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This paper investigates the discursive links between macrismo and neoliberal governments in recent Argentina (1989-2001). Through a joint approach of the accumulation model, the political language, the social and institutional practices and the social imaginaries, it analyses the continuities, innovations and gradual transformations of the Cambiemos alliance in relation to the governments of Menem and De la Rúa. In this framework, the paper contributes to the study of neoliberalism and discursive constructions of these governments to build legitimacy, in comparative perspective. In the last part, it explores on the limits of Macri's government to build a successful hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout this paper I attempt to clarify the relationship between incarceration and its widespread effects on the relatives of detainees. First, I deal with the theoretical positions that prevent linking imprisonment and family members depoliticizing the problem: the presence of normative elements in sociological analysis, sociologies detached from the processes of imprisonment, the translation of family members' experiences in terms of the detainee's harm, criminological positivism or the deproblematization of the family role in reintegration are some of these. I then systematize from the existing literature the linkages between imprisonment and its extended effects on families through different interpretative levels, highlighting 8 linkages that define the position of family members in the correctional system: the degradation in visitation; the limitation and intervention of communications; the molding of gender relations; fear, which favors family practices that contribute to the correctional order such as the disciplining of the detainee; the imposition on family members of the costs of incarceration; the continuity between neighborhood and prison derived from the sociospatial concentration effects of incarceration; the family reaction to the labeling of the penal system; and family ambiguity in the face of the extrapenal functions of incarceration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the relationship between youth and politics in Argentina by analyzing the characteristics, meanings and tensions that have shaped the production of youth and their political rights during recent years. Qualitative methods were used in this investigation. Documentary sources are analyzed regarding two legislative proposals: the so-called "youth vote" law passed in 2012, which enabled optional voting from the age of 16, and a National Youth Law, which was approved only by the lower chamber in 2015 and then lost its parliamentary status. The paper addresses main issues on the field of youth studies: tensions and modalities on the production of youth, the legitimization of certain forms of youth participation and the conceptions of youth in the public debates regarding these two legislative initiatives. The study provided an important opportunity to advance in the understanding -based on the analysis of the Argentine case-, of a process that is characterized, on one hand, by a context were youth political mobilization had an impact on the perceptions of Latin American governments who implemented policies for the extension of rights. On the other hand, by a set of initiatives that placed youth issues on the public agenda from a rights-based perspective. Additionally, it also offers important insights to the study of changes and continuities after governmental change in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is to identify social protests that took place in Brazil and Argentina during the first 100 days of the Pandemic known as COVID 19 determining the symbols, slogans, and demands of those who lead the collective action. The identity perspective of collective action and a collection of qualitative information allowed to reconstruct its political trajectory and its dynamics. The argument developed in this paper consists in understanding social protest from the dynamic of social polarization. In fact, despite differences in health strategy and presidential leadership styles, the dynamics of social polarization characteristic of the pre-pandemic era, have persisted in terms of collective actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of the study developed to analyze teaching and research as an inseparable binomial in the university scenario, especially in the development of the law career. It was assumed with a positivist approach, a descriptive research, with non-experimental, transversal and field design, considering as population 20 professors and 82 students from 3 universities of Maracaibo, applying the survey as well as the interview with a questionnaire. Data were analyzed with frequency distribution. The results reflected that teachers do not use didactic strategies that stimulate research during teaching to solve problems and contribute to the well-being of the collective, they not invite students to participate in events where scientific knowledge is disseminated so it is concluded that law professors make little use of research concentrating their activities to master classes referring to doctrines and the legal system without taking into consideration the need to develop relationship between theory and practice, then, knowledge remains on paper, in the word and does not go to action, to change, therefore, it is necessary to transform educational action and fulfill the three fundamental functions of Higher Education: teaching, research and extension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to extend and complete Michel Foucault's study of twentieth-century neoliberalism as a rationality of government whose general principle is competition. To this end, instead of observing what happened to the treatment of competition and the monopolistic phenomenon in German Ordoliberalism, which the French philosopher did, our genealogy will concentrate on what happened in this respect in the United States. Our research shows that between the 1930s and the 1970s the Harvard school will be the mainstream microeconomic current of study for interpreting American antitrust law and, like Ordoliberalism, it will be interventionist