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Despite a lot of interest in how party primaries affect the characteristics of candidates, most work has focused on U.S. presidential candidates, limiting scholars’ ability to compare the effects of primaries across large numbers of candidates. The gap is understandable, as it is rare for parties to use different selection methods simultaneously across districts. In new democracies, more experimentation takes place. One such case is Mexico, where the two largest parties used a variety of selection procedures to choose their 2006 candidates for plurality district seats, from open primaries to designation by the national leadership. Since re-election is prohibited, there were no unopposed incumbents. This paper looks at how selection methods affect the candidates chosen, drawing on two surveys, of congressional candidates prior to the 2006 election and of congressional deputies in March 2008. Since the decision to hold a primary is separate from who wins the primary election, I use a Heckman two-stage model to control for selection sample bias. The paper analyzes whether candidates selected in primaries are systematically more moderate or more extreme than the median candidate for each party. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic theorists continue to engage with populismâ€"whether understood as a disruptive or dangerous force in democracy or as embedded in the logic of democracy itself. This paper adds to the exploration of the relationship between populism and democracy by juxtaposing the mass anger often attributed to populist movements in general (and to 19th century American populism in particular) with the “discontent” which drove the American progressive movement of the early 20th century (a discontent that Theodore Roosevelt referred to as “fierce” and Herbert Croly called “aggressive”). The paper would fit well on a panel on American political thought, as it will draw both on populist and progressive rhetoric and writings and on scholarly evaluations of both movements. But the theoretical underpinnings of the project come from contemporary democratic theory and, in particular, from Jacques Ranciere’s description of democracy as a rupture in the logic of arche and his related analysis of the wrong or grievance which gives rise to and constitutes politics. Put most simply, my aim in the paper is to think about populist anger and progressive discontent as possible manifestations of that grievance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cuban-origin Latinos have traditionally been represented as the anomaly in any investigation of Latino political behavior. Historically, Latinos have been strongly supportive of the Democratic Party, with Cuban-origin Latinos being the Republican-leaning exception. With this known distinction, we must ask ourselves what defines Cuban partisanship and how does it differ from other Latinos? In this paper I investigate the factors that influence Cuban partisanship compared to non-Cuban Latinos. Secondly, I explore the possible future trajectory of Cuban partisanship and evaluate the possibility of a Democratic conversion, specifically among native-born Cubans. Traditionally, Cuban immigrants have displayed a high level of unanimity and ideological congruence, but it is questionable whether that can be maintained among second generation Cubans. Will the children of this exile population maintain a similar political behavior to that of their parents? The evidence presented in this paper indicates that native-born Cubans are demonstrating declining levels of support for the Republican Party with the Democratic Party becoming a highly competitive alternative. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom dictates that there is a positive and monotonic relationship between a country growth and the quality of its institutions. In this paper, we formally test this hypothesis in a cross-countries fully nonparametric regression framework. In particular, we test whether three of the World Governance Indicators, found to be significantly correlated with growth in Huynh and Jacho-Chávez (2008, forthcoming), namely: voice and accountability, political stability, and rule of law are positively and monotonically related to economic growth for all countries in various regions in each year between 1996 and 2006. We will then link these tests with the literature on growth diagnostics and attempt to ascertain the binding constraints. This work will help policymakers to understand the tradeoffs between growth policies and improving quality of institutions. The paper implements newly developed techniques in Parmeter and Racine (2008) to impose and test shape restrictions in a nonparametric fashion. Test statistics are then constructed by comparing the unrestricted nonparametric fit with the restricted one. Their distributions under the null hypothesis are then obtained from standard nonparametric bootstrap re-sampling scheme. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considerable research has accumulated evidence of voter learning about candidate issue positions during the course of a political campaign. Presidential campaigns present a particularly information-rich environment that makes it easier for voters to learn about candidates and their policy positions. The evidence is less clear as to the extent to which the issue positions of voters influence the decisions they make at the ballot box. Previous research on these two topics, campaign learning and issue voting, has focused on measuring the extent to which such learning or voting occurs, but it has not thoroughly considered heterogeneity in these relationships. Do all voters learn about the same issues and learn about them equally? Do evaluations about issue voting turn on whose issues and which voters are considered? In this paper I will show how the interests of issue publics mediate both campaign learning and issue voting. Specifically, seniors and non-seniors are compared over the course of three campaigns on: 1) The levels and changes in knowledge of candidates' positions on social security over the course of a campaign; and 2) The levels and changes in the correlation between attitudes on this issue and vote choice. This paper utilizes multiple data sources, including the 2008 Associated Press-Yahoo News panel study as well as the rolling cross section and panel components of the 2000 and 2004 National Annenberg Election Surveys. The analysis finds that belonging to an issue public, rather than just general political knowledge, explains differences in knowledge and learning about candidate positions. The evidence for heterogeneity of issue voting is more mixed. In both cases, the relationships appear to depend in part upon the contexts of particular campaigns. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil wars tend to be analyzed as bilateral and static events. Recently scholars have begun to recognize that civil wars involve multiple actors using various and multiple tactics which tend to change over time..x000d.This paper builds upon this literature, making the argument that tactics employed by groups both influence and are influenced by negotiation patterns with the state. Governments might be expected to behave differently depending on the choice of tactic employed by a group. This paper seeks to explore the relationship between multiple group tactics and negotiation efforts by focusing on Southeast Asian intrastate conflicts in the post-World War II period. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society has been encouraged by scholars as necessary to the successful democratization of developing countries. Women have also been cited as important actors in democratization processes, specifically in the context of post-conflict, peace-building activities (PCPB), but are often overlooked and/or excluded members of civic participation in developing countries. This paper seeks to further expand existing research about the role of women in African democratic transitions, using the Sudan as a case study, in which civil society and the role of women are vital to the future rebuilding of the country. In discussing the establishment of sustainable peace in Sudan, PCPB organizations, as well as other domestic civil society NGOs, with women as active leaders and participants, are providing support in the face of illegitimate, largely ineffective state structures. This paper considers relationships between the state and civil society in the Sudan, highlighting the current struggles and contributions of Sudanese women in assisting their country in peace-building and democratization processes offering insights for overall African state growth and democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s hosting of Olympic Games has caused great controversy. Facing criticisms and pressure from international community, Chinese government must defend China’s national interests on the one hand and demonstrate its respect for human rights and democracy, its commitment to the improvement of human rights conditions and the promotion of democracy, and its responsiveness to international public opinions on the other hand. Chinese government assigns different priorities to different national interests and adopts different foreign policies accordingly. This paper is aimed to explore the foreign policies taken by Chinese government toward issues of different importance. Yet Chinese government is by no means the sole actor on the arena. Driven by patriotic enthusiasm, Chinese people not only exert great pressure on Chinese government to make it take hard-line foreign policies, but also take action to defend China’s national interests themselves. Consequently, Chinese government must react to domestic demands when making foreign policies. This paper is also designed to investigate the interaction between Chinese government and Chinese people in “Olympic Diplomacy”. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's export sector has often been criticized for its exclusive reliance on cheap and low-skilled labor. Over the past decade, however, the country's major export zones have launched important export upgrading programs that promote branding and technological innovation through government-organized competitions. Despite similarities in resource endowments, the outcomes of the upgrading effort differed substantially. While exporters in some localities are still locked in price wars based on razor-thin margins of profits, those in other localities have begun to move up the value chain with branding and product design. Based on a comparative study of three localities in coastal China, the paper finds that the variation of local export upgrading capacity stems from the interplay of two sets of local institutions: institutions that govern local export activities (including inter-producer and producer buyer relations) and institutions that define government-business relations through the upgrading programs. By examining how the interaction of the two shaped the strategies of local officials, enterprises, and foreign buyers, the paper draws attention to the importance of compatibility between micro and macro institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By examining democratic institutional developments within post-communist Ukraine, this paper challenges the conventional political wisdom positing that patterns of democratization are necessarily inhibited by high levels of societal fragmentation. In the case of Ukraine, these societal cleavages only become inimical to greater democratic institutionalization when combined with the variety of preexisting administrative and institutional characteristics within the Ukrainian political system. Such factors include the nature of Ukraine’s problematic semi-presidential model of government, a weak and fragmented political party system, and the abuse of administrative resources by political incumbents. The effects of such intervening factors are measured by analyses of parliamentary voting patterns, presidential-parliamentary interactions, and coercive clientalistic linkages under the Kuchma presidency with respect to a quadraregional model. Secondly, from a methodological perspective, this paper contends that conceptualizing societal cleavages in regional, as opposed to ethnic or linguistic terms, is a more accurate unit of analysis to be used in the examination, comparison, and categorization of social difference. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black and mainstream media sources tend to cover political events and issues in a different fashion. On the one hand, the Black press emphasizes advocacy and correcting the inaccuracies and stereotypes presented in the mainstream media. On the other hand, the mainstream papers value objectivity and balance, which often leads them to ignore important stories and sources within the Black community. Black citizens turn to Black papers for critical information, especially when events of special interest occur. Thus, I hypothesize that exposure to Black newspapers will have an influence on Black issue attitudes. Because Blacks are likely to filter information from mainstream papers and because mainstream papers tend to ignore stories of interest to the Black community, I hypothesize that exposure to mainstream papers will have no effect on Black public opinion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the mid-1930s and 1975 Spain was governed by a right-wing authoritarian regime headed by General Francisco Franco. This paper analyzes the feminist protest within the Spanish Catholic Church in Franco's Spain. Multiple international factors affected Spanish feminists mobilizing within the church. On the one hand, the Catholic church is a transnational organization. It experienced important internal transformations with the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) in the progressive direction (that were finally preempted). On the other hand, the second wave of feminist activism in Western countries appeared in the 1960s and 1970s and pushed women in different countries to demand the erosion of gender hierarchies. These and other international influences were combined with domestic factors in the case under analysis here, because the Franco's regime actively undermined women's rights and status. This paper argues that the combination of internationalization, religion, and collective identities characterizes not only current societies, but also historical societies, such as the spanish society under Franco. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asking when and how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) transformed into a collective defense alliance, the paper proposes a new argument and historical evidence. It is often claimed that the "1951 U.S. package deal" and the West Germany's military contribution to NATO were the key for the transformation of NATO. However, this argument is not able to explain why West Germany's formal accession to NATO had been postponed until 1955. Examining the developmental process of NATO from 1948 to 1955, the significance of the West German rearmament in NATO, the causes of failed attempts to create the European Defense Community (EDC), the paper argues that the 1952-54 European cooperation was another key for transforming and finalizing the NATO transformation, based on diplomatic documents. Specifically, the British and particularly French contribution and cooperation was another key for developing a collective defense system in NATO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asking and addressing why a multilateral collective defense system did not develop but instead the hub-and-spoke system emerged in the Asia-Pacific during the early Cold War period, the paper proposes a new argument that the lack of cooperation among capable allies such as South Korea, Taiwan and particularly, Japan was a key. Although several scholars studied a question why there is no NATO in Asia, their studies were incomplete in a sense that they have not looked diplomatic documents carefully. Examining historical documents from 1949 to 1955, this paper has found that the U.S. government had been willing to develop a collective defense alliance in the Asia-Pacific, but it failed to do so because potential capable allies such as Australia, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, was not able to develop common interests due to their distinct domestic and international interests. Consequently, the U.S. government had no option but to maintain the existing hub-and-spoke system. The paper also provides various historical evidence to support these arguments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a new democracy, with evolving norms about representation, Ukraine provides an ideal setting to investigate legislative activity. According to Ukraine's constitution, legislators have the right to file formal requests for information or action to other institutions. In the paper, we assess several hypotheses about deputy advocacy. Our data set covers deputies in three parliaments (2002, 2006, and 2007) and includes electoral, party, and personal data, as well as variables addressing requests. We evaluate if constituency-based deputies make more requests than their counterparts in party list seats, if deputies who served in multiple parliaments change their behavior as electoral incentives change, and whether deputies focus their requests on national- or local-level concerns. This paper contributes to our knowledge about representation by analyzing how electoral rules, party affiliation, and legislator characteristics affect elected officials' level of policy advocacy once they are in office. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthony Kronman, in his book Education's End, asserts that the liberal arts is dead at most institutions of higher education. In order to resurrect liberal education and place it in the exalted position it once held, Kronman believes secular humanism should be reinvigorated on our campi. This paper contends that, while he is partially correct, his fear of religious education--or religious instruction--is somewhat misplaced. Kronman asserts that it is somewhat dangerous that, now, only religious institutions lay claim to the right way to live. Today's colleges and universities have abandoned the discovery of the good life. Secular humanism, to Kronman, has an answer, and a different, more complete, answer to give. This paper contends that Kronman's construction of education is not an either/or proposition of reason on one side and revelation on the other. Rather, the paper makes the case that Thomas Jefferson's model is the most beneficial way to preserve the liberal arts--allow reason its exalted position, but invite (or do not exclude) religious instruction from having a voice. In this way, reason moderates religious extremism while religion checks rational atheism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

And the War Continues: .x000d.A Comparative Study of Newspaper Coverage of the War in Iraq.x000d..x000d..x000d.This study compares the coverage of the Iraq war in American, British, Egyptian and French newspapers lending empirical evidence that the coverage of the war varies depending on the what media one follows. Based on an examination of 1,874 articles, and using framing as the theoretical underpinning, major differences were apparent in terms of support for the war, sources, other countries’ positions, the role of the United Nations, coverage of anti-war protests and references to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The most interesting finding were the differences revealed in the rationale for the war. The Egyptian and the French papers, countries which opposed the war, focused on U.S. interests in the conflict while the American and the British papers, countries which supported the war, focused on Iraqi interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important line of research focusing on major federal social programs shows that recipients’ experience with such programs shapes their propensity for political engagement even net the effects of education and similar factors, with means-tested programs dampening political participation and universal programs enhancing it (Mettler, 2002; Soss, 1999; Campbell, 2003). That work provides support for state-centered theory, which emphasizes the impact of government on civil society, especially via the messages that public programs send to recipients about their value to the polity. But state-centered theory has not been applied to local governments. The proposed paper tests whether state-centered theory’s explanations of political involvement apply to county governments’ spending on social programs. Drawing upon survey data for respondents in 28 core metro area counties in2000 and Census of Governments data on