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A common interest amongst Chinese hip hop scholars concerns the construction of a local youth identity via the negotiation between the logics of hip hop culture, the practices of the local underground hip hop community, and the cultural governance of the state. Building on previous studies about these multi-faceted negotiations before 2017, or before The Rap of China phenomenon, this paper explores the politics and aesthetics of featuring in post-2017 Chinese hip hop. Rather than dwelling upon the authenticity of hip hop, this paper is more interested in Chinese hip hop's variations of authenticity through the practice of competitive collaborations between local and non-local artists. I seek to demonstrate a spectrum of 'realness' in the post-2017 era with three case studies: Vava, Kris Wu, and Higher Brothers. While these rappers negotiate with the values of hip hop and state expectations differently, they are all nonetheless 'keepin it real'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the basis of Asianist sympathy for 'New China', as the People's Republic was often styled, in the early 1950s by examining the writings of Indian diplomats, journalists and academics. These elite Indians either visited China as part of a 1951 delegation, making them witnesses to the ongoing New Democracy experiment. Since their experiences of China were definitely not comprehensive and hinged on the Chinese state's goodwill, the interesting question to ask is not whether these first-hand accounts of 'New China' were accurate but in what ways the Chinese revolution was made comprehensible in light of the Indian elite's own priorities as nation builders and social activists. This paper reconstructs major tropes of the Chinese revolution that appealed to Indian observers – self-sufficiency, empowerment of workers and peasants, a palpable sense of social vitality – and underscored their enthusiasm for Beijing. Most significantly, communism was subsumed in favourable accounts of 'New China' as a nation and society-building project. The Chinese revolution, the nature of which was still in flux, was absorbed into and understood through India and Asia's long struggle against Euro-American domination. In addition, the Chinese revolution was deployed as an example with which Indian observers assessed contemporary developments in their own country. The celebratory reception of 'New China' in India suggests that the subsequent rapport between the Chinese and Indian states was a result of not only high-level diplomatic manoeuvres but also pan-Asian epistemological bridging between socialist revolution and decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We take infrastructure as a 'keyword' in foregrounding the production and the reproduction of contemporary capitalism as well as its complexities and contradictions. To tease out the capitalist dynamics of the contemporary moment as infrastructural capitalism, this paper moves beyond a dichotomous constellation of the logic of capital and the territorial logic of power, to argue how a triple logic- capital, power, and culture informs the cultural politics, attempting to simultaneously resolve the economic crisis and glorify China's fast-speed capitalism. As the vanguard of Chinese infrastructural politics, the high-speed rail spearheads the Chinese spatial economic system towards one that is not an alternative to capitalism but, at best, a variegated form of moving capitalism, which we call infrastructural capitalism. Illuminating the political role of the infrastructural projects in creating invisible social contradictions, this article highlights a wide array of affected working-class masses who take individual and collective actions that result in the reversion of 'the vanguard', dissolving the condensation of the materiality of infrastructural capitalism into the global assemblage of unpredictable but inescapable contradictions driving China into global imperial rivalries and class conflicts. (178 words) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical review of the proliferation of the contemporary art colony in China since the beginning of the twenty-first century in the context of China's promotion of cultural creative industries as one of the strategies for urban development and economic growth. Through analyzing cases in Beijing, Xi'an, and Sanya, cities ranging from 'first-tier' to 'third-tier' in their size and status, the paper explores the challenges and opportunities many contemporary Chinese art professionals find themselves face amid the competitive city image building campaign, a top-down movement led by local state and private investors in cities across China. It is evident that contemporary art and alternative art spaces associated with it have been drawn into the process of commodification, inadvertently recruited to play an ancillary role in the reproduction of the hegemonic collusion between political power and capitalism in a rapidly urbanizing China. Nonetheless, I argue that the inclusion of contemporary art communities as a player in the production and reproduction of the urban space has provided critical-minded artists, critics, and curators opportunities to participate in the reconfiguration of the physical and cultural landscape of Chinese cities, albeit not always with positive outcomes. As such, some art professionals are able to