in nature. However, in the 1980s, two important developments for our research interests will take place. First, Michael Porter's reformulation, in the field of management, of the elements of the Harvard school to develop a competitive business strategy, a strategy whose ultimate objective is to beat the rival, grow and become stronger. Second, the triumph of the Chicago school with its postulates for evaluating monopoly from an efficiency point of view, which made the American justice system much more tolerant of this type of phenomena. Thus, we will point out that by virtue of these events, business strategy was able to emerge as a contemporary technology of government of the neoliberal rationality, calibrated no longer from the principle of competition, but from that of competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a product of the investigation held since 2015 on a Mexico City's gynecological institution, focused on the construction of the infection caused by the human papillomavirus as a public health issue, based on the analysis of the protocol and individual sexual health trajectories of the women who receive health care on this institution. To achieve such objective, a quanti - qualitative strategy, that integrates three levels - macro, meso and micro-, was planned to articulate diverse information sources, actors and contexts. On this paper, we present the methodological considerations that arose from the quantitative segment of the biocultural approach to the reality, centered on the recollection of information from the clinical records, in order to reconstruct a sociodemographic and epidemiological profile of the user population. Thus, we propose to consider the clinical record as a biosocial context that allows us understanding of the institution's functioning, from the selection and construction of relevant information for the clinical practice and the investigation. We will focus our interest on reflection about the anthropological chores on institutional contexts for health care, considering the ethnographical utility of the clinical archives, proposing an articulation between quantitative data and their analysis through ethnographical findings. We finally conclude that the clinical records are invaluable sources of information for the ethnography and documental complements for the anthropological research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of an exploratory investigation whose research object is the conflicts derived from the project of The Civil and Military International Airport "General Felipe Ángeles" (AIFA) in Zumpango, State of Mexico, based on a documentary and hemerographic review. The observed conflicts show not only competing economic and political interests, but also political emergencies in defense of other ways of understanding development and to relate to the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on a study of territorial reconfiguration in the Cachapoal valley, along its riverside intercommunity route-Coinco, Olivar, Doñihue, Coltauco-in the central zone of Chile, regarding the process of modernizing and globalizing agriculture started in the second half of the 1970s. Population and agrarian censuses as well as the CASEN survey were analyzed. Conceptually, it proposes the concept of agro-territories, or agropolis, to designate the agrarian regions. It discerns this concept by comparing it with concepts of new rurality, rural urbanity and rural territories. The main result is the identification of a guideline for repopulation that is essentially agrourban, together with the progressive secondarization of agriculture. Likewise, it identifies a new formof the social question, this time centered not on poverty but on segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific-humanistic research at university centres is an activity performed by the professors through their promotion papers. Nevertheless, this type of scientific research is unknown to scientific communities, since most of these scientific studies remain unpublished. Using semi-standardised interviews with 8 professors selected from a group of both non-researching and researching professors working at La Unidad de Estudios Básicos de la Universidad de Oriente, Núcleo Bolívar (The Basic Studies Unit at the University of the East, Bolivar Branch), a theory was formulated that explains how this problem influences the university’s institutional action. The main findings are: institutional neglect of professorial research as an activity directed toward spreading knowledge and the compromised quality of those promotion papers when they are “produced not to be diffused.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the activities of hybrid security firms that serves Carnival blocos parades and their paying revelers in Salvador, Brasil. It analyzes data from interviews, direct and participant observation, and documents. It verifies the organization, the division of work, and the co2nnections between these security firms these and police forces. It shows the influence of the security technology used to isolate, move, and expand those Carnival blocos on the hard tactics and harsh crowd control implemented by security personnel. It shows that, while this security strategy threatens the basic rights of assembly, movement, and expression of revelers not associated to a Carnival bloco, it also privatizes the access and use of public spaces. It concludes that this governance, regulation and control founded on powers of exclusion, rejection, and removal of individuals and groups intensifies the dilution of the border between public and private modes of regulation of these spaces. Advocate for broader measures aiming at spatial decentralizing, reduction of the density, and therefore improving the management of crowds and the security of that fun for the participants of Carnival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Promoting processes of Transformational Adaptation to 'climate change' with broad bases of participation, imposes several tensions and challenges in the current crisis of civilization. Possible responses have emerged from 'inclusive governance', which suggest inserting such processes into national agendas. However, building a 'climate agenda' in