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The European environmental movement has been reconfigured since the introduction of the pan-European public interest environmental law group based on the model founded in the USA around 1970. Yet it has been claimed that there is a low degree of success in transplanting legal practices from one national space to another. Examination of the successful transplantation of a US legal model to the European context by the law group ClientEarth shows both that this claim is false and why it is false. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese state is squarely 'back' in the business of environmental governance with an increasing number of policy innovations or experiments to resolve environmental issues. These have been mostly enacted through the 'experimentation under hierarchy' framework, undergirded by compensation- for-performance incentive structures for local agents. Based on on-site ethnography in local China, a critical analysis is presented of low-carbon city policy experiments - one of the most prominent environmental policies introduced in the past decade. Using lessons from the agency theory, it is hypothesized that outcomes of these policy innovations are contingent on different policy dimensions. Although a number of positive outcomes have been achieved in output-oriented dimensions, the fundamental difficulty of specifying all aspects of complex, multidimensional work tasks involved in low-carbon city development has frequently led to policy unmaking. The findings raise important questions about China's tendency to rely excessively on compensation- for-performance structures to promote environmental policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Union (EU) climate/energy targets and policies are poised for the first full climate policy cycle - from adoption and implementation of the policy package for 2020, to reform for 2030. A dynamic approach to the ways in which EU policies affect policy development is developed by applying theories of domestic implementation, policy feedback and integration. Implementation experiences in Poland - the ‘least climate ambitious’ EU member state - affected Polish preferences for reformed EU policies. Existing EU policies, their ‘fit’ with Poland’s energy interests and change in anticipation of future EU policies explain much of the variation in preferences. Second, policy feedback from Poland significantly affected the EU 2030 climate and energy framework. As yet, the EU has succeeded only partly in gathering momentum through a ‘snowball’ effect whereby positive policy feedback from implementation generates further steps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do critical events trigger large-scale public discussion and mobilisation, and can these lead to policy change? In a comparative study of nuclear energy policy after the Japanese Fukushima disaster in March 2011, a theory-development approach is adopted, mobilising data collected from national news agencies’ newswires, public surveys, legislation and parliamentary databases, and newspaper editorials in 12 established democracies between March 2011 and March 2013. The analysis suggests two main hypotheses that can guide future research: critical events are more likely to trigger policy change when intense (contentious) mobilisation from policy challengers aligns with the views of the general public, and is backed by major political allies; and critical events are more likely to trigger intense (contentious) mobilisation when policy challengers articulate their opposition around pre-existing policy debates on the issue and resort to pre-existing organisational and mobilisation resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global circulation of the word ‘fracking’ seems to testify to a setback for energy transitions, a nexus that has not yet received much scholarly attention. In light of this, the controversy over fracking is understood as furthering infrastructural changes that are central to energy transitions. Infrastructure should not be understood as materialityper sebut instead as sedimented but ultimately discursive elements that can be reactivated and rearticulated. Examining ‘infrastructure’ from the point of view of discourse theory places the focus on infrastructural change. Prior to 2011, the oil and gas infrastructure in northern Germany was largely invisible to the public. The subsequent reassembling of production with fracking facilitated the politicization not just of that term but also of the whole infrastructure. Instead of routinely reproducing the infrastructure, subjects that had formerly dominated the field were confronted with new and heterogeneous voices that challenged their agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new framework for analysing subnational policymaking is applied to climate governance in the ‘twin towns’ of Newcastle upon Tyne and Gelsenkirchen. Low levels of resource interdependence between central and local government in England mean that Newcastle Council has to rely heavily on other horizontal actors to achieve its climate objectives. In contrast, Gelsenkirchen Council receives substantial support from higher tiers of government, which gives it greater control over policymaking within the locality. Greater independence between tiers of government can make it more difficult for subnational bodies to adopt the kind of ambitious policies that may be necessary to combat wicked and/or significant policy challenges such as climate change. Instead, interdependent ‘joint-decision’ systems, which facilitate mutual support across tiers of government, may be better equipped to ensure that subnational public bodies have the capacity to act appropriately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main achievements of the debates on deliberative democracy and democratised science are investigated in order to analyse the reasons, meanings and prospects for a democratisation of global environmental policy. A deliberative systems approach, which emphasises the need to explore how processes in societal spheres interact to shape the deliberative qualities of the system as a whole, is adopted. Although science plays a key role in this, its potential to enhance deliberative capacity has hardly been addressed in deliberative theories. The democratisation of science has potential to contribute to the democratisation of global environmental policy, in that it also shapes the potential of deliberative arrangements in the policy sphere. Deliberative arrangements within the policy sphere may stimulate the democratisation of science to different degrees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does religion affect legislators’ behavior on environmental policy in the US? Studies of environmental policy making have not examined this question, although the literature suggests that religion might affect legislative behavior on environmental policy. This study examines the relationship between US House members’ religion and roll-call voting on environmental legislation from 1973 to 2009. It finds significant differences across religious traditions. Legislators’ party and characteristics of constituencies relevant to environmental politics increasingly, but not entirely, mediate these differences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