appropriate the process of capitalist urbanization to create their own 'infrastructures of resonance' [Thompson 2015. Seeing Power: Art and Activism in the Twenty-first Century. Brooklyn: Melville House], which support artistic freedom and facilitate the growth of diverse forms of cultural creation and exchange despite the coming dominance of 'power plus capital' [X. Wang 2003. A Manifesto for Cultural Studies. In: C. Wang, ed. One China, many paths. London: Verso, 274–291]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the close collaborative work our research team has been engaged in with two local schools to study how action research measures may help to facilitate the improvement of the Integrated Humanities (IH) curriculum through school-university partnerships. It attempts to understand action research as a form of cultural practice for education, and examines how such collaborative work with local schools may contribute to sustainable cultural work of education and intervene at different levels of the schooling practices. In all, the paper seeks to offer preliminary analysis and reflection on the re-orientation of Cultural Studies as a research and problem-solving, intellectual and critical project with a potential for long-term input to cultural policy-making. It also aims at examining the role of cultural studies practitioners as action researchers in the process of doing cultural work of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Workers Home (Beijing, China) has been the most important site of activism and organizing of New Workers culture in Mainland China over the past 15 years. Beyond today’s intellectual atmosphere of liberal and ‘left-phobia’ in China, exploring the formation of a New Working Class can give us a new sense of class discourse and imagination of socialist China in the dimensions of both knowledge and activism. Based on my half-year fieldwork in New Workers Home and participant observation in knowledge and activism of New Workers culture, this paper aims at providing an in-depth analysis of the implications and tensions in the Migrant Workers Home’s imagination of New Workers culture and the organization’s energy and internal turbulence in their imagination of the community of the New Working Class, through reviewing their cultural actions focusing on the ‘cultural battlefield’ and community culture of Pi Cun (an urban fringe village in Beijing), their wider actions in social enterprise, ecological agriculture, organizational works among New Workers and their own organization’s internal situation. The outline of the problematics in this paper can be drawn by putting forward the following questions. How is the New Workers culture shaped by Migrant Workers Home? According to the situation of New Workers in contemporary China, what is its imagination of this forming class? How does it intervene the forming of a New Working Class with its cultural activism? By establishing a museum, college, social enterprises and ecological farms, how do these practices show its imagination of labours’ culture and politics? Located in Beijing and facing special political conditions, how does it arrange the guidelines and strategies of movements? What are the dilemmas of these practices, strategies and real politics? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Curriculum reform is an important reform for China in the course of its social transformation since its inception in 1996. With curriculum reform as its core, the current education reform has a decade-long history. Internally, the objectives of the current round of education reform by the state government are in support of the 'socialist market economy' and 'the economic development' for the restructuring of the social fabric. Externally, the objective is to enhance the human capital of China in preparation for the new challenges and increasingly fierce competition of the global knowledge-based economy. Senior secondary school education has become the focal point of the current round of reform in basic education. The education reform is also an attempt for the state government to ease some of the pressure brought by the social transformation in areas like the school examination system and employment; to handle social inequalities resulting from economic reforms and others, and to enhance the ethics and values of the next generation, a growing concern in the transformation process. These attempts have created tensions with the objectives of enhancing human capital and economic development. Under such context, the mission of the curriculum reform and the new mechanism of curriculum production imply changes in the way the state produces its core values in school education. This paper examines the 'Phase II Curriculum Reform' in Shanghai and elucidates the tensions among the diverse reform objectives, the underlying concept, institutional design, organization, actual reform outcomes as well as the path of the reform. In so doing, the paper further reveals the predicament that a developing country is currently facing in its education reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid development of Chinese cinema in the twenty-first century has witnessed a blossoming of genre films with frequent references to Hollywood. The Great Wall (2016), the monster blockbuster by the Fifth Generation auteur Zhang Yimou, tells a peculiar story of a westerner helping the valiant army to defeat