line with national projects requires, at least, consideration of the perception of the climate crisis of the different actors involved, as well as methodological proposals that operationalize the relationship between socio-ecological vulnerability and resilience. This paper presents the results of a joint evaluation of the perception of vulnerability and resilience in the community of San José de Galipán, Venezuela, for which two indexes were designed ad hoc, Community Resilience Index (IRC) And Community Vulnerability Index (IVC). The IRC allows a synthetic, relational and participative evaluation of certain political, economic, psychosocial and environmental aspects of a community, keys to confer resilience and to make visible fundamental aspects in the production and reproduction of the vulnerability, estimated with the IVC. The discussion of the results obtained (IRC = 2.55, low resilience; IVC = 3.45, average vulnerability), contextualized in community life projects, are a fertile input for the collective construction of risk scenarios and prioritization of threats (climatic and non - climatic) as well as for the establishment of proposals for adaptive and transformative changes, as discussed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about secularization, but there have been few profound researches on its internal layers and on the most solid and systematic alternatives that followed. In our view, this has had two consequences: constraints of interpretative understanding and of analytical-theoretical deepening that must and can be overcome. To achieve this goal, we have chosen a research design that encompasses the strategy of thick description as well as the comparative method and we divided the paper in two basic parts. First, we analyse the main substrates of secularization, namely functional differentiation, rationalization, societalization, existential security and diversity, egalitarianism and individualism. Secondly, we introduce the main and most challenging alternative to secularization theories, according to the state of the art - the religious economy -, examining it in the light of secularization's central assumptions. The analysis of two diametrically opposed theories, concerning the understanding of religion's place in contemporary world, will allow us to explore patterns of difference and similarity between them. Additionally, we will be able to explain how is it possible that this theoretical models, with similar objects of study, have led us to the inference of such different results in respect to the (in)variance or to the religious vitality (or the lack of it) in modern societies. At the end of the paper, for a more systematic exam of this point, we provide a table analysis comparing the main axioms of both theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a conceptual-theoretical framework for modern family. In order to achieve this goal, family is defined as a social system in the context of modern functional differentiation. Given its character as social system, family is approached from the distinction inclusion/ exclusion and is explored the scope of inclusion modes in other functional systems. The paper concludes with a reflection on the state of art of the sociology of the family and some challenges that can be identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a progress report on the coming of a dialogic and critical sociologist in Venezuelan sociology. It paper studies the case of the historical evolution of sociological formation at the Universidad Central de Venezuela and its link with the recent contemporary social theory in relation to the postmodernism and critical theories of Habermas, Wallerstein and postcolonialism thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the growth and learning opportunities for educators offered by a confinement as severe as the one experienced by the Covid-19 health emergency in 2020. In order to do so, we will focus on the need for a more prudent, more attentive, more ecological and more measured behaviour as an educational key in all teachers in an ontological, epistemological and methodological way. We propose that it is essential for teachers to do serious work in transmitting to their students an appreciation of silence and restraint, largely reinforced by meditative states. In this way, we will do our best to facilitate for our students the acquisition of a high degree of attention to themselves, the others and the world around them. Finally, it is proposed the used of haiku as a tool to reach a better understanding of the ideas explained previously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational institutions have become spaces of conflict for coexistence because of introduction of negative individualism. Empirical evidences from different studies show the rise in aggression, harassment and intimidation, which is subject of concern for the State, educational institutions and society. This paper proposes to identify the problem with low institutionalization in coexistence, which is responsibility from the State, its institutions and parents. The origin of the problem is shifting priorities and the lack of attention to the objective of preparation for coexistence between pairs anchored in social, cultural and symbolic capital. This paper makes recommendations to the State to regain its role of counselor of education as a public good and scholar institutions articulated with families to strengthen favorable social and cultural environments and proactive management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents some considerations that emerged from discussions in the "Strategic and International Studies" research group at the Universidad Veracruzana in Mexico. The hypothesis that supports this paper is that most of the productive units in Latin America (SMES) are facing a challenge of enormous proportions: participate in local innovation systems as an unavoidable step for advancing in the regional integration process. Designing public policies geared toward stimulating innovation and integration of the SMES implies recognizing their specificity and characteristics, at least in the following dimensions: i) building capacity; ii) guidelines for learning; iii) management and directorial