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In recent decades, the fair trade movement has tried to reverse the negative socioeconomic effects of economic globalization on commodity producers in developing countries. This is done by reconnecting socially aware consumers in industrialized countries with producers in developing countries through stable and transparent longdistance trade networks. This paper argues that fair trade modifies the traditional governance structures and interaction patterns of global trade. The primary analytical focus shifts away from states, IGOs and Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to individuals. By applying a postinternational polities approach, the paper investigates how concerned individuals and NGO-networks, which form the backbone of the fair trade movement, actually manage diverse issues such as information campaigns, productcertification, training of farmers, community building as well as the transportation and distribution of fair trade products. From a (global) governance point of view, the fair trade movement represents an interesting case of a polity, which generates authority and legitimacy by challenging the current trade system and its underlying norms, ideologies and structures. Moreover, by analysing the fair trade movement from a postinternational perspective, the paper develops an alternative approach for IPE scholarship to bring the individual back into the study of international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has paid little attention to economic and social rights. Instead, the majority of scholarly work has concentrated on the impact of globalization on physical integrity rights; interestingly, liberal and critical scholars often claim this ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the 'mainstreaming' of constructivism in IR, the 'social turn' overlooks a crucial component of social life - the ordinary interactions that form the frequent and most common opportunity for dialogue among international actors. In this paper, I argue that ordinary interactions, like the creation of an Economic Partnership Commission to enhance and deepen US-Turkish partnership shortly after 9/11, are at the core of social processes. These interactions matter because they demonstrate how actors make their relations meaningful through a common language; one that relies on a re-engagement with the relevant past events familiar to participants. The 'trade talk' between the US and Turkey in 2002 relied on re-telling the past in order to make the economic negotiations meaningful. Events are not static 'things' in need of explanation or prediction, but rather elements of meaning-making and common knowledge. Ironically, then, events are extremely significant elements of the ordinary. By emphasizing how events are used as elements of story, I demonstrate the socially productive possibilities of the everyday. This requires close attention to narratives and I develop a methodology loosely based on David Campbell's work to examine how the articulated past events that appear in the narratives told to me in my personal interviews with US and Turkish elites in 2003 are formative of common knowledge and sense-making in international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turchin and Modelski have both developed extremely long-term models of processes thought to lead to major alternations in political-economic and social structures and behavior. Turchin’s model applies to the pre-industrial world and is focused on population growth exceeding carrying capacity that, in turn, leads to intermittent periods of imperial disintegration. Modelski’s model is focused more on concentrated innovation and urbanization giving way to resistance from the hinterland, deconcentration, and expanding trading activity. While the processes highlighted by the two models need not covary, some of the overlap in observed periodicities are intriguing for the possibility of integrating the two models to some extent. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-governmental organizations and social networks influence international politics, but rational-choice theories of international organization and political economy cannot account for their power. How can actors with negligible economic resources and inability to use force shape the outcomes of negotiations among states and powerful multinational corporations, and why do these powerful actors tolerate NGO pressure? A game-theoretic model suggests an informational explanation for the power of grassroot social activism without access to significant economic resources, and shows that powerful states often benefit from this activism. An extension of the model derives the conditions under which the activists choose to join the network of powerful international NGOs. I conclude the paper by applying the model to the impact of the expansion of the blogosphere on human rights violations and environmental oppression. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a sub-region synonymous with political crises and violent regional conflicts, the Casamance war has managed to fly under the international radar despite being one of the longest running civil wars in the region of West Africa. In comparison with the vast war economies generated in countries of the Mano River Union during the 1990s, the rebel forces of the Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC) have been able to sustain their efforts on a subsistence war economy of cashews, timber, cannabis, war 'tax' and banditry. Indeed, it is curious how the conflict, which has lasted more than 20 years, managed to continue for so long. Attempts by the government of Senegal to bring the conflict to an end have been constantly thwarted by deadlocks in negotiations, mistrust, and resurgence in violence. This paper examines the ongoing peacebuilding process in the Casamance, in particular the practice of using demobilization and reintegration programs and other development assistance as key inducements to reign in spoilers during the peace process. While much of the war termination literature extols the use of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs to kick-start the establishment of a political economy of peace, it is questionable whether sequencing demobilization and reintegration prior to disarmament can foster an environment of greater security. This paper illustrates this point with a case study of the Casamance conflict. Although the government of