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"Seeing" like the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) on global financial supervision offers a unique vantage point from which to comprehend deeper changes in relations between states and markets in the global political economy in recent decades. Analysis of the BIS's establishment of bank capital rules and supervisory practices is illustrative not only of the ongoing shift from a state- to market-led system for supervising global finance, but also of the major role private actors perform in public policymaking at the BIS and in the global political economy more broadly. But rather than being the intended result of "policy capture," or the unintended consequence of the BIS's search for "best practices," over-representation of the interests of the largest developed country banks in the BIS's approach to bank supervision is explained by the BIS's institutional make-up and history as a bank founded by and for big banksâ??central as well as private. Thus, through historical analysis this article demonstrates how the BIS's current approach to global financial supervision, which relies heavily on private banks to regulate themselves, and which accords a minimal role for the state, is rooted in the BIS's institutional design and identity. Since its founding in 1930 the BIS has constituted the institutionalization of state-market/public-private interaction, thus legitimizing private-sector participation in the process of public policymaking. The quintessentially private and discrete club-like atmosphere of the BIS insulates such private-public interaction from governmental control and oversight, blurs the line between the public and private spheres of policymaking, and allows private norms to shape public norms in the area of financial supervision. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some individuals or organizations choose to join interest groups while other potential members do not? Not only do I examine why members, in this case charter schools, choose to join a group, but I also examine those who chose not to join. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the impacts of the growing Chinese expansion in Africa for political and economic reforms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can political theorists learn from the recent spate of “new atheist” writings? How does this literature contribute to the content of moral and political theory? What can be learned from the way that new atheists proceed methodologically? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through content analysis of articles that construct the image of Poland in contemporary Russia and Russia in today’s Poland, I investigate one possible factor responsible for the persistence of historical grievances among Russian and Polish publics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars contend that political rules can resolve contractual inefficiencies when promises are not credible. This argument fails to account for the uneven effects of commitment devices across parties. We propose and test an alternative theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Semi-exploratory factor analysis is a new estimator that lies on the continuum between exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, largely captures the respective benefits of each, and avoids many of their downsides. My R package now implements it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political science methodology, using innovative courtroom access, bridges the divide between judicial proceedings and how law is taught by examining the interplay between lawyers and judges that decisively contoured landmark court rulings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Plutarch’s Lives of Lycurgus and Numa subtly critique the Platonic “best regime.” This critique focuses on the political utility of honor, and demonstrates Plutarch’s departure from Platonic political psychology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I show that war never occurs in the dyad when states can bargain not only over a pie, but also over their respective capabilities. Rapid shifts in power, then, cannot be a sufficient explanation for war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition among consulting firms and evolving industry business models affect the campaigns that voters see. Using surveys and network analysis, I reveal consequential differences across parties and over time in the campaign industry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative legislative research has contributed to an examination of the validity of roll-call votes as measures of legislators' policy preferences. It has prompted an awareness of the influence of legislative structure on the composition of the voting record. Comparative research on members' ideal points has confronted the problem of selection effects, abstentions, the influence of the agenda setter, and the effect of party strategy. It has encouraged the search for alternate measures of members' preferences, including members' speech, co-sponsorship, survey responses, and party manifestos. In the non-American setting, ideal points have been regarded as group-level as well as individual level variables. The game theoretic approach to the study of legislatures has led to the formulation of hypotheses relating legislative structure to members' ideal points. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Aristotle identified Socrates as the first political philosopher it is Aristotle himself who was the first to discover political science as an independent inquiry. In marked contrast to Plato's replication of Socratic dialectic Aristotle's political teaching no longer has the manner of an ascent, and this is manifest in the fact that whereas the Platonic political teaching appears in dialogue form, the Aristotelian political teaching appears in independent treatises addressed to gentlemen who are potential legislators or statesmen. Aristotle's political science provides a way to speak about politics in a manner that may guide existing cities and in the construction of the best possible city. In order to appreciate the significance of Aristotle's discovery of political science this article considers both Aristotle's critique of what he takes to be Plato's best regime, and the role of Aristotle's idea of the best regime in his political science. In so far as Aristotle's Politics establishes the terms for political discourse we may say that Aristotle's discovery of political science is a reflection of Aristotle's best regime, the regime of the philosopher-king. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing Berlin’s notion of objective pluralism is necessary to understanding the contemporary dilemmas of liberalism. This requires examining both values held to be illiberal and liberal values held by those who do not ascribe to liberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate and compare the impact of the autism narrative construction on federal autism policy in the United States and Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross sectional time series analysis shows that land based economic resources are associated with authoritarian regimes while a large manufacturing sector is associated with democratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the concept of nascient political ambition and the assessment of potential candidates' initial interest in seeking elective office. The authors' analysis is based on the Citizen Political Ambition Study in the professions that most frequently precede a career in politics. They found that that a general sense of efficacy as a candidate, as well as a politicized upbringing, motivate well-situated potential candidates' inclinations to run for office. Alternatively, status as a member of a group historically excluded from politics depresses the likelihood of considering a candidacy.

