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“...when the drums of war have reached a fever pitch and the blood boils with hate and the mind has closed, the leader will have no need in seizing the rights of the citizenry. Rather, the citizenry, infused with fear and blinded by patriotism, will offer up all of their rights unto the leader and gladly so.”-Gaius Julius Caesar. Caesar’s observations hold true today, even in modern democracies. Politicians use fear and threat to influence, motivate or manipulate the electorate. However, explanations of the psychological and biological processes of how fear influences individual’s political positions have been largely absent. We propose that how fear influences the public goes much deeper than personal experience; rather, one’s genetic makeup, in part, influences their general reaction to threat and fear stimuli, which influence how one takes in information. This in turn influences political preferences. Utilizing familial modeling and molecular genetic information, we begin to identify the genetic pathways of how fear influences political choices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the military requirements of strategic nuclear deterrence? Rational deterrence theory produced one of two answers to this question--a flexible force structure designed to fight a limited nuclear war, or a force structure designed to discourage the use of nuclear weapons by increasing the likelihood of mutually assured destruction. In this paper I argue that the parameters of the debate over nuclear deterrence were limited by the methodology employed. Rational deterrence theory brackets preference formation, thereby obscuring the normative structures on which the threat-value of nuclear weapons is predicated. Nuclear weapons are treated as if they are powerful in virtue of their material characteristics alone. Weapons are fetishized by rational deterrence theory in the same way that commodities are fetishized by classical economics. Nuclear weapons are analogous to the mature expression of commodity fetishism--money. By denaturalizing what rational deterrence theory takes for granted about nuclear weapons, it becomes possible to imagine alternatives that were previously proscribed. One such alternative is maintaining a ‘minimum means of reprisal.’ ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing the path between the real states in which we live and the ideal state to which we aspire has long been a chief concern of political theorists. Despite sustained interest, however, the thoughts on this subject of Cicero have been comparatively undervalued due to his rhetorical style and perceived lack of analytical precision, frequently noted in his multiplicity of Latin terms for “the state.” This article utilizes a novel form of quantitative discourse analysis to evaluate whether an underlying consistency exists beneath Cicero’s rhetorical treatment of the state. This analysis then informs a fresh interpretation of Cicero’s major works which unveils his thoughts on this critical theoretical issue. Cicero’s ideal state â€" an everlasting political society associated in justice â€" is ultimately achieved not just through the adoption of a mixed constitution, but just as crucially through the active presence of justice in society and the constant vigilance of the citizenry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will assess one particular angle from which one may adjudicate the seemingly intractable struggle between liberalism and republicanism, namely American citizenship, specifically as witnessed in Section One of the Fourteenth Amendment. The question that inspires this essay, then, is this: Is the American conception of citizenship, as defined by the Fourteenth Amendment, a liberal one or a republican one? In short, the liberal conception subsumes the republican conception ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits Michael Walzer’s neglected argument in Spheres of Justice for thinking about “complex equality” when judging the fairness of social institutions. Walzer argues that we should regard many elements of the social world, including e.g. wealth, citizenship, vacation time, and hard work as separate spheres of value in which the overall goal should be non-domination of any single sphere over the others. (Money, in other words, should not be able to purchase citizenship, but should also not be used to deprive persons of free time or force them into very hard jobs.) In this paper, I argue that Walzer’s conception of equality is superior to that of John Rawls, because it takes better account of the non-exchangeability of many human goods. It also provides more determinate standards for evaluating existing real-world social orders, and takes more seriously the actual difficulties of pursuing social justice among flawed human beings. In its later sections, the article takes up debates about indigenous rights as carried out in the United States, Canada, and Australia to show in detailed ways how Walzer’s account helps us to understand and evaluate these debates in useful ways, while Rawls’s account does not. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the indigenous people who lived in the rural towns surrounding the Viceroyalty capitals of New Spain and Peru, and how they dealt with the new local political institutions that the Constitutional Monarchy tried to establish across its territories. It was during this time that the wars of independence were taking place with different intensities in Spanish America. The explanation for the adoption and rejection of the new forms of vote and representation lies in the cognitive force of indigenous political traditions. The central argument is that in New Spain, many of the values, beliefs and representations made the transition easier, while in Peru it was not the case. This was due to cultural differences that arose from the density and frequency of local commercial interactions between Indians, low rank Spaniards and Mestizos. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes political effects of remittances. The research question I propose asks - what are the effects of remittances on political participation in the recipient countries? I intend to answer the question by testing two opposing hypotheses. The first hypothesis argues that just as dependence on remittances can lead to 'moral hazard' problem on the economic side, it can result in a passive citizenship and decline in political involvement. The theory behind this hypothesis is that voters are rational; they measure the costs and benefits of political participation. When the costs of political participation are higher than the benefits voters are likely to receive from the state they choose to withdraw their participation. Another hypothesis argues that dependence on remittances has the opposite effect, it results in an increase in political participation. The argument for this hypothesis is embedded in the modernization thesis. Since remittance funds represent an increase in income and are often invested in education, we would expect an increase in political participation due to the increase in the socioeconomic status of the recipients. The results of the regression analyses provide support for the first hypothesis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers critical theories of neoliberalism. Since its rise in the 1970s and especially its boom in the 1990s, there is no shortage of critiques. Many claim that neoliberalism produces terminal conditions for citizenship, not citizens, but entrepreneurial drones who invest instead of participate. For others, neoliberalism means victory of “McWorld," the end of history and democracy. I argue against all of these claims that neoliberalism is essentially monolithic. Contrary to the critics, it does not eviscerate political possibilities outside the purview of the economy. While maintaining my critical position, I suggest that neoliberalism introduces new power relations, and rationalities of government. Taking as a point of departure Wendy Brown’s argument that neoliberalism generates political conditions that crush liberalism under the thumb of the market, I agree that neoliberalism is not revised liberalism. However her hegemonic portrayal obscures opportunities for critical engagements. These become visible when we consider differences between liberal and neoliberal political rationalities. While liberalism works through a politics of exclusion, neoliberalism operates through a logic of inclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been several calls within the literature for public administrators to assume an educative role, recognizing the formative nature of their office. If public administrators were to accept this educative function, questions remain. Whom should administrators teach? What should be taught and in what ways might it be taught? This essay examines these questions in advocating the role of public administrator as educator.This essay would further encourage public administrators to engage citizens concerning their role within the American governance system. It is hoped that such a role for public administrators would facilitate greater public transparency and encourage citizen involvement within the American constitutional republican system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes the recent (summer 2008) intra-EU-European clash between Italy and Romania as a starting point for a critical analysis of the present state of a EU-European citizenship. The paper argues that the central problem of a EU-European citizenship, as evidenced in the clash, lies in the fissures between the construction of citizenship as a political identity associated with the protective functions of a nationally-framed "state" and "Europe" as a topos of a historical-cultural and normative identity claim. It relies in its analysis on the general literature on (EU-) citizenship and on Roma in Europe; Italian, Romanian and international news coverage; interviews with Romanian politicians, intellectuals, and a leading Roma activist as the summer events unfolded; materials provided by various national and transnational organizations. That the normative invocation of a common European identity at the moment appears less and less able to muster the force necessary to check the political allure of a return to the strong nationally-framed protective state is seen as part and parcel of the larger crisis of institutional reform that presently defines the EU-European project of regional integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The amalgamation of 15 countries in the Caribbean basin under the auspices of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is of contemporaneous importance in understating the efficacy of the ever-growing economic interdependence among emerging nations and the rise of tans-regional regimes. CARICOMs foundational pillars and regional campaigns, such as economic integration, foreign policy cooperation, and functional cooperation, are being realigned and re-imagined in light of creating a the "ideal Caribbean person" who is a global citizen educated nationally, but functions globally within any democratic setting. Given rearrangement of the old bifurcated economic order coupled with the rise of educational mulitliterialism among CARICOMs 13 member states a policy tsunami has arisen with a plethora of policy discourses. The rise of this new policy vocabulary, policy trilingualism encompasses the national, regional and international agenda setting attitudes. Therefore, the question remains: As transnational regimes grow out of greater economic interdependence in emerging markets, do they have a tendency to become more alike and exhibit similarities in structures, processes, and performances with their institutions? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some scholars have argued that the regime called "polity" provides the key to understanding Aristotle's ideal of political rule. This view, however, tends to underplay a distinction Aristotle makes between polity and "so-called aristocracy." That regime, though similar to polity, differs insofar as its citizens select political officials based on their virtue. Although Aristotle sometimes suggests that political appeals to virtue can involve difficulties and dangers, he suggests a preference for the so-called aristocracy. We can make sense of this by reevaluating his discussion of political rule, which, I argue, suggests a more reflective account of citizenship than is implied by his discussions of polity. Even if we cannot pin down precisely the virtues that qualify citizens for political office, Aristotle suggests that conceiving political selection in terms of virtues constitutes part of political virtue itself. I also consider the relevance of Aristotle's ideas, contrasting them with more recent approaches to the relationship between virtue and political life. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rousseau’s Social Contract provides an ideal theory of the political association, yet, in certain remarks throughout the text, most markedly in Book IV, he provides a non-ideal theory that has been largely ignored or treated as sub-textual evidence of a quite different theory. The tension between these competing parts of the text can be resolved if one views The Social Contract as providing both ideal and non-ideal theories threaded together in order to combine right and interest, justice and utility. Although the ideal theory is rooted in democratic notions of popular sovereignty and liberty, the non-ideal theory responds to problems in founding and administration with palliatives such as balance of powers, “term limits,” oversight, mutual restraint, and civil religion/civic virtue. His presentation of non-ideal theory is seen most markedly in his discussion of the Roman Republic and stems from an concern with the inevitable degeneration and corruption of human things and the problems inherent in democracy, perfect denaturing and citizen craft, and the concerns of public versus private interest. This paper will also show how non-ideal theory informs his dealings with the constitutional projects for Corsica and Poland. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina has focused on encouraging multi-ethnic and moderate mono-ethnic parties. However, multi-ethnic parties have met with very limited electoral success and moderate mono-ethnic parties have found electoral success primarily by radicalizing their political discourse to match that of nationalist parties. Multi-ethnic parties promoting a civic notion of citizenship and moderate mono-ethnic parties based on accommodation with other ethnic groups are at an electoral disadvantage as long as domestic political competition is focused on the rules of the electoral game and not on specific policy options. I provide evidence for the effect of international intervention drawn from patterns of electoral support for multi-ethnic and moderate mono-ethnic parties in local and national elections in the 2004, 2006 and 2008 elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely held among public law scholars and in legal academia that the drafters of Section One of the 14th Amendment worried about and intended to overrule Taney's holding in his per curiam opinion in Dred Scott v. Sanford. Taney held that African Americans never had been nor could ever be citizens of the United States. To prevent his holding from having a future effect Section One of the 14th Amendment voided it. But this view -- when tested using a simple tool from qualitative methods -- does not hold up. After demonstrating that this idea is exaggerated -- and made plausible primarly because of the rise and development of judicial supremacy -- the paper analyzes the legislative sources of constitutional meaning and of the definition of citizenship and links them to the incentives that congressional party politicians have to use Article V for party-building. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine how city government appropriates urban redevelopment policy to squeeze values out of underdeveloped areas in Seoul, and what are the implications of the policy-led redevelopment for citizenship of low-income residents. Economic, political, and spatial changes in the 1990s have created conditions that call for active role of states in extracting values from space. As Korean economy has moved toward flexible accumulation, local economic development has increasingly relied on spatial development. On the other hand, developable land in the SMA has almost been exhausted due to the extensive development in the 1990s. With the newly-elect mayor, Seoul has seen a resurgence of large-scale development. To earn popular support for policy-led redevelopment, the city government resorted to discursive strategies, problematizing Seoul’s spatial inequality. As redevelopment policy unrolls itself in urban space low returning rates of original residents show that it is a resident replacement project. While the city government reproduces differential citizenship by institutionalizing minimal compensations to low-income residents, resistance against legitimized displacements is now growing as residents organize to claim their citizenship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship was an ambiguous category in the three decades before the American Civil War. Nonetheless, it took on a specific meaning to anti-Catholic nativists. These people, who represented themselves as both patriots and Christians, had much in common with the Protestant mainstream of the time. And their conclusions, describing a citizenship national in scope, and linked to specific political rights, was decidedly modern. Yet, they coupled these assumptions with more traditional perceptions of the obligations of a man to his country. Specifically, I