expenditures for 1997, the paper tests for the hypothesized net-dampening effect on local political participation of county governments’ spending on means-tested programs and the hypothesized net participation-enhancing effects on local participation of county governments’ spending on non-means-tested social programs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American movies have historically offered a multitude of images of poor, homeless, and welfare-reliant Americans, although whether they were framed sympathetically or not, the poor have typically been portrayed as passive, if not helpless. In the 1980s, however, to take the period that will be the principal jumping off point of this paper, Hollywood produced a spate of horror films in which the villain was a homeless man (see, e.g., Scanners, C.H.U.D., Prince of Darkness, Street Trash). This was, simultaneously, a period in which public policies at both the local and national level became strikingly punitive, in some cases making it, quite literally, illegal “to appear in public without a visible means of support,” as one Florida law put it. In this paper I ask: what is the connection (if any) between these popular cinematic images of the homeless man and the punitive turn in poverty policies that affected him; and, more generally, how might the empirical tools of social science and the critical constructs of scholarly literary and film theory be brought together systematically to trace the influence of popular images upon policymaking or, conversely, the influence of new policies upon moviemakers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Americans know very little about politics, but are somehow still making political decisions. This paper seeks to determine some of the criteria used to make those decisions. First, it examines the beliefs that citizens hold about the ideology of candidates for office and finds that these beliefs are mostly correct, but often skewed. Then, by examining the policy preferences of candidates for office and survey respondents as well as non-policy related beliefs about candidates, this paper finds that these personality traits are actually just as good or better of a proxy for certain beliefs about candidates as policy preferences. Whereas ideology ratings should be determined strictly by policy preferences because ideology is a question of policy, perceived ideology is explained by both policy and personality. This finding leads to a conclusion that the judgments made by voters about candidates are, at least to some degree, based on things unrelated to the actual ideology of candidates. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of the specific claim that the events of September 11th have transformed and/or is largely driving politics and policy within the major immigration-receiving countries this paper poses two related questions. First, has European public opinion objectively become more illiberal on immigration-related questions since September 11, 2001? Specifically, is it significantly less receptive to new immigration and/or less accommodating towards settled immigrants than previously? Second and more subjectively, are Europe's political elites under unusual pressure to align public policy with the preferences of an increasingly illiberal electorate? Are the parameters of immigration policy making in Europe in the post-September 11th era more circumscribed by public opinion than previously? In addressing these questions this paper pushes as far back as possible in the respective national public opinion records, with special attention paid to the pattern of British, French, and Spanish public attitudes before and after September 11. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After two Turkish threats to invade, a Greek-sponsored overthrow of the Cyprus government led to Turkish intervention in 1974. The ethnically Greek Cypriot population was left with less than 63% of the island they had once controlled in its entirety. Several authors argue that the U.S. engaged in a conspiracy to divide the island and is thus responsible for these events. They accuse the government of explicitly encouraging the Greek coup and Turkish invasion in order to preserve U.S. communications facilities and British Sovereign Base Areas. This paper answers two questions: “What was the extent of U.S. involvement during the crises on Cyprus?” and “Was U.S. foreign policy to blame for these events?” Our research shows that the “conspiracy theories” are unsatisfactory explanations of the crisis in 1974. While the U.S. government merits criticism for its focus on its own interests, no grand scheme existed in order to institute partition on Cyprus. Thus U.S. actions in 1974 can be best described as sins of omission, rather than sins of commission. This paper concludes that a more nuanced depiction of U.S. Cold War involvement on the global stage is needed and finds that conspiracies have negatively impacted Cypriot negotiations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Cold War, a variety of actors embraced the concept of “human security” in an explicit effort to redefine security policy in the international system. Defined in a 1994 UNDP report as “safety from chronic threats…[and] protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life.” Using content analysis of international news media from 1992-2006, this paper examines the trajectory of an idea through the international system. This analysis compares the development, diffusion and usage of human security within Canada â€" an early adopter and promoter â€" against the behavior of other actors in the international system. To examine this overarching trend, I analyze the sources and geographic regions of articles discussing human security, the actors articulating the concept, and the issues and actions labeled with the human security frame. By employing the language of “human security,” actors signal a shared analytic frame, an alternative to the conceptualization of security as national security. This paper offers a novel empirical study of how Canada’s use of, and focus on human security has changed, shedding new light on the prospects for one central concept among observers and policymakers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Achieving cooperation is difficult in international politics. However, cooperation sometimes occurs. Multilateralism is based on the WTO agreement, regionalism is based on regimes, and bilateralism is expressed by Free Trade Agreements (FTA) even if legislative confirmation by both sides is still pending left. South Korea agreed to a FTA with Chile and Singapore in 2004 and in 2006. This paper draws attention to the interesting point that the negotiation process and its result can be explained by the logic of two-level games. It is now well known that preferences and strategies of domestic actors, political structures, strategy of negotiator, the character and level of political issue have great effect on the process and result of negotiation. Considering the South Korea-Chile, and the South Korea-Singapore FTAs, the former was faced with radical opposition by domestic interest groups while the latter had almost no objection. It is quite interesting that there was a great distinction between them. Analysis structure will be proposed in this paper through combination of Putnam's logic of two-level games and its subsequent various theories. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Although a small body of literature has found that women legislators are more engaged with constituents, (providing casework and keeping in touch with them) these finding may be out of date. Since gender roles and legislative roles are fluid it is likely that the gender gap in constituent engagement has declined. This paper examines this by collecting new data on legislators' engagement with constituents. The paper also examines two aspects of engagement that have not been examined before as they relate to gender (use of constituent information to make decisions and accuracy of perceptions). The findings offer mixed support for the previous research findings. Here there is less evidence that women are more engaged with constituents. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract:I explore the shelf life of different types of dictatorships. Using the same typology of dictators as Barbara Geddes (i.e. personalist, one-party , and military), the paper analyzes the durability of these different regimes and leaders and what factors explain why and when they fall apart. To date the only previous study addressing this topic is a larger N cross-sectional study by Erica Frantz (2007), which in contrast to Geddes, looks at leadership durability, not regime durability. Frantz emphasizes the importance of the size of the cadre of elites surrounding the dictator (with smaller groups of elites leading to greater longevity), and concludes in contrast to Geddes, that the survival rate of dictators is longest in personalist dictatorships; shortest in military dictatorships; and one-party dictatorships fall somewhere between the former two, whereas Geddes claims that one-party regimes are more durable than personalist regimes. I evaluate both Geddes and Frantz's thesis within 26 authoritarian countries over time, and I also look at examples of personalist, military and one-party regimes in Africa, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe. In doing so I provide depth to Frantz's thesis, and highlight causal mechanisms that could only be revealed in a more contextual examination. The second part of the paper investigates the causal factors behind regime and leadership durability in hybrid regimes and monarchies. Thus, one of the goals of the inquest is to add to our understanding of both regime and leadership survival in authoritarian regimes, including hybrids and to uncover how the type of dictatorship matters and why. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: The extraordinary growth and spread of genomics research and DNA technology will soon, although it does not now, have some sort of partisan association and ideological valence. We plan to research that development, beginning in this paper by examining two issues: the tension between individualized and race-based medical research, diagnosis, and treatment; and the tension between racial boundary blurring and racial boundary strengthening in the social use of DNA for genealogical discovery. We examine those two issues by using new software to cluster and then to content-analyze a database of all relevant newspapers articles about "DNA and medicine" or "DNA and race" in Lexis-Nexis since 1988, when they began to appear. We find a slight preponderance of articles focusing on individualized rather than race-based medicine. Among articles focusing on non-blacks' genealogical search, we find a much larger share focusing on racial boundary-blurring rather than reification. But among articles focusing on blacks' genealogical search, the pattern is somewhat different. We find little change over time, but that may be a methodological artifact rather than a genuine result.The paper concludes with suggestions about the meaning of these findings, indications of further work to be done, and observations about the importance and uniqueness of the genomics revolution for political science and politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant source of state income tax administrative strength lies in intergovernmental cooperation. The cornerstone of such cooperation is an active exchange of information between federal and state tax authorities. By adopting the tax structure in all relevant ways close to federal income tax structure, states may benefit from audit and other taxpayer return information generated by the federal government. The paper examines the federal-state cooperation in tax administration through the lens of several critical contingencies that determine the type of interorganizational relationships. The paper also attempts to evaluate the benefits of the joint federal-state program for the states and for the federal tax agency. Although there's a recent tendency to make the program a two-way street, benefits of cooperation accrue largely to the states. On the basis of information furnished to state revenue departments by the Internal Revenue Service states conduct piggyback audits thus saving considerable resources. In addition, such cooperation increases the efficiency of tax administration in general by reducing taxpayer compliance burden, and .by eliminating duplication of federal and state efforts in tax collection. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Nested newness' is a way of theorizing the bounded nature and contradictory outcomes of institutional innovation by highlighting the complex configurations and interconnections of political institutions in multi- level systems. Constitutional and institutional restructuring in the UK in the 1990s resulted in the creation of new parliamentary spaces and structures of governance. Women activists and feminist ideas were important elements in the shaping of constitutional reform. The inclusion of women and the promotion of gender equality were seen as emblematic of a wider aspiration for 'new politics' in Scotland and Wales: a more inclusive politics departing from the zero-sum games of the Westminster model. The paper draws upon new institutionalist and feminist insights to examine the general and gendered difficulties of institutionalising 'new politics' in the devolved institutions. The new institutions are not blank slates but are 'nested' within older ones and shaped by political continuities and path dependencies. The paper seeks to identify gendered mechanisms of institutional resistance and reproduction and the specific dynamics and institutional interconnections that underpin gendered institutions and limit change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women