My goal is to improve how political scientists and practitioners conceptualize and measure civic competence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working from Skocpol?s (2003) conclusions about interest group professionalization I examine the inequalities in interest group participation from the standpoint of political theory and conclude that liberalism does not provide a satisfying solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An overview of Gobetti's thought and practice and an evaluation of his 'revolutionary liberalism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An evaluation of recent research in political science as it relates to the theory of democratic pluralism and alternative accounts of democratic politics as objects of social scientific inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that positivism has had baleful practical consequences for research in the discipline and debates over how that research is assessed. My aim is to identify those consequences as a first step toward figuring out how we might rectify them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the ending of the Cold War the study of Edmund Burke’s political thought has been freed from simply describing his conservatism. Stephen K. White has begun to chart one of the more promising directions in his 1994 book Edmund Burke: Modernity, Politics and Aesthetics, by paying close attention to the “affective-aesthetic” dimension of Burke’s political thought. This study proposes to begin from White’s short study and to further the articulation of the link between affective experience and political ideas, with particular attention to the role of the sublime. In a critical passage of the Reflections Burke wrote that those who hold power must defer to “sublime principles” and “they should not look to the paltry pelf of the moment nor to the temporary and transient praise of the vulgar, but to a solid, permanent existence in the permanent part of their nature.” Given the extraordinary attention Burke gave to the topic of sublimity in his only philosophical tract, the Enquiry into Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful, we must be alert to Burke’s meaning when he refers us to the sublime in the Reflections and when he adverts to affective experiences throughout his writings. The sublime evokes “Vastness” and “Infinity,” and “Obscurity,” “Uniformity,” “Magnitude,” and “Magnificence” also create in the mind an experience of sublimity. An experience of sublimity “so entirely fill[s the mind] with its object, that it cannot entertain any other, nor by consequence reason on that object which employs it.” Such affectivity, this study will demonstrate, ruled Burke’s view of the world and his understanding of politics, and the application of his understanding of the sublime alerts us to how he perceived the limits of politics and human competence. More than a rhetorical flourish or an inconsequential reference to the immortality of the soul and the prospect of eternal reward, his linkage of sublimity to the “permanent” part of our nature hints at a larger understanding of the full participation of human beings in something outside themselves. Politics, for Burke, cannot be reduced to rationality or the individuality of any one human being. Instead politics – and all reality – is built on relations, to which affective experiences alert us in a way that reason cannot. Drawing on a number of Burke texts from throughout his life (some familiar, some rarely cited), this study will claim Burke as more than a conservative, but a critic of modernity offering an intriguing alternative to all-encompassing rationality that is as much rooted in tradition as it is dedicated to substantial political freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Economy: Do they get it Right? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have most of the governments in Latin America increased social spending in the 1990s despite a weakening of organized labor under globalization? I argue that the increase in social spending in Latin American countries is explained by policy makers’ desire to achieve the simultaneous goals of economic growth and social equity under globalization. The current dominant literature on comparative political economy in the OECD countries claims that leftist governments linked to a strong labor power are more likely to expand social spending in order to compensate the “new political constituencies,” who are supposed to be adversely affected by globalization. Unlike in the advanced industrial economies, however, such leftist power does not seem to explain the change in social spending in Latin America. More specifically, globalization contributes to an expansion of the informal sector and the consequent de-alignment of traditional left-labor alliance. In this context, a more plausible explanation is that the policy makers, regardless of partisanship, are more inclined to increase social spending, particularly human capital expenditures, to improve the skill level of labor force aiming at enhancing economic efficiency. Using a time-series cross-sectional panel data set for 13 Latin American countries from 1980 to 1997, this study presents the following findings. First, globalization measured as trade openness and capital account liberalization does affect the change in social spending. Second, the spending increase attributable to enhancing human capital expenditures is not aimed at compensating the expanding informal sector, which is supposed to exert electoral pressure as the “new political constituencies.” Instead, it reflects the policy makers’ economic concern for achieving both economic growth and social equity, which have been considered an unsolvable trade-off in the region. Third, partisan politics matters less than in the advanced industrial countries. Taken together, these findings demonstrate that economic rather than political logic works behind the increase in social spending in Latin American countries under globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the presence of new technology in the social sciences, it is appropriate that qualitative research evolve to keep pace with modern times. This research project examined the impact of new technologies on focus group methodology, specifically the differences between traditional focus groups and virtual focus groups (Vgroups). The central question addressed was whether Vgroups could produce the same results as traditional physical focus groups. To answer this question, three distinct areas of comparative research were examined - namely, the attitudinal difference between a traditional physical focus group and a virtual focus group, the depth and breadth of discussion in each group type, and the amount of overall knowledge gained from each method. The advantages - e.g., how Vgroup technology can be successfully employed in research with marginalized groups in the United States - and limitations - e.g., the requisite prevalence in access to high-speed internet connections - are discussed. The 2 x 3 design utilized recruited university students. They were randomly assigned to either the physical focus group or the virtual focus group. A total of 60 students participated. Each of the two treatment groups had independent researchers record events blind, based on the three areas of investigation, during the focus group. The moderator did not partake in recording or scoring these items. The findings suggest that, in fact, Vgroups produced higher quality results than traditional physical focus groups for several reasons. First, the flexibility of the technology included people who normally would not participate in a traditional physical focus group due to time commitments, geographic location (usually in a rural setting), transportation and personal security issues to name only a few. Second, because the participants are not physically present with other participants, participants provided more candid responses. Finally, because of the uniqueness of this type of technology, Vgroup participants were more involved with the focus group discussion as they had the ability to control the direction of the focus group. In conclusion, the results clearly demonstrate that new technology has advantages over traditional physical focus groups in political science and should be included as an additional technique in socio-political research. However, it is not advocated as a complete replacement for traditional physical focus groups because of the need to have access to a high-speed internet connection. Also, traditional physical focus groups still have an advantage when researching highly emotional and/or disturbing topics because the researcher can address any distress immediately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiplicative interaction models are common in the quantitative political science literature. This is so for good reason. Institutional arguments frequently imply that the relationship between political inputs and outcomes varies depending on the institutional context. Models of strategic interaction typically produce conditional hpotheses as well. Although conditional hypotheses are ubiquitous in political science and multiplicative interaction models have been found to capture their intuition quite well, a survey of the literature suggests that the execution of these models is often flawed and inferential errors are common. We believe that considerable progress in our understanding of the political world can occur if scholars follow the simple check list of dos and don’ts for using multiplicative interaction models presented in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the course of the last generation, there has been a decline in the proportion of individuals who identify themselves directly with either of the two major political parties in the United States. Rather than seeing tremendous growth in the proportion of individuals who identify as “pure” independents, most of the growth is in those categorized as “independent leaners.” (Keith, et al 1992) Though we have seen this shift in identification, there has not been a corresponding shift in the fundamental beliefs of any large group of society, indicating that there must be another explanation for the shift in party identification. I propose that the decrease in the proportion of individuals who identify with one of the two major parties can be attributed to a decrease in person-to-person contacting on the part of the two major political parties. This contacting serves as a priming mechanism, causing those who are contacted to be more cognizant of the connections between their own political stances and the stances of the political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Proposal for Panel: Electoral Rules and Electoral Change in Latin America) Electoral rules can be understood as an insurance mechanism against uncertainty in electoral outcomes. District magnitude in proportional representation systems, together with the seat-allocation formula and the drawing of district boundaries can be used as tools to reduce the uncertainty associated with elections. When choosing electoral rules, electoral designers establish the level of insurance against electoral defeats. Risk-averse designers will select rules where the damage of an electoral defeat will be minimized by the distortions produced by the electoral rules. Once electoral rules that insured against electoral defeats are in place, will risk-averse office-holders have any incentives to change them in favor of rules where voters have a greater influence on who gets elected? Using the case of Chile’s unusual across the board 2-seat proportional representation system, I argue that once an electoral set of rules that successfully insures against electoral defeats is in place, there will not be enough support among legislators to change the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme of motion is prominent throughout Tocqueville’s Democracy in America. In the chapter on the real advantages that American society derives from the government of democracy, Tocqueville makes the following observation: "When one passes from a free country into another that is not, one is struck by a very extraordinary spectacle: there, all is activity and movement; here, all seems calm and immobile." Whether the activity and movement-the motion-of the people be a confused clamor, a thousand voices, a gathering of neighbors, an assembling of citizens, Tocqueville identifies this activity as one of the great benefits of democratic government. "This agitation, constantly reborn, that the government of democracy has introduced into the political world, passes afterwards into civil society. I do not know if, all in all, that is not the greatest advantage of democratic government, and I praise it much more because of what it causes to be done than for what it does" (DA I.2.6). The success of a democracy rests in large part on the motion of