Senegal was successful in using donor-sponsored development assistance to foster factionalism within the MFDC in 1992, the strategy barely contributed to addressing the main socio-economic grievances of the rebels. Instead, it created a system of de-legitimization, which has negated the prospects of a genuine disarmament, demobilization and reintegration program as part of the peacebuilding process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization has had significant effects on various aspects of health around the world. In response, there has been a surge of analytical interest in global health, not only in the health sector, but also in fields such as International Relations that, until recently, paid little attention to health issues. The heightened attention in global health within IR is welcome and appropriate, given evidence that health outcomes are being affected significantly by economic and political changes associated with globalization. Yet, although new initiatives such as the United Nations Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) are responding to the need “to address the social factors leading to ill health and inequities”, global health problems, in IR as well as in the health field, tend still to be framed primarily in biological, empiricist terms, which relate good health to technological solution. Better health statistics will result in the South, it is assumed, if better infrastructure is provided to improve access to health care, or if the appropriate medicine, such as antiretrovirals for treating HIV-AIDS, is made available. Meanwhile, in the North, an inordinate amount of funding for health research is now directed towards the technological, such as genomics, to the detriment of research spending on social determinants of health. This paper addresses the gap between the excessive attention paid to technological solution and the logic and need of addressing the social determinants of health, especially with respect to reducing global health inequities. It seeks to identify the centres of power that create a discourse of health that perpetuates this gap. It explores, in particular, why many IR scholars who have recently developed an interest in global health, and who are well-situated to address social determinants, have instead adopted the biomedical model in their analyses of global health. Finally, it examines possibilities such as the CSDH, for presenting an alternative discourse and redirection toward a social determinants model of global health. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late Mahbub ul Haq, the chief architect of the UNDP’s annual Human Development Report was among the first to propose the formation of an Economic Security Council (ESC) within the UN. Haq envisioned an expansive ESC that would implement a program based on security in its fullest sense: security for people, from food security to ecological security. The UNDP expanded on Haq vision and argued for an early warning system as part of the ESC to plan assistance in internal conflicts. The UNDP mentioned five quantitative indicators for an early warning system for human security: income and job security, food security, human rights violations, ethnic and other conflicts, and the ratio of military to social spending. In my new book, The Global New Deal: Economic and Social Human Rights in World Politics (Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), I propose building on the Haq/UNDP proposal for a new ESC. Strengthening international monitoring and regulation of state and non-state economic actors seems central to any strategy for respecting, protecting and fulfilling economic and social human rights. Yet, the Haq/UNDP proposal seems overly ambitions. What I propose in the Global New Deal is a new streamlined ESC to invigorate the moribund Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). My paper for ISA will develop these ideas for an effective ESC in detail. ECOSOC has clearly had little success in establishing mechanisms to prevent economic destitution and suffering. A new design needs to be proposed for an effective ESC centered on economic and social rights fulfillment. The new ESC, for example, could focus like a laser on the implementation of the UNICEF/UNDP 20:20 proposal for human development. My paper will thoroughly develop these ideas and, hopefully, demonstrate the viability of this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization is a controversial term encompassing diverse shifting concepts and theories. Escobar (2004) investigates material and conceptual concerns surrounding globalization through grounding it within two major processes. The first is the ‘rise of a new U.S.-based form of imperial globality, an economic-military-ideological order that subordinates regions, peoples and economies world wide’, and the second is the ‘emergence of self-organizing social movement networks, which operate under a new logic, fostering forms of counter-hegemonic globalization’(Escobar, 2004, p.207). Appreciating the cohabitation of these processes, the often assumed unidirectional, encroaching forces of globalizing images, ideas, money, products, and people can be seen as processes creating new spaces of engagement and sites of resistance to contest the notions and materiality of globalization itself. This paper specifically harnesses the framework of ‘mediascapes’ as offered by Appadurai to ground this discussion and contextualize one contemporary global change occurring in indigenous groups. This is followed by a discussion of the emergence of a collective “indigenous” identity, the presence of this identity in technological virtual spaces, and how these spaces are being used to mobilize a social justice agenda. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization, a term first coined in the 1960s, emerged as a theory out of sociology and economics in the late 1980s and became the central buzzword in political discourse over the past decade. Although some scholarship has noted that waves of globalization existed before in world history, it is usually limited in two ways: (i) by trying to read history backwards from the present, whereby we start with globalization thought as we know it today and try to find similar patterns in the past; and, mostly as a result, (ii) by limiting the history of globalization to the modern period, at the exclusion of ancient, medieval and often early modern times. This paper argues that not only did the ancient Greek and Roman world show empirical signs of globalization, but perhaps more importantly that central elements of globalization thought were already present in ancient Greek and Roman thought, especially in cosmology, philosophy and historiography. The aim of the paper is not only to demonstrate that a history of globalization (thought) existed already in ancient Greek and Roman times, but also that looking back at these early precursors might open up possibilities to conceptualize globalization differently from the prevailing story embedded in the discourse of modernity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important topic for research in recent decades has been member state compliance with international agreements. Explanations for signatory compliance have included state capacity, ideology of governments, ambiguity of treaties, exogenous social and economic shocks as well as the existence of credible enforcement mechanisms. We look to test existing theories on European member state compliance with the Stability and Growth Pact. Our dataset consists of the original EU-15 countries over a period of nine years. We examine member state compliance in two areas: 1) with regard to avoiding excessive deficits; and 2) compliance with explicit recommendations for action contained within annual EU Commission Assessments of member state stability/convergence programs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All the development policies must consider diverse actors in the making, application, financing and evaluation of the programs in order to look for the detriment of the economic and social imbalances. In spite of being a known premise, in several empirical concerning the co responsibility above mentioned it does not exist. Is it or not an indispensable factor to achieve the success? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern international and internal political situation of Ukraine in many respects depends on alignment of political, military strategic and economic forces in modern Europe. European integration, which has been developing especially actively in the last decade due to deep evolutionary changes in the EU, presents essential part of the process.Such setting of the problem is tightly connected with the aspiration of Ukraine to participate in European integration and to enter the EU in future prospects. It was more than once declared by the governing body and is reflected in the official documents.Advancement of Ukraine towards European integration relates with the whole complex of both internal and international problems. Nowadays mutual relations of Ukraine with the EU are mainly grounded on the Agreement about partnership and cooperation acting since 1998. Transfer to a deeper stage of cooperation in the form of associated membership and preparation for the commencement of negotiations about entering the EU is not foreseen in nearest several years as the Governing body of European Commission declares. Ukraine is proposed to build cooperation with the EU on the ground of bilateral relations and neighbor cooperation. Such conditions can be explained by both internal problems of Ukraine and the developments in the EU itself. In the first term it is inconsistency between the levels of economical development and social political field to those of the EU standards and slow progress on this way. Besides the EU is on the stage not only deepening of integration processes but also increasing of its membership. For the first time it is happening in such mass number and includes former socialist states. Entry of new members is connected with many problems .In the fist term with social economic ones. Therefore after 2004 when a group of the states entered the EU, inevitably, so called ?adaptive pause? in enlargement and in distribution of such promises, would appear. It will negatively influence on the movement of the other CEE states towards European integration even in case of great spurt in the field of market economy and democratic changes. Reasoning from these circumstances, it will be extremely important for Ukraine the consequences of the EU enlargement and the outline of cooperation with the EU in the neighbor status, which would remain in the future due to the explained internal and international reasons and would be extremely important for development of Ukraine. Such a scheme is on the stage of working out and, to elaborate the optimal foreign policy line of Ukraine from one side and the EU strategy from the other, a fair and thorough appraisal of new situation is necessary.Aims and tasks of the research.The main aim of the my current research is the study of the key factors of the influence of the EU enlargement on Ukraine.To implement the given aim the following tasks are set:1.To trace the specific character of the new stage the EU enlargement, completing the formation of the economic and monetary union, progressing on the way of formation of the political union and deepening cooperation in the security sphere.2. To analyze main European and North American researches as well as the official documents and statements on the EU enlargement and relations between Ukraine and the EU.3. To study main political and economic consequences of the influence of the EU enlargement on Ukraine in trade and economic sphere. It is important to clarify the eastern economic policy of the EU after the enlargement would be on the one hand and if Ukraine would be ready to offer in return any effective internal structural and institutional changes on the other hand. 4... ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern international and internal political situation of Ukraine in many respects depends on alignment of political, military strategic and economic forces in modern Europe. European integration, which has been developing especially actively in the last decade due to deep evolutionary changes in the EU, presents essential part of the process.Such setting of the problem is tightly connected with the aspiration of Ukraine to participate in European integration and to enter the EU in future prospects. It was more than once declared by the governing body and is reflected in the official documents.Advancement of Ukraine towards European integration relates with the whole complex of both internal and international problems. Nowadays mutual relations of Ukraine with the EU are mainly grounded on the Agreement about partnership and cooperation acting since 1998. Transfer to a deeper stage of cooperation in the form of associated membership