enter college with less self-confidence and different educational aspirations than men. Gender-role attitudes (modern versus traditional) are involved. This paper examines the effects of political ideology (liberal versus conservative), family background, and peer group relationships on student attitudes and goals. It is hypothesized that the gender gap in educational attainment is greatest among conservative male and female students. The sample for this study consists of white students at a liberal arts college in the south (n=1774). Students were asked how smart they thought they were compared to others and their educational goals after graduation from college. Among those on the far left of the political spectrum, there is little difference between female and male students in their self-confidence and how far they intend to go in school. However, as one moves from the far left to the far right, the gender gap in self-confidence and educational goals widens appreciably. Highly conservative male students have the highest level of self-confidence and educational aspirations while highly conservative females have the lowest. This gender difference by political ideology is not due to religious fundamentalism or social conservatism. Rather, it has more to do with the values and way of life associated with economic conservatism. The paper closes with an analysis of which family background and peer group factors explain why these gender differences are found among (highly) conservative students. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using aggregate-level data, this paper examines the institutional causes of class bias in state electorates. In particular, this paper examines the impact of election registration and voting laws, party organizations, and labor unions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional approaches to environmental security present the environment as a backdrop to larger issues such as interstate conflict over scarce resources or protection of the global commons. However, these approaches ignore underlying causes of long-running world conflicts, especially the conflict in Eastern Burma, where the military junta pursues programs of development at the expense of ethnic minority groups. This paper examines an alternative human-centered approach to environmental security that centers on the human and environmental rights of marginalized populations. Drawing from human rights and environmental reports, as well as analytical sources detailing the human rights and environment situation in Burma, this paper traces the loss of villagers' livelihoods in Eastern Burma through a process of resource exploitation, militarization, and environmental degradation, resulting in repression and conflict propagation. While traditional approaches focus solely on state-mediated strategies to end conflict, this paper presents solutions for individuals, corporations and other international actors in protecting the livelihoods of marginalized populations, preventing violent conflict, and furthering environmental sustainability in developing countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper seeks to examine the importance of the 2008 Olympic Games in regards to China's foreign policy options and subsequent future behavior, with particular emphasis placed on the Taiwan issue. The primary question addressed by this paper is whether or not China will use the 2008 Olympic Games as a means of demonstrating a responsible power identity. This paper asserts three hypotheses. First, China could forgo any gains to be made by hosting the Olympic Games and take defensive-oriented action against Taiwan as a means of protecting important national interests. Second, China could use the games as a propaganda tool and take offensive-action against Taiwan as a means of pursuing an expansionist agenda. Lastly, China could choose to take no action and use the Games to demonstrate a responsible power identity. These hypotheses are tested through three historical case studies: the Soviet Union's 1979 invasion of Afghanistan and the 1980 Moscow Games; the 1936 Berlin Games and the aggressive German expansion that began shortly thereafter; and the 1964 Tokyo Games and the 1988 Seoul Games in that both Japan and South Korea used the Games to build identities. This paper finds that although the third hypothesis is most preferable, certain factors might push China towards selecting an option closer to hypothesis one. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research identifies sources of interpersonal trust in Latin America by exploring why the most developed countries in the Americas, namely Canada and the United States, show higher levels of interpersonal trust than their neighboring countries. The findings of this paper suggest that Latin America's high economic inequality poses a challenge to democracy because it triggers interpersonal mistrust. This paper also finds that in Latin America interpersonal trust, rather than civic participation, ideology or trust in government, promotes citizens' support for the implementation of public policies aimed to close the gap between rich and poor. Taken together, the results suggest a vicious circle between Latin America's historically high economic inequality, low interpersonal trust, and low support for redistributive policies within certain segments of the population, especially the well-off. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore differences in voting behavior of males and females, and those who are married and those who are not. Finally this paper will discuss if/how marital status affects the gender gap in voting. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the economic relations between Mexico and Asia as a mean towards economic diversification. It looks at the countless possibilities that the region offers for Mexico to achieve its long awaited economic diversity. This paper examines issues of its relations with the two major economies of the region, China and Japan, looking at the challenges and opportunities that both countries pose. This paper tries to identify the reasons why Mexico needs and will continue to pursue relations with Asian countries as well as identify some of the transformations necessary to deal with an area as complex as Asia. It argues that if Mexico is willing to work with these economies and is willing to solve some serious domestic issues, it will in the end achieve its goal of reducing its dependence on the United States economy and will eventually achieve major economic gains from the Asian economies. This paper finds that Mexico is facing many challenges, domestic and foreign, that are impeding progress in its quest for economic diversification. Such findings need to be addressed in order to reduce its dependence on the United States economy and achieve greater cooperation with the Asian markets. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will assess the influence of mobility and migration on citizens’ satisfaction with local public services in the UK. The paper uses UK Census data and the Best Value Performance Indicators (BVPI) survey on the provision of local services. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will argue that throughout its existence ASEAN has gradually deepened and broadened its institutional structure in tandem with a slow but steady change of many of its fundamental norms. It should be emphasized that these changes have been mostly rhetorical and have had very little de facto impact, nevertheless they have served to gradually build an institutional framework in which member states and global actors have become embedded through interaction and perceived benefits . Indeed, the crux of this paper's argument suggests that it is the painfully minimal nature of these adjustments that have been instrumental in securing such long-awaited changes in a region that has historically been so resistant to liberalisation. Consequently, now tied into an increasingly complex institutional framework, member states and global actors have become more committed to change ASEAN in order to maintain global and regional relevance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses original public opinion data of 607 households and 6 political leaders to assess how clientelism, in its many forms, influences dyadic policy representationâ??the degree to which leaders and citizens have shared policy positionsâ??in the area of social welfare policy. Results indicate a positive and significant relationship between the receipt of a clientelist benefit and dyadic policy representation. When citizens report experience with clientelism they are more likely to share the policy positions of their elected leader. This paper discusses the theoretical implications of this finding on the quality of democratic life in Bangalore. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper undertakes a quantitative analysis of the effects of the ex-communist parties on economic reform in East-Central European countries that have recently joined the EU. The paper divides the ex-communist parties into those that underwent internal transformation early in the transition process and those that did so only at the end of the first transition decade. The findings suggest that while the tenure of the untransformed ex-communist parties in power has indeed had a negative impact on the level of liberal market reform, controlling for a host of other factors, the transformed ex-communist parties have had no such negative effect. The findings of the paper suggest that the timing of party transformation matters: parties that transformed late continue to have inferior reform performance. Finally, the paper considers the partial reform/political capitalism thesis, as it examines the performance of the initially transformed parties over time. While the partial reform/political capitalism thesis suggests that the pro-reform propensity of the initial transformers would wane over time, the empirical results show no evidence of this development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies how the inflow of unskilled labor migrants affects the welfare policy levels of receiving countries. This paper uses statistical data analyses on developed European countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows how Arisotle utilizes the political distinctions of Homer's Iliad. Homer's poetic genius is well-known and acknolwedged; yet his genius as a political philosopher is rarely discussed. This paper is a modest attempt to do so. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand how political ambition plays out in Mexico's federal system where incumbency does not exist because of the constitutional prohibition against consecutive reelection. Using a unique dataset of the prior career paths and ex- post political positions of almost 1,000 federal deputies, this paper finds that Mexico's federal system is much more like that of Argentina and Brazil, and much less like that of the United States in that political ambition (constrained by the nation's formal rules and informal relations) leads the professional politician to begin her political career in the local and state political arenas, and then return to her state when the single three-year term in the Chamber of Deputies concludes. Our empirical analysis estimates the effect of deputies' personal features, prior positions, district types, party labels, and electoral calendar on two types of career choices: the type of position (elected, bureaucratic, or party post) and the position level (municipal, state or national) with multinomial regression models. Results indicate that younger deputies from plurality seats systematically seek elected offices at local levels of government. Experience in local or national positions correspondingly leads to bureaucratic positions in the same political arenas. Partisan affinity with state governors affects the likelihood of getting a non-elected position but not its level, whereas local election calendars affect the future position levels but not its type. PAN deputies are more likely to get bureaucratic and national level appointments than PRI deputies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of classic theories of citizenship, immigration, and political assimilation and then looks at how the current wave of immigration are challenging these classic notions. The paper looks at simultanous incorporation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a general theory of how the interaction of state agents within a number of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) leads to a convergence in member state interests over time. The theory is based on the notion that, all else being equal, IGOs that facilitate more interaction between state agents from various states are conducive to greater member state interest convergence over time because there are more opportunities for agents from one or more member states to persuade agents from other member states to accept new ideas that affect how they, and ultimately key decision-makers, define their states' interests. I argue that such persuasion does not necessarily have to involve a shift in state identities, but can also involve a diffusion of ideas about cause-and-effect relationships. Also, by focusing on IGOs as structures within which state agents interact, I argue against a narrow focus on socialization as the induction of new members into community norms. I present three hypotheses regarding which institutional attributes are conducive to member state interest convergence. However, due to current data limitations, only one of the hypotheses is tested in this paper. The test of whether joint membership in IGOs with six or fewer members is conducive to member state interest convergence provides preliminary support for that hypothesis. The paper concludes with a discussion of the larger project, including a brief