the ravenous hordes of Tao Tie and save humans from annihilation in medieval China. Compared to the western cinematic tradition in which monsters incarnate popular concern of the impacts of techno-scientific development, the Chinese film bestows the ancient monster with allegorical meaning of greediness. The bending of Hollywood genres into the Chinese context illuminates the intricate dynamics between the local and the global in cross-cultural encounter. By tracing the development of monster films and the changing notions of modernity in Chinese historiography, the paper examines the re-invention of Hollywood vernaculars in The Great Wall to construct an alternative vision of modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the current political predicament in Hong Kong. However, rather than offering a casual political commentary on the current state of identity politics of Hong Kong, it offers a critical and historical evaluation of the ideas and practices of ‘Reunion in Democracy’ in the past decades. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents, elaborates and contextualizes the results of a survey concerning the meaning of housing in Mainland China, mainly for young people, and the perception of the various dimensions of housing as a problem. It considers the material, political, economic, and cultural dimensions of this problem, and the contradictory expressions of the problem (e.g. housing as a measure of success and as an investment). It examines the relation of the housing problem to three sub-systems: state politics, market economy, and the ‘urbanized, at-home living style’. Finally, it considers the paradoxes of competing consumer rationalities and the consciousness of capital and markets in China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since sometime in the 1990s, the Internet- and digital technology-based New Media has been on a rapid increase and is now profoundly affecting the daily life of contemporary Chinese people, who are at once enjoying its various benefits and suffer constantly from its problems. It is no surprise that the New Media should have its peculiar liabilities, but in China, in particular, its downsides are extensively and acutely felt. Based on close-range observation of current Chinese life, an in-depth interview and a discussion of a few typical ‘media events’, this paper reviews the disordered and demoralized Chinese social culture, proliferated and amplified by the New Media, in perspectives of media biases, ‘media events’, and communicative strategies and their functional inversion, to explore the correlation between the New Media and cultural derailment and disruption. It suggests that amorality, the absence of deep thinking, and the ever-demoralizing mass culture that mark contemporary China can be, to a large degree, attributed to the technological revolution embodied in the New Media. In short, the demoralized New Media culture is demoralizing the whole social culture. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines how the concepts of hybridity and transnationalism can be salvaged from a neo-liberal discourse of identity politics and rescued for a critical Cultural Studies project that takes into account historical materialism. Focusing on a 'place-based notion of identity' in the context of Hawai'i's diverse ethnic population, and with specific reference to the hybrid and transnational formation of a 'local Chinese consciousness', the paper argues that understanding the complex local Chinese identity formation in Hawai'i requires re-conceptualizing hybridity and diasporic consciousness along the lines of Aihwa Ong's notion of 'embedded citizenship', Adam McKeon's emphasis on diasporic network relations, and Ien Ang's definition of hybridity as denoting 'complicated entanglement' and 'togetherness-in-difference'. Applying these conceptual distinctions to a careful reading of the celebrated play, 'A Little Bit Like You', by local playwright Darrell Lum, the paper shows that beyond the humorous, albeit familiar, portrayal of interethnic marriage and hybrid identity in Hawai'i, the play actually offers us invaluable insight into the complex entanglement of ethnicity and socio-economic inequality as a result of diasporic labor and network relations in the islands. In the final analysis then, this paper makes a case for a critical transnationalism that seeks to reveal, rather than conceal, economic inequality and social injustice as part of a larger intellectual commitment to an ethics of knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural studies, as a cultural and political re-articulation of common sense, knowledge and community practices, aims at opening up new cultural space for criticisms, reflections and action. Originating from the women's movement and later flourishing in the academy as well, feminism espouses similar aims to cultural studies. Both cultural studies and feminist/gender studies have a strong sense of intervening into everyday life politics. This paper is an attempt to discuss how feminism and cultural studies interface with each other, largely based on examples of gender-related everyday life politics taken from the feminist movement in Hong Kong. It will examine issues concerning the conflict of consumption and female subjectivities, the reconceptualization of home and housewives, and the representation of everyday life for women and history