models; iv) network involvement; and v) financing schemes. The study holds that regional integration should conceptualize SMES as key actors in local innovation systems, which implies designing management models and systems adjusted to their specificities. This makes it necessary to transcend managerial ideology that anchors its dominating mechanisms in the preeminence of economic rationality as the only criterion for administering small and medium enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses multi-Latin foreign direct investment (FDI) in Latin America during the first decade of the XXIst century, to find out if the diverse integration agreements have encouraged this type of investment. Analysis is based on the eclectic paradigm of FDI and the factors that motivate the internationalization of firms in emergent economies. The paper presents an analysis of the integration agreements signed by the principal Latin American economies that invest in the region, as well as the cases of internationalization for three multi-Latin firms. Conclusions state that the different integration agreements for open regionalism as well as the post-liberal or neo-developmentalist agreements were an incentive for reciprocal investment; however, they were not the only factors that stimulated investment among Latin American countries. Moreover, large multi-Latin firms have arisen from an internationalization process similar to transnational companies from developed countries. Integration agreements still face challenges to their consolidation in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present some theses, and some frameworks of understanding as well, with the purpose of observing and understanding the emergence of football crews and supporters on Chile social uprising since last 18th of October. On the basis of reviewing a series of events and news covered on the media, where crews and supporters were involved on that period of time, the discussion is developed through three questions which thus enable this study, How can the emergence of football crews be explained within the context of this social uprising?; What is the current relation between political affairs and football crews? and What does Chilean academic production offer to explain or not?; and How and Why these football crews have become a priority of public security in this context? The main conclusions point to two transformations, which started in 2010, There have been societal transformations (politicization of society and democratization of social relations) that allow us to understand its emergence in the framework of the social revolt of October 2019, as well as to explain the changes in organized barrism in its last years. In the second half of the text, we reflect on the manufacture and presentation of soccer bars as an important public enemy of the social order, describing scenes and events that reveal a fear of the popular classes in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the field of mega-event studies, a case with smaller scale, projection and little study is recovered. The YOG 2018 were propitious for the experimentation and production of a new image of the city, its government and urban interventions. With the reconstruction of local and international political support, the YOG 2018 is interpreted as a turning point in the career of Buenos Aires as a possible Olympic venue. Within this framework, the careers of two CEOs that articulate business, sport and politics are being investigated. Likewise, the paper studies the city image production in Buenos Aires as a candidate and a healthy tourist space. The work focuses on the impact of the YOG 2018 in the Comuna 8. It is analyzed how the Government of the City proposed a new form of land valorization through the institutional mask of Integral Urban Planning and the transfer attempt of CeNARD. Finally, it is shown that mega-events can promote the relocation of large infrastructures to areas less attractive for the real estate market and thus free up land of greater value in other areas of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the situation of peasants and native people's communities affected by the concentration and foreignization of land during the recent history of Paraguay. Specifically, it is an investigation on the agrarian question in the departments of Alto Paraná and Canindeyú, which serves to illustrate the general historical process that the country is experiencing. We have oriented our methodological strategy to qualitative and quantitative research. The study shows how peasants and indigenous people are threatened with its existence to slowly give rise to the predominance of wage relations and capitalist accumulation in agriculture. Thus, there is a constant economic and extra- economic pressure to the proletarianization of most of the peasantry and native peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has a double purpose. First, It is evaluated and conceptualized the changes in the mode of operation of the external constraint to growth in Argentina since 1976. It is concluded that the internationalization of the Argentine economy since 1976 and particularly since 1989 transformed the mode of operation of the external constraint and, as result, modifyied the dynamics of the expansive and recessive phases. Secondly, it is proposed to analyze the phase of stagnation and tendency towards the crisis that the Argentine economy has been going through since 2012 in the light of these transformations. It is aimed that the recessive dynamic is characterized by a context of global pressure to restructuring that sterilizes the adjustment mechanism without restructuring by means of devaluation and recession, characteristic of the recessive dynamics of the '50s and' 60s, and the attempts to disconnect between the national market and the world market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories about the origins and development of globalization refer to an irreversible process of change that begins in the dynamics of modernity itself. Here, a specific code is established that is used to read historic time as well as the scope and redefinitions of current politics. The aim of the article is to analyze the relationships between