description of the data that is currently being coded for testing of the other hypotheses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper points out the importance of party competition as an explanatory factor in comparative welfare state research that is neglected by standard theories. The argument is applied to explaining the differentiation of social rights, and, more specifically, to the case of unemployment compensation in post-war Germany. The party system and the dynamics of competition that it generates determine which voters are most considered in the policy decisions of parties. Together with the structure of the labour market and the existing policies, which condition the interests of voters, this political logic shapes policy changes. Accordingly, the paper shows how centripetal party competition in Germany helps to explain the establishing of a clearly stratified but relatively inclusive system of unemployment benefits in the post-war phase of welfare state expansion. By contrast, during welfare state retrenchment centripetal competition has contributed to an increase in segmentation between benefits. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a historical approach of how nationalism effects on regional integration inEast Asia. The specific real event in this paper will be reviewed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a much larger study that uses the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy as a window into understanding the influence of non-judicial and other non-governmental actors on the development of constitutional meaning. Using a de-centered or interpretive technique, the paper challenges the narrative that the rather drastic constitutional shifts that occurred in the areas of federalism in the mid-1990s can be attributed to President Ronald Reagan and an aggressive constitutional agenda pursued by his Counselor turned Attorney General Edwin Meese III. Using evidence drawn from an in-depth examination of the speeches and writings of actors associated with both the early Federalists and the Reagan Administration as well as data gathered from personal interviews, this paper presents a richer, more nuanced, and more complete narrative of the origins and real impacts of what many have referred to as the 'Reagan Revolution' in the law. In doing so, it makes a strong case for what I'll broadly refer to as an interpretive approach to the study of constitutional change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a work in progress that applies theories from comparative literature and psychoanalysis to a constant political theme: the balance of freedom and order in political society. It proposes that the precondition of a humane shared existence is the presence of self-controlled individuals, and that is the capacity for self-direction that decreases need for external controls on individual behavior. American comparative literature professor Irving Babbitt (1865-1933) and Austrian psychologist Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) describe similar theoretical preconditions for enlightened living. Using his methods of direct experiential observation and comparative literary analysis, Babbitt describes an inner dynamic between "vital impulse" and "vital control" in which spontaneous urges are countered or groomed by an inner directive that combines reason and moral imagination. For Babbitt, blind obeisance of rules is anti-modern. Freud's tri-partite theory of human personality posits a primitive psychic well of energy (the "id"), from which erupts an anarchic panoply of impulses. The "ego" emerges as a broker between inner impulses and external limits/consequences; it also mediates between the id and the "superego," an internalized personification of outer agencies such as parents, churches, and governments. A functional ego is necessary to counteract excesses of the superego, through which group behavior can become irrational and destructive. This paper argues that though their analyses are not interchangeable they are compatible. Babbitt's inner check is akin with Freud's ego, through which the individual makes critical decisions allowing for satisfaction within a social context. A significant distinction is that Freud's emphasis is mental health whereas Babbitt's is moral will. Both agree that there is no external substitute for internal control; no manipulation of rules, procedures, markets, properties, or any other external factor will avail. External arrangements alone cannot effectively shape impulse without turning individuals into slaves. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates racial discrepancies in the distribution of FEMA-Trailers in greater New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. The numbers of trailers in neighborhoods of comparable flood-damage and current risk levels, but of different pre-Katrina racial compositions, are compared. An initial trailer count was conducted by a group of graduate students from University of Connecticut's Department of Public Policy during a home reconstruction project in New Orleans. Trailers were counted on a one mile stretch of road passing through two adjacent, racially segregated neighborhoods, the Lower 9th Ward (98 percent Black before Katrina), and Arabi (95 percent white before Katrina). The two neighborhoods were similarly affected by the breach of the Industrial Canal. The difference in the number of trailers was large and statistically significant (p<.01). Less than 19 percent of the counted trailers were located in the Lower 9th Ward, while 81 percent were located in Arabi, a 62 percentage point difference. To evaluate the possibility of bias from non random sampling a complete count of trailers was conducted using aerial photographs of 2006 provided by Google Earth. The complete count yielded a discrepancy of 73 percentage points. Since the Lower 9th Ward is located in Orleans Parish while Arabi is located in adjacent St. Bernhard Parish, administrative differences between Parishes may explain the observed discrepancy. To test this hypothesis, Lakeview and Pontchartrain Park in Orleans Parish were used as comparison areas. Prior to Hurricane Katrina Lakeview was 95 percent White, and Pontchartrain Park was 98% Black, but their low elevation, and their flood damage, and current risk levels make them comparable to the Lower 9th Ward. Even after controlling for Parish differences, the racial discrepancy remains large and substantial. Several factors may account for these observations: Differences in the number of residents applying for FEMA-trailers, the provision of alternative accommodations by FEMA, and/or the availability of non FEMA trailers in more affluent areas. Of course it is also possible that discriminatory practices by FEMA or other government agencies may account for the observed discrepancies. The paper discusses ways to distinguish between these alternative explanations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]