writing. It is argued that by blurring, negotiating or deconstructing the boundary or division between positions, identities and domains—such as subject and object, housewives and workers, private and public, personal and political, consumption and production—the re-articulation of knowledge about 'victim', 'exploitation', 'home' and 'history' in the feminist movement will not only provide the movement with new impetus and insight to reconsider its strategies in fighting for more cultural, social and economic space for women and other marginal groups at large in Hong Kong, but will also 'metabolize' the newly developed discipline of cultural studies in Hong Kong by providing a platform to strengthen the dynamic arm of cultural studies education and research. Based on her feminist and teaching experiences in Hong Kong, the author has highlighted activism and pedagogy as the two important dimensions of feminism and cultural studies in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the globalized world has multiple modernities, it retains a power vector which is centripetal to developed centres. I propose to use the concept 'satellite modernities' to refer to the magnetic sites between centres of high-modernity and developing modernites in the rest of the world. In developing countries, newly modernized cities are reproducing, hybridizing, and domesticating a simplified western modernity, a modernity that is in turn consumed by less developed cities and territories within the same regions. Throughout Asia, these satellite sites draw migrants from all over the region to realize the dreams of the global west in the relative security and comfort of regional localities. In this paper, I investigate the consumption histories and practices of immigrants who have crossed the cultural boundary of post-socialist China into the cultural spaces of Hong Kong in different periods of time. This is a mid-range theoretical exercise that attempts to ground such concepts as modernity, consumption, and identity formation in concrete boundary-crossing experiences of Chinese immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the formation of modernity in three colonialist epics of Hong Kong and the recent historical and fictional works that aim to rewrite the history of the'local'. Adopting a challenge-response structure, the paper argues that the colonialist epics construct a monolithic discourse of modernity-as-progress via the amnesia of conflicts, tensions, and processes of domination and negotiation in the rural and everyday space of colonial Hong Kong. It is stressed that to piece together the above anomalies is not an attempt to restore a pre-given'native' to but rather an endeavour to examine how the 'local' as divergent historical agents shaped and has been shaped by the political, social, and economic environment of Hong Kong and the larger world outside. This can be called a model of dialectics composed of an internal dialectic and a dialectic of articulation. In this regard, with the benefit of the rapprochement of history and anthropology and a non-linear view of history, this paper is a historical bricolage of the anomalous history of Hong Kong, aiming to destabilize the Hong Kong historical grand narrative. Through rethinking the impact of the colonial experience, this paper hopes to liberate alterity and diversity in historical interpretations and imaginations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asylum seekers and refugees tend to be marginalized in physical and discursive spaces, especially in times that are orchestrated as socially, politically, financially and environmentally risky. This article explores the interrelationship between genre and social space from the perspective of asylum seekers and refugees, and how refugees and asylum seekers in the USA, Germany and Hong Kong exposed spaces of risk through testimonio (testimonio is a genre term used throughout the paper and will be explained later). Asylum seekers and refugees testified to social practices like lengthy asylum processes, immobility, criminalization of asylum seekers, or distrust by locals in virtual space and in face-to-face encounters. Testimonio, thus, reflected on social practices and through this reflection, exposed spaces of risk that threatened the well-being of forced migrants. However, asylum seekers did not dwell in those spaces of risk. By publishing testimonios in virtual environments, some asylum seekers became agents of their biographies and created spaces in which they could voice themselves on their own terms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing on findings from the extensive questionnaire survey and intensive case studies we conducted in Hong Kong secondary schools, this paper examines the interactions, tensions and gaps among the various stakeholders' visions, concerns and priorities as identified in the ongoing school reform. We examine the classroom dynamics of teaching and learning, the interactive pedagogical relationship involved, as well as the embedded institutional complexity in the schooling process, in order to understand what underlies the curriculum policy and education reform within the mainstream system. In view of the paramount significance of its evolvement in actual operation, we argue that education reform ought to be taken pragmatically but programmatically as the complexly embedded cultural process in which all the local