politics and historic time in Ulrich Beck's Reflexive Modernization, as one of the main representatives of this theory, along with Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash. To do this, the paper raises questions about the existence or non-existence of certain elements from a matrix belonging to a nineteenth-century philosophy of history in his theory and the way it affects his concept of sub-politics. The paper's preliminary results recognize, in Beck's concept of the politization of everyday life, two opposite movements: the de-historization of politics and the de-politization of the economic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses comparatively the discursive construction of local ethnical shame through the aesthetic valuation from university's Ecuadorian and Venezuelan students of Education (Universidad Nacional de Educación/Universidad Nacional Experimental de Guayana). It is related to 5 photographs pairs with female/male characters, selected from local advertising posters and Internet which exposed: indigenous, creole-mestizo and Anglo-European ethnical features ("Folk", "Creole" and "International" Aesthetics respectively). Methodology: 80 mixed volunteer participants (40 Venezuelans and 40 Ecuadorians), decided on projected photographs pairs: "I like"/ "I don't Like" over themes: Students, Couples, Families, Girls and Boys. Then they wrote as many adjectives as possible. Results: remarkable differences on aesthetical valuation between participants allow interpret a high ethnic shame discursive construction shared by Venezuelans who systematically over valuated "International" Aesthetic whereas Ecuadorians alternatively valuated every aesthetics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is a phenomenon that dates from the same era of the appearance of human beings as such on the planet. Now, situating ourselves in contemporary times, international migration is in a high percentage, related to the work aspect. On the other hand, it is pertinent to note that the growth of communication networks and the development of international transport have contributed to such effects. This paper proposes an analysis in relation to the causes that caused a significant mass of Nicaraguans to see in Costa Rica a possibility of growth and improvement of their quality of life and with it the effects on the Costa Rican population of the wave of immigrants that they agglomerated in the province of San José, place from where this approach is framed. The aim is to analyze the social representations that were forged around them and the social impact of this new actor who, although he is a foreigner, is also a subject of rights. We proceeded to the application of a qualitative methodology. The analysis of the data is done in a preliminary way during the course of its collection, which is why its design is flexible and has a reflexive character. The technique of observation is the semi-structured interview and its discursive comparison; besides the search of archive material and review of journalistic publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this paper is to give voice to the members of mixed status families in the United States, particularly young people, who reside in the Metropolitan Area of Phoenix, Arizona, where they face serious problems of exclusion from their human and civilian rights, mainly in access to higher education. One of the main flags of this struggle for the recognition of rights, has been, as in almost all of the United States, to support the DREAM Act, an initiative of law, presented at the US Congress, which is focused on regularizing the legal status of young undocumented people who came to the country as children. Through the Grounded Theory theoretical-methodological approach, we investigate the perceptions of those who are deeply involved in the exercise of active citizenship, in the struggle to obtain recognition of rights and access to social benefits, such as those who manifest not actively involved. Among the main conclusions, the arguments of the interviews denote a variety of reasons and circumstances of involvement and apathy in the struggle for the recognition of rights. The subjectivity of the different actors includes both selfish and utilitarian appraisals, as well as solidarity and social commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A couple of years ago a wave of Haitian and African migrants arrived on the northern border of Mexico with the intention of seeking asylum or refuge in the United States. The vast majority came from Brazil, where they had worked for several years. Encouraged by the Temporary Protection Statute for Haitians (TPS) issued by the United States government in February 2010, more than 5,000 Haitians and Africans entered through the Tijuana-San Ysidro border. And another four thousand The arrival of these migrants, spatially in two cities of Baja California, generated a mobilization of both civil society and government authorities, given that a crisis of temporary attention was generated. Several shelters emerged to face the contingency and the federation intervened. Faced with the prospect of not receiving protection from the US government for the arrival of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, being transferred to detention centers and even being deported, many Haitians stayed and decided to stay temporarily in the state., working in informal sectors and others sought to regularize their situation in Mexico. This paper aims to analyze how the different actors of Baja California society responded to the emergency situation that prompted the arrival of Haitian and African migrants. We start from the assumption that organized civil society was the one that avoided a possible humanitarian crisis in the region due to the indolence of the state government as federal. Through structured interviews with leaders of civil organizations that provide assistance to migrants and Haitian migrants themselves, complemented with newspaper information, we reconstructed the conjunctural process from the arrival to the stagnation of migrants on the northern border of Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One challenge to contemporary sodological theory is redefining its conceptual