New markets are key in debates concerning environmental regimes. Critics and proponents share a discourse that characterises environmental markets in terms of scale; many discuss how to scale environmental markets ‘the right way’. Building on previous work in human geography, actor–network theory, and governmentality studies, we unpack the dual but always interwoven politics of scale-making in doing environmental policies, which consists of material-semiotic practices of producing and using scales as ontologically real ordering devices. Drawing from the results of three studies conducted independently by the authors, we analyse material-semiotic scale-making practices in different ways of enacting environmental markets. By revealing the dual politics of scale production and use in environmental markets, our analysis contributes to the study of developing and implementing environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interaction between science and policy in transboundary environmental regulation is dynamic. By elaborating on the concepts of boundary organisations and portable representations, I shed light on how science-based policy and policy-relevant science are co-produced. This perspective is then put to use in an analysis of the scientific representation and political regulation of two different environmental issues: ground-level ozone and biodiversity. Portable representations function as a link between experts and policymakers. By means of portable representations, nature is not only measured and represented but also made governable. Portable representations seemed to strengthen the credibility of both scientific assessments and policy. Science makes itself matter by formally separating itself from policy considerations, although the two are at the same time integrated through portable representations from boundary organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream analyses have often understood environmental effectiveness as a consequence of the shape of interests and policymaking, and have tested their models through statistical techniques. Results have, however, proved quite erratic. It is argued that these weaknesses reflect a misconception about causality, thus highlighting the need for a shift in both model and method. A different model is therefore developed that explains effectiveness through policy tools and ideas. The model is then applied to the performances of the EU15 member states in mid-2000s, and assessed using Qualitative Comparative Analysis. Cases are polarised around two classic cleavages (‘environmentalists’ vs. ‘productivists’, and ‘pro-marketers’ vs. ‘protectionists’), but give evidence that all the related tool mixes are able to deliver – while the relevant difference between leaders and laggards lies in the use of evaluation devices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Parliament has been heralded as a champion of environmental policy within the European Union. However, there have been few recent studies of the European Parliament's treatment of environmental legislation, despite the many changes that have taken place within the EU. To correct this oversight all European Parliament amendments to environmental co-decision legislation between 1999 and 2009 have been classified according to their environmental importance and analysed to determine how the chamber's behaviour has changed over time and which factors shape its success. The European Parliament appears to have become both less radical and less successful in incorporating strong green amendments into legislation, and the European Commission emerges as a central explanation for the European Parliament's ability to do so. Despite the Commission's reputation as a partner seeking to advance the environmental agenda, it does not appear inclined to support the European Parliament's attempts to green legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To investigate the ‘promiscuous history’ of the efficiency of emissions trading markets, I draw from Actor Network Theory and specifically the work of Bruno Latour, highlighting how the commonly made claim to efficiency was constructed as a ‘fact’. I trace the processes, beginning in the early 1970s, that constructed first the inefficiency of command-and-control regulation through the distinction between the means and the ends of regulation, and the conversion of the specific 1970 Clean Air Act regulations into the archetypal form of command-and-control. Alongside this, the efficiency of emissions trading was constructed through the provision of empirical, modeling evidence and the re-construction of the Environmental Protection Agency's early Emissions Trading System as an ‘ad hoc’ implementation of ‘pure’ economic theory. In this way specific regulatory forms were translated into a seemingly universal economic narrative, and emissions trading was stabilised as a regulatory technology applicable to multiple environmental pollutants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As one of the earliest and deepest cases of neoliberal reform, Chile's political economic model has been the subject of extensive debate. The associated environmental law and policy that emerged in this context has, however, received little attention. The country's environmental policymaking process as well as the character and effects of the environmental regime that emerged are examined. Environmental policymaking has been tightly constrained by institutional and political arrangements that embody neoliberal principles such that legislation only advances when internal demands connect up with global forces. As a result, and despite many regulatory initiatives, the environmental regime expresses a strongly market-enabling quality instead of the market-regulating character commonly ascribed to environmental law and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on changes which have been seen in governmental and consumers attitudes towards environmental justice as a result of an increase in awareness of global warming and climate change. An overview of climate related obligations and environmental policies that have been developed as a result of global warming is offered. A discussion of the scope and content of climate justice, and of the impact global and intergenerational democracy may have on climate change in the future, is presented.