practices and values of its stakeholders operate in the same cultural space. By conducting research on that interlocking cultural process, we also identify new options for Cultural Studies when education is taken seriously as the core of our intellectual project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the web-based virtual marriage game craze that emerged in the 1990s. These online interactive games may have opened up moments of liberation and formulated new ideologies of sexual relations. However, web-based marriages only ensure a male-dominated system and conform to dominant patriarchal standards - regardless of the number of females involved. Re-enacting the rules of marriage, the cyber game is ideologically directed against free unions, mobility, promiscuity, and parafamilial fluidity - all in order to stabilize individuals for reasons of social and political control; at the same time, it promotes the acquisition of skills needed by individual players in a free market, as if paralleling the drastic re-articulation of the economy. I understand the virtual game to be a safe haven for both China and the Chinese people to imagine that they can re-strengthen and re-virilize themselves in a rapidly changing world. They co-fabricate a depthless interface or a pure semblance of a looming powerful China ruled by a male-oriented system. Just as China dreams of achieving modernity through a consistent, dependable, controlled, and 'clean' path, the virtual reality of the marriage game reveals a social imaginary in which contemporary Chinese people picture their social existence in an unstable transitional moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the current metacritical perspectives to postcolonial cultural studies, and discusses an alternative cultural contextualist perspective through the case of Hong Kong cultural studies. I first demarcate between contextualist and non-contextualist metacritical perspectives as well as between political-economic and cultural-contextualist ones. Then I identify major metacritiques that are currently made against postcolonial studies, and by showing how they may be applicable to Hong Kong cultural studies, I suggest ways to re-interpret these metacritiques from a cultural sociological perspective. I shall highlight important structural characteristics of Hong Kong cultural studies, and analyse them in terms of a cultural sociology of the postcolonial intellectual field. Ultimately, I argue that the problems associated with this postcolonial intellectual field appear to originate from the hierarchical global cultural context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an extensive allegorical reading of films, this paper attempts to capture a certain cultural form of imagination in Hong Kong during the transitional period leading up to the historical handover of power in 1997. Dwelling on the world of signification conjured up through what I call the jianghu filmic imaginary,the analysis focuses on the ideological and utopian impulses registered in relation to a whole emotional complex of anxiety, bewilderment and despair in the works of some highly creative local filmmakers of the genre: Ching Siu-Tong, Ann Hui, Tsui Hark and Wong KarWai. The study draws theoretically from Castoriadis's notion of the social imaginary and Bloch's aesthetics of hope, to focus on the textual and contextual re-constructions of a number of very unconventional martial arts swordplay (wuxia) films made in Hong Kong in the last two decades: namely, Tsui's Butterfly Murders (1979), Hui's Romance of Book and Sword (1987), Ching/Tsui's Swordsman II (1992), and Wong's Ashes of Time (1994). By identifying the ideological and affective moments in the filmic imaginary,I want to trace what has been left in a ruined culture for utopian longings, and point to the presence/absence of 'hope' as the cultural imagination for an unknown and unknowable future (beyond 1997). It is my contention that an understanding of that peculiar form of popular imaginary at the unusual juncture of Hong Kong's history can begin with a critical attempt to cope with this subtle practice of hope, so as to recognize (or reject) it as mediation in the process of our collective cultural crisis, anticipation and identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief essay, introducing the collection of essays on cultural studies in mainland China and the Chinese-speaking societies, relates the emergence and development of Chinese cultural studies to changes in society. It documents the twin pulls in cultural studies between analyzing what is happening and intervening into society with idealistic possibilities for the future. It lays out how ‘the Chinese modern legacy’ and the Chinese Revolution provide resources for cultural studies and offers some analysis of the social changes that currently confront cultural studies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How and where to be creative, and what creativity entails and affords has been subject to momentous change in recent decades in China. Since the early 2000s, the discourse of creativity has played a leading role in governmental policies that aim to boost economic development through a focus on the creative industries. First-tier Chinese cities have reinvented themselves as creative hotbeds with distinctive areas, often located at the fringes of the city, for creative production and practice (Ren and Meng [2012]. Artistic urbanization: creative industries and creative control in Beijing. International journal of urban and regional research, 36 (3), 504–521, Power, capital, and artistic freedom: contemporary Chinese art communities and the city. Cultural studies, 33 (4), 657–689). This article complicates this creative-city script, one that is deeply enmeshed in a global proliferation of the creativity discourse in tandem with Chinese state policies, by examining the practice of water calligraphy. This is an urban ephemeral creative practice that takes place in public parks in the centre of Beijing. Water calligraphy, done by the elderly in Beijing, challenges the idea of creativity as the domain of a young cool urban class, while its ephemerality contests ideas that urban creativity is necessarily forced into structures of commodification and governmentalization. Water calligraphers' adherence to the traditional discourse of calligraphy, despite several creative deviations, further challenges notions of creativity that identify it with novelty. Within the urban landscape, these senior citizens carve out a creative space for themselves outside designated art districts and creative industries clusters. In doing so, they disregard the imperative of the new that is conventionally believed to underpin 'real' creativity, and thus may help us to rethink the idea of creativity itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the positioning of young middle-class women in the dispositif of creativity in China. Based on empirical fieldwork, it argues that the call to be creative – as a form of governmentality – directs the middle-class youth to work and live with limited social protections. The discourse of creativity marks a tendency whereby young middle-class women are subject to an increasingly flexible, informal, and precarious condition. Instead of being taken merely as victims of such a 'creativity dispositif', the young middle-class women in this research reject the stable jobs within the system and prioritize the value of flexibility promoted by the cultural and creative industries. Besides, they embrace the self-enterprising culture as a new norm and engage themselves actively in multiple ways of capitalizing their skills, lived experience, and social relations. Such activities eventually dissolve the boundaries between life and work, both formally and informally. Thus, under the joint forces of state and market, the discourse of creativity operates as a self-motivating mechanism that facilitates these women to embrace flexibility and entrepreneurship in acts of self-actualization. Consequentially, all pain and risks emerging from the tiring and unbearable working life are perceived as personal problems to be dealt with by the individuals alone. These young middle-class women seek recourse in the market and their families to solve their problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author discusses aspects of cultural studies education in China. The author is critical on the effects of globalization and capitalism which streamlines and adapts cultural studies education in the country for the intellectual labor force. Furthermore, the author relates cultural studies with the "neo-patriotism" of young Chinese and the "propertizing" tendency of globalization on industries, economies, and intellectual property.

During the COVID-19 global pandemic, Taiwan has been universally praised for its policy actions in preventing its initial outbreak there from Wuhan and for its strict measures in containing its communal spread locally. Memory of the SARS crisis played a major role, but people in Taiwan forget that SARS was initially considered a problem confined mostly to Hong Kong. Taiwanese did not seem urgently aware, until infections multiplied locally. Taiwan's health authorities eventually adopted a draconian quarantine policy, but mainly as a political tactic to contain the widespread panic, as though the dam had suddenly burst. In retrospect, the extremity and internal contradictions of the policy are remarkable, but they are instructive. The initial reaction of unprepared governments, most notably in the US, during COVID-19 mirrors this same ineptitude. Enabling hysteria and resorting to scapegoating were in turn diversions to cover up their inability to prevent a crisis. In the US, racism emerged, China and the WHO were blamed, people were even urged not to wear masks to avoid a run on short supplies. This is the tip of the political iceberg, if one adds tightened immigration and economic effects on the U.S. elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China, one of the world's most clandestine states, is currently engaged in moves to make state secrecy a matter of public policy, even inaugurating a 'National Security Education Day' in 2016. This article explores some recent campaigns about spy-catching to show how the state is using crowdsourcing, content marketing, and prosumerist gambits to sell an emergent social space of civic duty that I term the cryptosphere. Inciting civic participation is a particularly deft tool for propaganda work of this kind, which pivots on performative ideology. The ostensible purpose of these campaigns is to enlist the Chinese people in the securitization of the state, but in practice this is a highly disingenuous move given that the realm of the classified in China is so vast that 'keeping