baggage, in a historical context in which institutions of the salaried society-with inclusive and universalistic aspirations-are backtracking as organizers of social relationships. This paper intends to account for the repercussions that this challenge generates in a seties of contemporary works that address one particular subject: health, illness and health-care, approached not from this sub-disciplinary area itself, but from the general field of social theory. Following a comparative strategy, the first part of the paper is focused on Talcott Parsons work, one of the authors of general sociological theory, who contributes to configuring a perspective on the medical reality of societies In early modernity. The second part of the article explores two contemporary approaches to health problems related to social theory: theoties of governability, whose authors are commonly called "AngloFoucaultians" and reflexivity theories. In general terms, the conclusion is that the current authors who were analyzed focus on individual and collective risk management, as well as the configuration of ethics for self-care, which distance themselves from the centrality of the social role notion and its supposed theoretical bases such as socio-cultural Integration In the Parsonian explicative model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revolves around the controversial theme of democracy. Initially, it explains some ideas about the origins of Greek democracy is an excluding system of government; then, it shows the intrinsic link between democracy and participation; and finally, it brings up ationality as a constitutive element for democracy. In general terms, the paper is about defending democracy as a universal value that eeds some minimum conditions to develop. It is not about imposing democracy, but rather about understanding its benefits and achieving ts insertion into the dynamic of a specific society. This paper considers some social thought theorists such as the Italian, Norberto obbio, and the Colombian, Estanislao Zuleta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploring the concept of Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM) and using participatory social research methodologies, this paper seeks to expose and understand conflicts between water users from two river basins in Chile, that, despite their location in completely different areas (one a desert, the other an extreme south-austral zone), have similarities in socio-environmental conflict, since in both cases the existence of mega-projects (one, a mine, the other, a hydroelectric plant) has generated diverse visions of development between the directly affected local communities and the transnational corporations. The paper reflects on these similarities and the socio-environmental struggles they are experiencing, concluding that IWRM is the way to raise awareness and seek solutions to environmental conflicts in the current era of "neoliberal ecocide". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will bring out the discourse and representations made by youths about the phenomenon of violence, as well as the existing relation betwenn them and the police, within the control mechanisms of police practice. This paper is based on two researches: a specific one about youth, violence and citizenship and another about public security in the city of Fortaleza in Brazil. Our interests are centered on the phenomenon of violence as a subject that defies actual times and its main meanings and representations. One could say that our preoccupation is the understanding of today's youth as victim or aggressor, In most of the cases the preferred victims of violence are the youths of the lower classes, in which there is a social production of a sensation of fear, which is becoming progressively generalized and penetrating into the social network. The relations between youths and police/ institutions are being marked by mutual distrust and physical violence practices. Some sectors of the police think of society and carry out their surveillance activities following the logic of the territorial domination by the State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes and harmoniously integrates the author's thoughts regarding the crisis, evolution and re-articulation of the social sciences in the nation and the production and emergence of convivial research. In this paper, the author determines concepts, positions and ethical implications of this novel research focus, its challenges and scope. Finally, the paper explains and establishes the basis for diverse possible applications and future prospects for this "investigative position" that is fertilely heuristic and creative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The basic problem addressed in this paper is ¿Why is the female population still showing the highest levels of impoverishment despite the implementation of public policies to deal with female poverty and the creation of institutions directed to achieve equality? This analysis is based on the conceptual approach of the gender perspective. With that aim, the concept of gender is defined in this paper as the product of socially constructed roles and values for each sex. Consequently, the gender perspective allows for the identification of the meanings of the problems affect people due to their biological sex. The concept of gender equality is defined in this paper as the deliberate treatment of situations of justice, suffered by people as a result of being submitted to situations of unjustified inequality due to their biological sex. Gender equity policies are deliberate policies directed to overcoming the existence of inequalities that cannot be handled in the short run by existing gender equality policies. This approach proposes basic contributions to the methodology of political interventions in order to address female poverty. It points out the limitations of the conventional indicators to measure female poverty such as income, unfulfilled basic household and family figurehead needs, and suggests indicators related to the exercise and enjoyment of such rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the present day globalization context there are three Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in