An increasing number of green political theorists now base their arguments on some form of deliberative, or discursive, democracy. Some of these argue that through its commitment to the all-affected principle, deliberative democracy requires contemporary deliberators to be able to justify their decisions to persons in future generations, which would lead to significant environmental protections. This article cautions against such a strategy. It argues that the green deliberative democrats propounding it have paid insufficient attention to Derek Parfit's 'Non-Identity Problem'. It is claimed that a reading of the basic principles of deliberative democracy shows that it is based on a narrow person-affecting view, and is hence vulnerable to the non-identity problem. It therefore cannot by itself justify inclusion of future persons. An alternative approach, based on broadly Rawlsian lines, is offered as a solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the perspective of classical liberalism, and developing a comparative institutions framework through which to evaluate alternative proposals for environmental improvement, the case is made for a system of polycentric environmental law. Within this context, contemporary theories that favour an extension of state regulation in order to address the trans-boundary nature of environmental goods are challenged. Problems arising from the complexity of social and ecological processes, the collective nature of environmental goods and the distributive consequences of environmental protection are unlikely to be met by a framework that emphasises greater unity in decisions. On the contrary, the principle of ecological rationality is more likely to be met within a classical liberal framework that facilitates market-like processes of competitive spontaneous order at multiple levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the mid-1970s well into the 1980s, the Federal Alliance of Citizens' Initiatives for Environmental Protection (BBU) was one of Germany's most visible and influential environmental organisations, an unusual achievement for a network of local organisations. Lacking strong competitors, it was able to become a central movement organisation for Germany's rapidly growing anti-nuclear power and environmental movements. However, after institutionalisation of environmental concerns robbed the movement of some of its impetus, competing social movement organisations appeared, and government subsidies ended, familiar problems of grass-roots networks, which had plagued the BBU from the beginning, intensified. The resulting downward spiral cost the BBU most of its members and its prominence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If approximately 80% of the public in the UK support wind energy, why is only a quarter of contracted wind power capacity actually commissioned? One common answer is that this is an example of the ‘not in my backyard’ (Nimby) syndrome: yes, wind power is a good idea as long as it is not in my backyard. However, the Nimby claim that there is an attitude–behaviour gap has been rightly criticised. This article distinguishes between two kinds of gap that might be confused, namely the ‘social gap’ – between the high public support for wind energy expressed in opinion surveys and the low success rate achieved in planning applications for wind power developments – and the ‘individual gap’, which exists when an individual person has a positive attitude to wind power in general but actively opposes a particular wind power development. Three different explanations of the social gap are distinguished, only one of which depends upon the individual gap. In the second section of the article the relevance of our three explanations for policy is considered. It is argued that the different explanations suggest different policy responses and that the success of efforts to increase wind energy capacity may depend on developing a better understanding of the relative significance of the three explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate on governance the concept of responsibility is frequently invoked but remains underdeveloped. This article aims at showing its analytical relevance as a means of interpreting ongoing changes in policy approaches and for evaluating their ability to cope with environmental challenges. Four dimensions of responsibility are singled out: care, liability, accountability and responsiveness. The caring state has been overtaken, to a remarkable extent, by new arrangements centred on the expansion of liability and above all accountability, while responsiveness remains a rather neglected aspect. Such neglect represents a major reason for the debatable results of governance as regards environmental protection and the recovery of institutional and corporate legitimacy and social trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution focuses on the limits of European Union programmes and accession practices on environmental policies and performance in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, we document some of the ways in which state socialist and post-socialist environmental conditions, practices and policies are shaping, and in turn being shaped by, the path of accession and integration. We focus on the diverse and changing patterns of air, water and soil quality in Central and Eastern Europe, the contested nature of new environmental policies, the environmental consequences of economic change, and the sustainability of emerging environmental regimes. The contribution concludes with several questions about the consequences of new state membership for future EU environmental policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution assesses the impact of market liberalisation on the sustainability of the transformation in ten Central and East European countries (CEE10). Although a significant body of literature assesses economic and social consequences of the transformation, there are limited numbers of investigations that examine the impact of liberalisation on the environment. For CEE countries, assessing environmental effects of structural change in the economy, rising personal consumption, rapid transition to market-oriented economies, and dramatically increased liberalisation is critical. Equally important is assessing the outcomes of environmental and other policy and institutional reforms. To assess these changes, a set of sustainability indicators is used to estimate an environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) and sustainability trends. The EKC concept assumes that environmental pressure rises initially with an increase in income but declines beyond some estimated level or 'turning point'. The question is how market liberalisation has affected this observed relationship. This study demonstrates the progress of the CEE10, relative to other CEE and new independent states (NIS), and how much progress is still needed to secure more sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the impact of European Community accession on the environmental non-governmental organisations (NGO) and environmental advocacy groups in Central European countries. Efforts of environmental NGO in Central and Eastern Europe to promote environmental protection; Information on environmental laws and institutions created in Central Europe before and after 1989; Directives concerning the environment imposed by the European Union in order to be a member of the union.