argue that their concept of citizenship included a social and historical understanding of Protestant Christianity as inherently linked with the history and success of the republic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As I will argue in the proposed paper, Heidegger's struggle to distinguish between nationality [Nationellen] and the more spiritual notion of patriotic orientation [Vaterlandischen] animates much of his political philosophy. As the latter term indicates, the distinction concerns the question of political involvement, and thus the relation between theory and practice. Heidegger's gradual differentiation of these two notions over two and a half decades--such that nationality comes to denote the "land of birth"--and the fleshing out of patriotic orientation, such that it bears the thrust of Heidegger's philosophy as "this life-giving relation wherein man stands, to the extent that he has a 'destiny"--develops as a critical response to his early, disastrous attempt to translate his political philosophy into practice. As I will conclude, Heidegger ultimately uses the distinction to link patriotic orientation to his philosophy of technology in such as way as to refocus his political philosophy on the issues and ways of dwelling we generate by our relation to technology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Brewer's (1991) optimal distinctiveness theory, people have evolutionary needs that are satisfied by group membership. Threats to group membership cause individuals to apply positive in-group stereotypes, exhibit out-group derogation, rate inclusive groups as more important, and overestimate the size of the in-group. We build upon this line of research to examine how American citizens respond to threats from recent Hispanic immigrants. More specifically, we manipulate threats to membership status by providing subjects false feedback on a personality questionnaire. We used this feedback to assign subjects to 1 of 3 conditions: 1.) As marginal members of the in-group close to the out-group; 2.) as marginal in-group members distant from the out-group; or 3.) as members at the optimal level of the in-group. We find consistent evidence that threats to the status of in-group members leads to anti-immigration attitudes. We discuss the implications of our results in terms of immigration policy.According to Brewer's (1991) optimal distinctiveness theory, people have evolutionary needs that are satisfied by group membership. Threats to group membership cause individuals to apply positive in-group stereotypes, exhibit out-group derogation, rate inclusive groups as more important, and overestimate the size of the in-group. We build upon this line of research to examine how American citizens respond to threats from recent Hispanic immigrants. More specifically, we manipulate threats to membership status by providing subjects false feedback on a personality questionnaire. We used this feedback to assign subjects to 1 of 3 conditions: 1.) As marginal members of the in-group close to the out-group; 2.) as marginal in-group members distant from the out-group; or 3.) as members at the optimal level of the in-group. We find consistent evidence that threats to the status of in-group members leads to anti-immigration attitudes. We discuss the implications of our results in terms of immigration policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We specify the conditions under which sovereign peoples and individual citizens, when they live in polities with unelected judges and entrenched constitutional norms, are morally responsible for the state of their constitutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universities as Sites of Citizenship explores the role of higher education in support of democratic practice, human rights, and how universities can improve the contributions of higher education to the promotion of these values ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyze the creation of constitutional citizenship during Reconstruction and the efforts of African Americans to reconstruct citizenship and civil society on the ground from 1865-1880. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand why liberal democratic countries respond differently to different immigrant groups, defined by gender, race, and class. The intersectional approach provides fresh insights into the politics of immigration policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of classic theories of citizenship, immigration, and political assimilation and then looks at how the current wave of immigration are challenging these classic notions. The paper looks at simultanous incorporation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a new typology for organizing cross-national comparisons of immigration/citizenship politics. It replaces underexamined descriptions with categories that capture the consequences of sequencing in institutional development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper hopes to contribute to theories of transnational and cosmopolitan citizenship through an empirical study of transnational civic activists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the issue of gendered identity construction at specific historical moments. Specifically, I map the parallel identity construction of the Uruguayan nation and Uruguayan women, and their relationship to discourses of whiteness, femininity and citizenship. This comparative intersectional study highlights the evolution of black and popular class women from positions of centrality to marginalization or co-optation, and finally to positions of contestation. I argue that historic silences and the construction of whiteness helped to motivate mobilization on the basis of class, race and/or gender in a way that elites hoped to avoid or eradicate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines legal aid and Medicaid funding as indicators of differential citizenship in the states. Using Marshall’s theory of citizenship, I argue that citizenship rights differ between states, but civil and social rights are not discrete. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the contemporary conception of citizenship in the United States cannot be understood without reference to the practices of social and political exclusion connected to the criminal justice system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the relationship between migration, citizenship and nationalism at the intersection of the European Union and the post-communist world, exploring the vicissitudes of dual citizenship in Lithuania. It argues that European integration disaggregates political membership in such a way as to refocus the identitarian aspect of citizenship, and demonstrates how the contradictions between two mutually embedded regimes of legitimacy, nationalism and liberal democracy, inflect the debate on citizenship of huge numbers of emigrants. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper evaluates the effects of international labor migration on the quality of democratic citizenship in Romania. We conclude that social learning takes place among these citizens and that they may be a resource for democratic sustainability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the appropriateness of generally accepted concepts of autonomy and equality given that citizens fail to exhibit the qualities presumed. These central concepts are redefined in the attempt to better orient democratic theory ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The great conflict of our times is fueled by hate media in the Middle East, and this anti-American vitriol can influence Muslim masses. The U.S. tries to mitigate this through public diplomacyâ??cultural exchanges, mass media campaigns, and good will visits. But America's public diplomacy is hamstrung by the lack of a decisive Presidential mandate, small staffs and budgets, and a back-burner Washington mentality. Critically, one of the greatest assets of the U.S. has been quiet on this issueâ??corporate America. Can business "sell" a positive view of the U.S. to the Middle East? The idea of corporate social responsibility (CSR) has been booming since the end of the twentieth century. Corporations also annually donate billions for charitable campaigns. Why can't those efforts be directed toward improving the image of the U.S. abroad? The central question of this paper asks to what degree corporations view, or do not view, public diplomacy as a natural extension of corporate citizenship. Part I reviews current public diplomacy efforts and the rise of CSR. In Part II, questions were put to a cross-section of opinion leaders to provide a snapshot of current thinking and attitudes about business as an instrument of public diplomacy. Members of academia, the U.S. government, industry, advertising and marketing firms, think tanks, and nongovernmental organizations share their views. There is a lack of published work on this subject. This paper fills a gap by clarifying the issue, framing and stimulating debate, and suggesting further in-depth research. Recommendations are provided to government decision makers, industry, and the wider public. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TBA ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in the US have shown the existence of “immigrant exceptionalism”, i.e. that traditional variables do not have any effect on immigrants. Do we find the same exceptionalism in a high turnout country like Denmark? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have suggested that indigenous social mobilization in Latin America has largely been a result of shifting citizenship regimes, from corporatist to neo-liberal, in which a lack of state capacity has resulted in a loss of indigenous peoples' rights to social support and their subsequent reactions. Variation in levels of indigenous mobilization among countries has then been attributed to a country's unique historical factors such as a lack of resources, a country's undemocratic context, or an absence of political entrepreneurship to make an ethnic identity politically salient. Yet, the contemporary context matters. This paper argues that the changing international context, and specifically technological change, is more important in explaining variation in levels of indigenous mobilization. The spread of new information and communications technologies (ICT), computer-mediated communications (CMC), and small media proliferation across the globeâ??has increased the capacity of indigenous peoples to mobilize in Latin America. In other words, in cases where there was sufficient technological globalization at the time of citizenship regime shift, and indigenous peoples were able to utilize these technologies, the pre-existing inter-community networks and the burgeoning international networks were more effective in increasing indigenous capacity for mobilization. This paper will demonstrate with the cases of Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru that where the extent of technology development in rural areas was sufficient, (some) indigenous movements were able to take control of this technology to increase the capacity of their movements to pose a strong challenge to the state; conversely, where the extent of rural technology diffusion was stunted, indigenous activists were unable to successfully utilize new forms of technology and indigenous mobilization was less successful. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Morse v. Frederick (2007), better known as the "BONG HiTS 4 JESUS" case, addressed the question whether a public school must permit student speech that (arguably) contradicts the school's support for and efforts to encourage compliance with the law against marijuana use. But the case raises a prior normative question, namely, whether schools should take any position on the normative status of the law against marijuana use. More generally, one can and should ask this question about the way that schools treat a wide variety of laws and other exercises of political authority.What role should schools play in shaping children's attitudes toward political authority? When is it permissible, or even obligatory, for schools or teachers to express a position on the substantive merits of a law? How should educators engage students on questions of conscientious objection or civil disobedience? When should they permit and how may they respond to controversial student speech about political authority? To answer these questions, we need a conception of civic education as part of a larger normative political theory of education in a liberal democratic state. In addition to providing first-order principles to guide decisions about the form that civic education should take regarding political authority, a complete political theory would have to address the quintessentially political second-order question, namely, the allocation of authority to make those decisions (correctly or otherwise).In this paper, I take two important steps towards the development of a conception of civic education and its application to the treatment in schools of particular exercises of political authority. First, I describe and analyze five different desiderata of civic education, paying careful attention to the tensions within and among them and showing how different weightings and interpretations of the desiderata yield different conceptions of civic education. Second, I provide a conceptual menu of options for schools and educators faced with the decision of whether and how to engage with students about the normative status of particular exercises of political authority. I identify nine different options and suggest how different conceptions of civic education would guide choice among those options in particular cases. I also discuss the criteria that should guide decisions about the allocation of authority, particularly the decision whether to vest primary authority in educators or to resolve questions through democratic authorities at the local, regional, or national level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many today believe that democratic citizenship and civic life can and should be revived. I raise considered doubts about these assumptions, drawing on arguments about the difficulties of popular rule made by our predecessors in the civic tradition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on more than 20 months of fieldwork in postwar Guatemala City's most prominent neo-Pentecostal mega-churches, this paper details ethnographically how Christian reflection groups contribute to the feeling of national belonging. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I investigate how length of residence contributes to the decline of the family among Latino immigrants and how this decline affects levels of political participation and alienation with respect to the American political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the influence of living with immigrants on natives' likelihood of voting in the U.S. The use of Current Population Survey data is used in analyzing household level characteristics. It tried to understand how family influences individual turnout by looking at nativity/citizenship makeup of a household. Among natives, compared to those who only live with native counterparts, those who reside with foreign born citizens or aliens have a lower level of turnout. Yet this negative impact of living with aliens not found among foreign born citizens. Living arrangement has an asymmetrical impact on foreign born citizens. Foreign born citizens' turnout is not dampened by living with someone who cannot vote.

Relying on macro and individual level datasets, this paper examines in a comparative perspective the determinants of citizens? attitudes towards the EU in the member states and applicant countries. The analyses are based on an opportunity cost model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Owing to a number of changes in the landscape of contemporary politcs, it is no longer possible to represent and aggregate the interests, opinions, and values of the citizens through simple (territorially-based) electoral mechanisms. Here we formulate seven theoretical issues that should be addressed in any new theory of democratic representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many people are concerned about what citizens know about politics. Surveys provide widely cited measures of such knowledge. Do unusual aspects of survey interviews affect these measures? An experiment on a nationally representative sample of over 1200 Americans reveals an answer. Respondents are randomly assigned to one of four groups. The control group answers questions in a typical survey context. Other respondents are given extra time to answer knowledge questions, a small monetary incentive for answering these questions correctly, or both. These variations produce significant performance increases for almost every knowledge question we asked. Overall, average knowledge scores in the treatment groups are 10-20% higher than in the control group. The treatments also cause significant reductions in the magnitude of error entailed in incorrect responses. Our results imply that more reliable measures of political knowledge require improved elicitation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the influence of dual citizenship among Latinos on political connectedness in the U.S. The movement of Latin American countries to allow dual citizenship for their non-resident nationals has added a new dimension to questions involving the political involvement of Latino immigrants in the country. Claims regarding the political significance of dual citizenship have been for the most part articulated at a normative, speculative level. These claims concern the level of attachment of dual citizens to the polity in which they reside.