secrets' can only be perfunctory for almost all of its citizens. So far, commentators outside China have either been amused by the state's new forays into infographics and mash-up videos, or critical of their xenophobic messaging. But the state's apparently light-hearted drive to remind the Chinese people of the need to track spies is only peripherally about foreigners. It is occurring at a time when the government is also trialling a vast algorithmic grab on its own citizens' personal data via the social credit system; operating a CCTV surveillance regime of more than one million cameras; and conducting mandatory biometric profiling in Xinjiang using DNA, blood types, iris scans, and fingerprints. These policies, I argue, constitute the exoskeleton of the cryptosphere. But this new sphere also needs its soft padding. Propaganda campaigns which school subjects on how to perform the role of loyal 'informants' – at the very moment that their own information is increasingly being expropriated by the state – are providing just this kind of thought work cushion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on Hong Kong's history have viewed the 1967 riots as a watershed in the formation of Hong Kong identity in the 1960s and 1970s. However, by considering MacLehose's social policies as the main contribution to Hong Kong identity formation and defining China as 'the Other' in that process, the prevailing view overlooks the multifaceted nature of Hong Kong identity formation and the continuity of Hong Kong's historical development between the mid-1960s and the 1970s. This article questions that view by investigating the Cultural Revolution discourse in three rarely examined yet representative Hong Kong youth and student journals: Undergrad (Xueyuan), Chinese University Student Press (Zhongda xuesheng bao), and Pan Ku (Pangu). Through examining the three publications' interpretations of the Cultural Revolution during nationalist moments and movements in Hong Kong—the 1967 riots, the Chinese Language movement, the Defending the Diaoyu Islands movement, and the 'Learning about China, Caring about Society' campaign—the article discusses the ways in which the Cultural Revolution profoundly affected educated youth and students by contributing to the mutual development of their national and local identities at the intersection of political, ideological, cultural, and geographical perspectives. By documenting the local practices of the Cultural Revolution and the concept of 'serving the people,' the article demonstrates that Chinese nationalism, along with Maoism and the Cultural Revolution, played an important role in the formation of Hong Kong identity in the colonial setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emphasis on ‘context’ and ‘practice’ has been the tradition of Cultural Studies. Now Cultural Studies in Mainland China are facing the following difficulties: lack of attention to local issues and thoughts, lack of holistic horizon and sense of history. How can Cultural Studies in Mainland China search out more potential recourse and forces for critique and resistance from modern China and urban–rural China and confront Chinese problems and experiences which are of great complexity, by returning to its unique historical and social context and taking local resources into consideration? We try to return to the long-term engagement in ‘action-writing’ practice in the Rural Reconstruction Movement. Under the unique perspective of ‘practitioner-researcher’, they hope to explore plural spaces veiled by the mainstream and search out, in the historical context of China, local resources for Cultural Studies and possibilities for its advancement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the past 30 years, cultural studies in mainland China has developed its own history, theoretical characteristics and problem framework with the introduction of Western theory, discussion of Chinese issues and active dialogue with international cultural studies scholars. The studies of sociology, philosophy and politics have overlapped with cultural studies in problems such as rural governance, class research, the bottom society research, gender politics and consumer society theory. Chinese cultural studies started with a critical consciousness, then activated the drives of anti-authoritarianism and generated an illusion of emergency. Today, it has outgrown the paradigm of the 1950s, and must establish new theories and thoughts on the basis of a new sense of criticism at this moment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To date, the academic discussion of graffiti culture in Greater China borrows a set of theoretical assumptions or preoccupations based on Euro-American graffiti subculture practices, focusing on the artistic dimensions of graffiti. This article, based on an ethnography in Macau, tries to re-examine two forms of local graffiti culture – the one influenced by hip hop culture, the other by the Chinese writing tradition – and endeavours to analyse the logic of their different spatial strategies and embodied practices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the feizhuliu online culture among mainland Chinese youth since the mid-2000s, focusing on how articulations of female gender and sexuality relate to broader cultural politics in contemporary China. By evoking the sajiao culture that engaged with and shaped feizhuliu online