The EU has transformed environmental policymaking for the states of Europe. In many environmental policy areas the EU now plays an international leadership role. How will the planned accession of ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, where environmental capacity is still weak and environmental problems are serious, affect environmental policymaking within the EU? This contribution seeks to answer this question from a comparative perspective by looking at past cases of accession to the EU, with particular attention to the accession of the southern European states that are economically less well off than their northern neighbours and where environmental protection has a weaker tradition in national policy. It argues that a variety of changes to EU institutions and norms have helped to strengthen the EU's capacity to protect the environment, mitigate against moves towards the least common denominator, and aid weaker states in coming into compliance with EU regulations. Particularly important in this regard are the influence of the relatively strong and increasingly widespread voices of environmental advocates in Europe, the greater variety of environmental policy instruments available to member states that should make implementation more flexible and cost-effective, institutional reform that has addressed the EU's 'democratic deficit', and the importance that environment has taken on as an arena for foreign policy leadership by the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central and East European (CEE) states are implementing sweeping environmental policy reforms as they gain EU membership. This concluding chapter draws attention to key arguments in the volume and elaborates on four key themes that enrich conventional notions about Europeanisation and challenge prevailing views about the impacts that CEE states are having on environmental quality in an enlarged EU: the importance of capacity limitations and efforts to address them, the pesence of mixed messages and conflicting EU priorities, the importance of non-state actors, and the need for multi-directional exchange of ideas and information. These themes suggest, among other things, that EU officials and programs are capable of greatly improving some areas of environmental policy in CEE countries even as they make some areas of policy and societal behaviour less sustainable. This essay includes discussions of some possible ramifications of a larger EU for global environmental governance and some lessons from the 2004 enlargement that may inform understanding of future rounds of EU expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution addresses questions regarding the future of European environmental policy after the EU has been enlarged to include a number of Central and Eastern European countries. The existing literature, based mainly on EU-related 'top-down' variables such as status of harmonisation, availability of pre-accession funds, and future Council voting dynamics, predicts a largely negative impact of enlargement for progressive environmental policy. However, based on extensive survey data from within the candidate countries, this contribution asserts that this prediction should be qualified. It was also found that current theories in respect of national integration deal poorly with such 'bottom-up' perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution examines what joining the European Union implies for Hungary's waste policies and waste practices. After providing a short overview of waste policies under state socialism, I analyse the differences between the waste structure and waste practices of Hungary and the EU. Using interviews and document analysis, this contribution demonstrates that the EU has been sending mixed messages to Hungary. On the one hand, it demands preventative waste policies; on the other hand, it promotes end-of-pipe technologies through aid, temporary exemptions, and EU-constituent corporations that enter the Hungarian market. Overall, compared to the state socialist past, the European Union represents a certain regression to the extent that waste-prevention and recovery are ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the challenges that the candidate countries in Central and Eastern Europe must address in order to fulfill the environmental policy requirements of the European Union. Fiscal challenge; Administrative challenge; Environmental challenge; Democratic deficit challenge.

Discusses some of the accomplishments and challenges faced by Czech Republic in complying with European Union environmental protection law. Changes in Czech environmental legislation since 1990; Reasons explaining why implementation of Community law remains a demanding and challenging exercise in the Czech Republic; Types of jurisdictions concerning environmental protection entrusted to the European Court of Justice by the 1956 Treaty of Rome.

Discusses the possible implications of eastern Europe enlargement for European Union (EU) environmental policy from the applicant states' perspective based on the four Visegrád countries (V4). Domestic factors that influence the approach of V4 countries to EU environmental policy; Environmental policy institution relevant to EU accession according to experts interviewed in V4 and EU countries; Information on V4 international environmental strategies.

Addresses issues related to the regulation of environmental policy instruments in Australia. Impact of economic reform implementation on environmental issues; Structures of the Australian environmental policy; Discussion on environmental policy contents.