and preparation for the commencement of negotiations about entering the EU is not foreseen in nearest several years as the Governing body of European Commission declares. Ukraine is proposed to build cooperation with the EU on the ground of bilateral relations and neighbor cooperation. Such conditions can be explained by both internal problems of Ukraine and the developments in the EU itself. In the first term it is inconsistency between the levels of economical development and social political field to those of the EU standards and slow progress on this way. Besides the EU is on the stage not only deepening of integration processes but also increasing of its membership. For the first time it is happening in such mass number and includes former socialist states. Entry of new members is connected with many problems .In the fist term with social economic ones. Therefore after 2004 when a group of the states entered the EU, inevitably, so called ?adaptive pause? in enlargement and in distribution of such promises, would appear. It will negatively influence on the movement of the other CEE states towards European integration even in case of great spurt in the field of market economy and democratic changes. Reasoning from these circumstances, it will be extremely important for Ukraine the consequences of the EU enlargement and the outline of cooperation with the EU in the neighbor status, which would remain in the future due to the explained internal and international reasons and would be extremely important for development of Ukraine. Such a scheme is on the stage of working out and, to elaborate the optimal foreign policy line of Ukraine from one side and the EU strategy from the other, a fair and thorough appraisal of new situation is necessary.Aims and tasks of the research.The main aim of the my current research is the study of the key factors of the influence of the EU enlargement on Ukraine.To implement the given aim the following tasks are set:1.To trace the specific character of the new stage the EU enlargement, completing the formation of the economic and monetary union, progressing on the way of formation of the political union and deepening cooperation in the security sphere.2. To analyze main European and North American researches as well as the official documents and statements on the EU enlargement and relations between Ukraine and the EU.3. To study main political and economic consequences of the influence of the EU enlargement on Ukraine in trade and economic sphere. It is important to clarify the eastern economic policy of the EU after the enlargement would be on the one hand and if Ukraine would be ready to offer in return any effective internal structural and institutional changes on the other hand. 4... ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, we have celebrated an anniversary of ?perestroika? started by M.Gorbachev at 1985. This historical moment has provoked a period of global transformation which influenced and still influences the developments in different regions of the world: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Asia, former republics of the USSR.That transformation has really become a process of global development. There are a lot of components of this transformation in political life, social and economic developnets, cultural, ethnic and religious relations.?New Security Dilema?Relations between developed and developing countires?Formation of the global society of consumption?The changing status of national state?Transnational roots of globalization?Cultural pluralism or global cultural degradation?Democratic values and bureaucratic capitalismTo realize the roots and results of this contradictiory transformation is a question of global importance. Evaluation of our experience of transformation will help us to understand the realities of our contemporary life and possible ways of its future development. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a zone of intensity for liberal development, the area known as the Mekong is shifting from a European colonial cartography toward the schema of a global South. As a site of economic and cultural investment for international nongovernmental organizations and multiple arms of the United Nations Economic and Social Council, societies in the area are encouraged to both modernize and preserve, in doing so adopting the urgency of underdevelopment. Two exhibitions of contemporary art offered in 2004 reflect upon this condition ? the Heinrich Böll Foundation?s Identity versus Globalization and the official French-Thai collaboration Here and Now. This paper considers capital investments in humanitarian art in the Mekong, whose financing depends upon the artist?s adoption of themes such as identity, tradition, and multiculturalism. It argues that such investments construct the North-South relation, but also produce points of bifurcation through which the relation is not always refigured. Instead, the results are hybrid forms of collective orientation, or new regionalisms. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the economic and political dynamics that underlie the global divide in socioeconomic conditions. it is argued that both globalization and development as geopolitical strategic projects are designed to deepen and extend this global divide. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rush to intensified globalization can result in higher rates of displacement of peasant farmers from their livelihood bases. Since globalization produces a tension between traditional socio-cultural identity and the emerging cultural universalism, it is often marked by the rise of violent social conflicts and/or efforts to design alternative development models predicated on local social, cultural, and values. Communities develop stronger coping mechanisms to deal with adverse ecological and economic conditions. But increasing resource depletion coupled with poverty is placing a heavy burden on their adaptive capabilities. Seafood export has become the second highest foreign exchange earner in Bangladesh. International donor agencies and NGOs (e.g., The World Bank, UNDP and The CARITAS) made massive investment in this Asian ?Blue Revolution? what Goldenberg (1997) termed as ?Aquatic Klondike?. Within the last decade, more than 350,000 acres of agricultural land in coastal districts of Bangladesh have been turned into shrimp farms. The industry employs a labour force, composed mostly of women who are poorly paid. It appears that the aquaculture technique in any given location is temporary, but its social and environmental impacts are enduring. The export-oriented shrimp-culture is, on the one hand, degrading the environment and creating violent social conflicts by dislocating a large number of people from their livelihood. There is a rapid encroachment of vital common property resources and ecological reserves as well as coerced land polarization by new business interests (Nijera Kori.1996.). On the other hand, export oriented production of agricultural commodities is giving quick rise to new entrepreneurs and middlemen. There remains a pressing need for more detailed research into the role of resource depletion, and therefore, environmental degradation as a cause of social suffering. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of organised labour as expression of dissent or social resistance to neoliberal economic globalisation has attracted increasing scholarly interest. It has been argued that with the end of the Cold War and of the constraints it placed on international labour solidarity, there has emerged an environment in which organised labour is better positioned to overcome the tradition of bureaucratic national unionism and transform itself into a more internationally-oriented ?social movement unionism.? These trends are by no means limited to the global North, and indeed, writers often make reference to newly industrialising countries in the global South, such as South Korea, South Africa, and Brazil, thus making it possible to talk of labour as a part of a ?global civil society.? By examining the case of the South Korean labour movement, however, I argue that such analysis as above focuses on only one aspect of the labour movement at the expense of its larger historical context. The experience of the Korean labour movement is in fact diametrically opposed to the social movement union hypothesis. There is good reason to believe that this is not simply because of unique characteristics of the Korean case, but rather is intimately related to Korea?s status as a both a newly industrialising and a newly democratising country. Since the 1980s, the Korean labour movement has undergone a transformation from a militant and almost revolutionary movement, to being bureaucratised and co-opted into the hegemonic political system. This has been due to the seemingly contradictory but in reality often complementary processes of neoliberal globalisation and democratisation that many countries of the South have recently experienced. Despite the labour movement?s discourse of opposition neoliberal restructuring, new hegemonic ideologies of democracy, international competitiveness amidst globalisation, and particularly of ?civil society? as a legitimate sphere of action have acted to co-opt the labour movement and weaken its resistance to restructuring. Furthermore, neoliberal restructuring has accelerated since the financial crisis, and this has contributed towards increased workers? insecurity and has made resistance to neoliberal restructuring even more problematic. This insecurity has led labour to seek a role as responsible partner to government and business in pseudo-social corporatism forums, despite the fact the striking thing about Korean industrial relations is the absolute absence of prerequisites for such a system of social agreement politics. It is my hypothesis therefore that whilst global neoliberal restructuring may have a homogenising effect on national economies, we cannot assume that there will be homogenous form of social or labour resistance in the form of a ?global civil society? without considering the specific historical contexts of national labour or social movements. In the global North, labour movements may have clearly perceived neoliberalism as an attack on the status of organised labour. In the global South, however, the Korean case suggests that the simultaneous processes of democratisation and neoliberal restructuring have been a complex mixture of crisis and opportunity that has made the assumption of unified resistance to globalisation more problematic. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most parts of the anti-globalisation movement in fact promote globalisation in its sociological sense and take part in constructing new social and political spaces. To the extent that there is a unifying adversary, it is not globalisation per se but rather the Washington consensus of economic orthodoxy and the unleashed capacity of capitalist corporations and banks to operate freely across borders and regions, creating new undemocratic and unaccountable mechanisms of global control and power. This power is being promoted and safeguarded by the Bretton Woods institutions; the WTO; and a number of other inter- and supranational conventions and bodies. I argue that the mainstream of alter-globalisation movement is right. Complex division of labour and asymmetric interdependence imply that simultaneous attempts at self-reliance - or autarchy - would lead to a major economic and thereby political catastrophe. On the other hand, it is also not possible to assume tacitly that free market forces would take care of (the remaining) world economic relations. Global governance is thus needed. Moreover, the typical idealised accounts of territorial states ignore historical realities and the problem of peace and interconnectedness of humanity. My conclusion is that critical social movements should simultaneously aim at creating conditions for (i) a global security community (desecuritization); (ii) more democratic global governance (democratization); and (iii) more viable and autonomy-enabling ways of regulating economic practices and world markets (democratic re-regulation and pluralism) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the world system is conditioned by the dynamics of social, political, and economic relations over world history. Notwithstanding the human engendered relations, another relation, that of Culture and Nature, also impacts on world system evolution. In an era of global changes and crisis, this paper will explicate how long-term ecological crises spanning over 600 years in length in world history have conditioned the evolutionary trajectory of the world system. Therefore, the current understanding of the forces and relations circumscribing the current global crises from hegemonic challenges to economic crises needs to be placed within a longer ecological cycle of world system dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]