culture, I highlight an ongoing dialogue between different sexual modernities, within which competing constructions of femininity are inscribed. I also examine cuteness as a sub-trend within feizhuliu culture that girls deploy as a subtle strategy of gender performativity, predominantly on the Internet. In particular, I stress that femininity and female sexuality that closely associate with sajiao culture have been transformed into a highly visual representation of feizhuliu facilitated by the new media landscape in contemporary China. By mapping out feizhuliu youth culture as a discursive site through which configurations of youth, sexuality and Chinese nationhood are negotiated, I argue that these tensions between different modernities are interior and intrinsic to Chinese modernity itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the rise of the Girls' Love (GL) fan fiction community in contemporary China. More specifically, we focus on the ‘Pink Super Girl Bar’, an online fan fiction community devoted to the pairing of the contestants of the 2006 season of Super Girl, an entertainment program featured on Hunan Satellite TV that enjoys great popularity in the Sinophone world. Through an ethnographic account of the formation, convention and performativity of identities and socialities in this community, we demonstrate how Super Girl GL fans mobilize their emotional capital to create artworks, to have fun and to enrich their everyday lives. We argue that the GL fan fiction community has become a space of female homosociality, intimacy and affect in which a new generation of young Chinese women actively enact friendship and female subjectivity in a way that refuses the normalization of gender, sexuality and social relations. Moreover, by linking fan studies to affect studies and emotional geography, and by paying particular attention to indigenous concepts and cultural practices in mainland China's fan communities, we wish to contribute to fan studies with feminist, queer and transnational perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 2005 anti-Japan protests in China inaugurated a new era of Chinese popular nationalism with their pervasive visuality and virtuality. The outpouring of emotions in cityscapes and cyberspaces – anger, outrage, zealousness and even pleasure – requires us to take emotion, passion, hope or sheer delight seriously and to recognize the power of some of the more alarming forms of popular nationalist sentimentality. This chapter analyses one instance of Sino-Japanese relations: the epithet of ‘riben guizi’ or Japanese devils in Chinese popular culture in four historical moments: late-Sinocentric imperium, high imperialism, socialist nationalism and post-socialist globalization. I want to suggest that while this ‘hate word’ performs an affective politics of recognition stemming from an ineluctable trauma of imperialist violence, it ultimately fails in establishing a politics of reconciliation. I argue that anti-Japanism in China is less about Japan than China's own self-image mediated through its asymmetrical power relations with Japan throughout its modern history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article the author discusses the researches related to education and cultural studies presented. He is critical on the effects of such researches on teaching, programme-building, research and development of policies in the institutional contexts of education and cultural studies in Taiwan, Great Britain, Hong Kong, Taiwan and China. Also presented are some issues related to the said topic which include the effects to education to cultural studies, and their attributes.

Presents the author's views on decolonization and re-nationalization in Hong Kong before and after its handover from Great Britain to China in 1997. Fact that the primary demand has to do with a rendering of Hong Kong into a context with, hopefully, a legible historical and geopolitical narrative; View that the information technology sector began to seriously weigh the benefits and disadvantages over who counted as the right experts to propel into high-technological modernity; Information on the cultural studies in Hong Kong.

This article focuses on deterritorialization and reterritorialization projects carried out primarily by British agents in China between 1840. The article analyzes the mundane, everyday processes through which an alien regime decoded and recoded Africa and Asia, and permanently transformed them. Administrative practices are, of course, hardly the stuff of exciting and interesting historical and cultural investigation. Yet they are absolutely critical, the article argue, for understanding the relation between the real and the fictional, between the archives and imaginings of empire.

This article focuses on the emergence of consumerism in contemporary China. The cross-cutting forces shaping the emergence of consumerism in contemporary China through a detailed study of the craze for the Transformer range of toys among Chinese children in 1989, drawing on original fieldwork and translations from Chinese sources. The social life of commodities is generated by the interplay of three domains of value: exchange values expressed as a price; use values, and sign values. The three major formations shaping contemporary Chinese culture- Confucianism, Communism and Consumerism intersect with particular intensity in the lives of children.