the people. Their active participation in township government, political and civil associations, jury service, and commerce provides opportunities for the people to learn to govern themselves and participate in a meaningful way in the governing process. Yet this constant motion of the people also has disadvantages that have an impact on many facets of the lives of those living in a democracy. For example the continual movement of the people breaks or relaxes the bond with prior generations. The individualism that originates in democratic societies can also lead to selfishness. To reflect further on the topic of the challenge that the motion of the people in a democracy presents, I propose first to explain how motion is present in Democracy in America, discuss how the motion of the people makes a positive contribution to democracy, identify the challenges that accompany this agitation in society, consider the ensuing consequences if the motion of the people is threatened, and finally to explore what type of balance can be struck between motion and rest in a democratic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an examination of Rousseau's criticisms of the Enlightenment as treated in his novel Julie. There his hero St. Preux visits Paris and compares its morals to the ancient city, as well as to love. He finds that cosmopolitanism degrades both virtue and affection and that its degradations of life are reflected in both its social and moral sciences and its arts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If presidents share their power by forming a coalition (which usually includes positions in the cabinet) whenever they need support to maintain power, why sometimes minority presidents do not form coalitions? This paper explores the instances in which presidents will not form coalitions, and how do presidents choose alternative ways of strengthening their political position. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on 2008 data from The China Survey, a nationwide social science survey of Chinese population, this paper builds upon earlier works (e.g., by Shi and by Verba, Nie, and Kim) by adapting their theoretical frameworks for application to China's rural population, testing the resulting theoretical models with data for the rural subsample. In so doing, we focus specifically upon two modes of political participation: voting and communal activities. We find that while political participation in rural China is in many ways like participation in other, very different political systems, there are still special features reflecting China's unique social, political, and institutional arrangements ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the context of the public goods model, this paper evaluates the theory of hegemonic stability for the post World War II period using quantitative methods. The results support the theory of a benevolent hegemon. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the relevance of Aristotle's political philosophy for liberalism? The paper explores the limited ways in which Aristotle's ancient philosophy of politics directs reform for modern democratic liberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the linkage if any between collective resistance in the form of social movements and covert/everyday forms of resistance? The paper argues that the two have to be linked for structural changes to happen. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an innovative reading of the Social Contract in the light of Rousseau's discussions on patriotism, this paper inquires into the crucial role that love plays in Rousseau's conception of popular sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an overview of some of the main works of liberalism, this paper would like to interrogate one of the most commonly admitted couple of political philosophy: liberalism and individualism. A way of exploring “unconsciousness” of modernity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the argument that SNTV is subproportional. This test is superior to previous tests because the data are from a country not previously examined and include multiple parties and a change in government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests whether brokers are more likely to find support for their collaborative proposals. In addition, it also explores how tie strength in ego-networks conditions the previous relationship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the treatment in Plato's Protagoras of the question Is Virtue One? It attempts to make sense of the perplexing discussion, give an answer to the question, and explain why this question and answer are of such great importance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between tragedy, self-knowledge, and friendship in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, concluding that Aristotle addresses the tension inherent between our identities as individuals and our political nature. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the configuration of natural beauty as a category of alterity in Adorno's "Äesthetische Theorie," and the implications of such a configuration for political practice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on the Adornian non-identical and the Lacanian Real, to propose a “theoretical outline of the subject.” Although we cannot completely grasp the subject, it argues we need a subject to advance changes in the socio-political sphere. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the increasing diversity of the advanced degrees of faculty who teach political science. The author notes strengths and weaknesses, particularly placing this into the context of the integration of political science programs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers recent reinterpretations of Thomas Aquinas that advance a principled distinction between public and private acts. Aquinas's divergence from Aristotle and compatibility with modern political theory are considered. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances a theory of party coordination that accounts for patterns of nationalization and de-nationalization of politics across national and subnational electoral arenas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper uses HAMLET as a focus on political leadership, focusing on the players and Polonius's admonition: "To thine own self be true/And it must follow as night the day/Thou canst not then be false to any man." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper emphasizes need to increase communication and dialogue among diverse types of political theorists ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite facing similar environmental threats, environmental conservation efforts in Taiwan, Japan, and China vary greatly. In my paper, I argue that this is best explained by examining differences in institutional structure and domestic politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]