This paper examines social citizenship in the distinct welfare systems of Denmark and the U.S., 1990-1999. The results demonstrate that both inefficient outcomes and strict emphasis on efficiency in implementation are detrimental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the effect of immigration policy regarding access to welfare and citizenship, and citizenship types on the anti-immigrant vote across Western European countries over time. Right-wing extremism and radical right is the most common characterization of parties with anti-immigrant platforms. These countries are classified according to the invited worker and corporative models. A more republican citizenship evolved in France not akin to a melting pot model but an assimilationist one.

Legitimacy of democracy is problematic without the support of the citizenry. This research will investigate the hypothesis that citizen satisfaction will increase after the adoption of a Mixed-Member Electoral system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of political discourse in ancient Athens reveals a deep concern with the possibility of deceptive communication. Scholars have identified the concept of parrhesia, or frank-speech, as a democratic norm called upon to counter the risks of such deception. Thus, the Athenian citizen had a right and duty to frankly offer his entire opinion on a matter, especially when his view was contrary to that held by the majority. Parrhesia was conceived as speech without affectation or rhetorical flourish; the truthfulness of the statement, rather than the skillfulness of the oratory, bear the burden of convincing the audience. Several scholars have presented Socrates as the Athenian who best fulfills the ethic of parrhesia. He is the brave, dutiful, and frank critic of Athenian democracy, able to question others because of the harmony present within his own life. However, if we bring a discussion of Socratic irony to bear on this discussion, a different view of Socratic parrhesia emerges. Instead of acting as straightforward frank speaker, Socrates complicates this ideal. His rhetorical practices call attention to parrhesia as a trope (or commonplace) and forces interlocutors and readers to more deeply engage the matter at hand. While he remains committed to the ideal of truth in speech, Socrates? ironies highlight for us the inescapable complexities of democratic speech and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variation in the anti-immigrant vote across Western European countries? In the last two decades anti-immigrant parties have increased both their presence and their electoral support across Western Europe. The average anti-immigrant vote share has tripled from 2 percent in the 1980s to more than 6 percent in the 1990s, and anti-immigrant parties now compete in most Western European countries (Gallagher et al. 2001). The vote share varies substantially across time, countries, but also regions within countries. With the exception of Husbands (1988, 1992), Ignazi (1992) and Kitschelt (1996), most of the analyses of anti-immigrant parties focus on single cases. In this paper we examine variation in the anti-immigrant vote both cross nationally and across electoral districts within countries. We examine the effects of immigration policy and citizenship laws on the anti-immigrant vote cross nationally. Anti-immigrant parties target foreigners for depriving nationals from high wages and free-riding on the welfare system. Raising the entry barriers for potential immigrants, and reducing opportunities for citizenship would be among policies that anti-immigrant parties would be expected to pursue. We argue that the distinct immigration policy models pursued across Western European countries since the 1950s, which classified them broadly as immigration or non-immigration countries, would account for the varied fortunes of anti-immigrant parties across Western Europe. We evaluate this argument by means of a statistical model that incorporates other explanations explored in the literature such as unemployment, proportion of immigrant population, the interaction between unemployment and number of immigrants, social pluralism, and electoral rules and party competition dynamics. To account for within country variation we examine variation in the social and political composition of the environment across electoral districts. We apply the power theory of intergroup relations (Giles and Evans 1986; Giles and Hertz 1994) and expect to find that anti-immigrant parties’ electoral support is conditioned by the concentration of foreigners across districts. As the proportion of foreigners increases defections from established parties and mobilization of nonvoters would increase. Moreover, we expect this relationship to be conditioned by the severity of economic competition, that is, prevailing economic conditions, and political effectiveness (Shin and Agnew 2002). We model alternative explanations and control for immigration policy and citizenship laws by selecting countries at the opposite ends of the immigration policy model. We use tools of spatial analysis to explore spatial patterns of electoral support and account for spatial autocorrelation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]