discard) variables for explaining corporate behavior. The case studies draw on interviews at corporate headquarters and local branches, analysis of corporate and third party documents, as well as field research. With this paper the authors intend to generate systematic empirical knowledge of corporate behavior and to contribute to the explanation of the role of businesses in conflict zones. As the explanation of corporate governance contributions is not core to any one theoretical domain we draw on various theoretical concepts and thereby contribute to building bridges between various disciplines (IR, peace and conflict studies, organization studies, business ethics). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand and empirically analyse the neo-conservative project and its influence on US foreign policy and its 'new imperial' turn. The nature, evolution, and long-term implications of the post-9/11 shift in US foreign policy are addressed from a perspective stressing the interplay between structure and agency, and, crucially, incorporating an ideological dimension. With the help of Social Network Analysis a neo-conservative (two-mode) network is identified starting from affiliation with the neo-conservative advocacy group Project for A New American Century. On the basis of both qualitative and quantitative (yet relational) data it is analysed how this multileveled network, spanning the private institutional, governmental, and corporate/financial level, has influenced US post-9/11 foreign policy, with a focus on grand strategy and the global 'War on Terror'. Taking a transnational political economy perspective as a point of departure it is analysed to what extent this neo-conservative project can interpreted as a 'hegemonic project' understood as containing: a political formula and a geopolitical strategy and how this is related to the reigning (neoliberal) accumulation strategy. In this respect it is also explored to what extent and how the neo-conservative project can be related to the neo-liberal project and how it differs from, or implies a transformation of the neoliberal project. The paper ends with a theoretical reflection on how to interpret the empirical findings with respect to some key questions concerning the the dialectical relationship between the interstate system on the one hand and global capitalism on the other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to problematize and expand upon the concept of “order” in international relations by considering the contingent relationship between historical meaning and agency in international society. It argues that the concept of order, commonly understood as a certain set or pattern of relations specific to the “goals of social life” (Bull, 1977) in world politics, remains under-theorized. Neither the conventional conceptualizations of order as a set of enforceable norms and standards, nor the more reflexive and critical meditations on the centrality of “social forces” and global power configurations, it is argued, adequately explain the very subjective and normative foundations of any particular order in world politics. This glaring oversight is in large part due to the lack of engagement with the varied contours of historical meaning and memory that condition human thoughts and relations in world politics. In other words, order is very much implicated in the problem of public imagination which arises from the conflicting and often exclusionary cultural narratives that remain the perennial facts of human society. By neglecting the public understanding of international history, therefore, both conventional and critical conceptions of order not only perpetuate longstanding cultural divisions, but also represent the failure of international theory to address questions of historical meaning that in turn lead to an interpretive vacuum at the level of states and individuals. By looking at the contingent, yet ever-present, interpretations of historical meaning and memory, this paper aims to formulate an alternative conception of order rooted in the problem of public imagination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the way in which the UK has formulated its policy on enforced disappearance between 1976 and 1980. This period encompasses the Dirty Wars in Chile and Argentina, the prelude to the UK conflict with Argentina over the Falkland Islands and the formation of the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearance, the first thematic mechanism of its kind. This was a period of contrast for UK foreign policy; in terms of responses to so called 'dirty war' at the UN and mission level. The primary material for this paper is derived from interviews with foreign policy thinkers and influencers during this period and recently released archival material. This paper seeks to shed light on the formulation process behind these policies. It will look at the way in which external actors influence foreign policy, question the role of organizational priorities in affecting the policy product and examine the dialectical relationship between human rights and national interest. In exploring this relationship, the paper seeks to bridge foreign policy analysis and human rights. More broadly the paper seeks to explicate the linkages between disappearance and other extra-judicial activities, shedding light on the under explored phenomena of Dirty War. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to demonstrate the merit of public opinion research for the study of conflict. Security studies has recently been characterized by both a shift away from state-centric conceptions of security and attempts to designate people, as opposed to states, its primary referent. Despite of this trend, security studies remains largely focussed on both the motivation and impact of elite driven policy. Where considered, the public is generally regarded as victims of, rather than participants in, the formation of security policy. This contrasts with the influence attributed to the public in both the public opinion and mediation literatures. The willingness of citizens to incur and perpetuate wide-scale political violence, or risk engaging in peace talks with enemies, is widely considered to be a prerequisite for successful peace negotiations and military offensives. The importance of mobilizing popular support is also implicitly recognized by recent interest in securitization. The need to securitize an issue inherently identifies it as a negotiated process occurring between securitizing agents and their audience. It requires both the articulation and acceptance of a perceived threat. Acknowledging the negotiated nature of security serves to broaden the study of conflict to include public opinion research. Identifying the support peace initiatives and military campaigns enjoy become useful indicators of both the durability and direction of conflict. Using the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a case study, this paper will demonstrate the viability of using public opinion indicators to anticipate changes in the security policy and political behavior of antagonists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the classic debate on levels of analysis in International Relations. Since Waltz (1954) and Singer (1961), scholars have disagreed about the appropriate unit of analysis to explain international conflict. Explanations based on leaders, state-level, and systemic factors have characterized different phases in the development of International Relations theories on war and conflict. In this paper, we re-formulate this debate by offering an empirical evaluation of the extent to which variation in conflict processes can be imputed to each level of analysis. Our empirical strategy is based upon alternative specifications of an ANOVA hierarchical model for dichotomous dependent variables. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper purports to give a positive answer to the "Japanese IR Question", by analyzing some notable academic attempts arguing the concept of international society. Particular attention is paid to works between 1920s and 1940s, and the paper focuses on IR scholars, political theorists, and international lawyers.During this period, Japan was in a very peculiar place. While the country had accomplished the status of a major power in post WWI world, Japan had also struggled to identify the appropriate position between the European world of the colonizers and the world of the colonized. Thus clarifying the meaning of international society was an important part of academic activities for the country's scholars concerning international relations. In the paper, the author classifies major studies on international society into four groups or "views", namely (1) the Idealists; (2) the Kelsenians; (3) the Cosmopolitans; and (4) the Greater-Asians.The problem with these groups is that all four views were influenced by foreign theory and remained imported knowledge. However, Japanese vision of international society as a whole has one distinctive character which other countries' studies do not have. The paper points out that there are three types of arguments in the country's vision on international society, and argues that it is the third type of argument on autonomy which makes the vision of international society as "Japanese IR". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a framework for the analysis of doctrine development in the UN peacebuilding apparatus and applies it to the case of constabulary police ("formed police units") in UN peace operations. After initial resistance from the UN Secretariat and years after their first deployment under the UN flag to Kosovo and East Timor, constabulary police have become a standard tool for missions tasked with interim public security provision. Even this breakthrough, however, did not secure the smooth development and adoption of more detailed conceptual guidance on their functions and operation alongside military contingents. This paper traces the process of developing such doctrine and presents preliminary hypotheses on the key factors that enabled and hindered this process of doctrine development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates threat information coordination between intelligence and law enforcement agencies and integrates a new piece to this complex relationship: the public. A common criticism after the attacks on 9/11 was how the "wall" between law enforcement and intelligence blocked effective coordination of incoming intelligence information. As a result the focus of intelligence efforts is increasingly being directed inward - toward the American domestic population and - "downward" - toward regional and local initiatives. This paper looks at domestic intelligence activities in Los Angeles in order to investigate the role of the public in the changing relationship between civil liberties and security. Los Angeles is used as a starting point and exemplar for other national domestic intelligence activities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]