which the labor issues forma part of the Labor Cooperation Agreement (LCA), accompanied by a text that contains "labor principles" : the FTA of North America with its ACLAN, the Canada-Chile FTA with its ACLCC, and the FTA of Canada and Costa Rica with its ACLCCR. There are also two FTAs in which no labor agreement is incorporated: the United States and Chile (FTAEUCHI), and the USA, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Dominican Republic (FTAEUACARD). In this paper the purposes, principles and labor agreements in these FTA and LCA were analyzed, interrelating them with the principles and norms of the ITO and the labor principles adopted by the UN and the OAS. In the conclusions certain considerations related to the impact of these contents in labor relations were formulated. The paper does not refer to globalization as such, or to the non-labor contents of the FTAs. It likewise did not examine constitutional contents, or solutions to controversies, nor the application of sanctions [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzes the role that multinational oil companies played in the formation of social concepts and citizen participation which were promoted in the oil camps of Venezuela and which served as an important model for varios sectors of Venezuelan society. The experience in oil camps reconfigured regional identities and introduced a new lifestyle, reformulating the use of public and private space, the management of time, and also comsumption patterns. Conscious of the dislocation that employment In the new and unfamiliar oil industry implied, companies sought to incorporate the family into this process and redefined the role of women as key to the socialization process. This paper analyzes the participation of intellectual goups, and the middle class which colaborated with the oil companies in order to promote a national cultural project and civil society which would promote certain legitimacy in relation to the transnational companies in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present certain hypotheses about aspects that regional integration has acquired in the border regions, where it tends to be confused with frontier or neighbourly Integration. It also presents the acceptance of the Andean integration experience in the frontier region of Táchira and North of Santander on the border between Colombia and Venezuela; the two most active countries the Andean Community. In addition it attempts to explain the apparent rejection of regional integration over the last decade of the XX Century on the part of these agents. This paper Is the result of biblio-hemerographic consultation as well as direct observation and interviews with political and social representatives on each side of the border. It consists of five parts in which there is a geographical location of the area under study, a theoretical approximation in relation to political and social actors, their perceptions towards regional and frontier integration, the actors who are more inclined to show a positive and a negative opinion towards regional integration, and finally and there is a discussion of some of the reasons that explain the findings of acceptance or rejection towards regional integration in this border region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzes the role that multinational oil companies played in the formation of social concepts and citizen participation which were promoted in the oil camps of Venezuela and which served as an important model for varios sectors of Venezuelan society. The experience in oil camps reconfigured regional identities and introduced a new lifestyle, reformulating the use of public and private space, the management of time, and also comsumption patterns. Conscious of the dislocation that employment in the new and unfamiliar oil industry implied, companies sought to incorporate the family into this process and redefined the role of women as key to the socialization process. This paper analyzes the participation of intellectual goups, and the middle class which colaborated with the oil companies in order to promote a national cultural project and civil society which would promote certain legitimacy in relation to the transnational companies in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to describe social representation that the operators and prisoners of the Maracaibo National Prison have of the Administration of Venezuelan Penal Justice, for the purpose of generating information that permits the configuration of a new discourse based on a holistic vision of the problem of judicial administration and on the definition of rational and feasible elements for its transformation, focusing particularly on the penitentiary system. Approximations to these representations were made based on an analysis of significance extracted from information offered directly by the key actors through the utilization of a qualitative methodology, profound interview techniques and criteria of saturation analysis through repetition. The results indicate that even though operators and prisoner maintain distinct visions and points of view within the prison scenario, they share common significance, symbolization and interpretations in relation to the object of study on the one hand, and conceive it as an power institution and a way to subjugate others and as socially necessary institutions to refrain delinquent conduct in society. Due to this the representations that these subjects have in relation to penal justice in Venezuela is one of illegitimacy based on the nature of those who administer them and not due to their essence as such. Also these representations are projected in daily practices between both groups, maintaining a tense and adverse environment within the prison environs, where the role of the operators is centered on establishing power through repressive and manipulative manners, while the prisoners create their own sub-cultures in order to survive in the world in which they are immersed. In neither group (operators and prisoners) is there cohesion, consensus or loyalty in the pursuit of common ends. On the contrary a situation which tends towards conflict exists defends itself from the other. This paper could be of use to the present protagonists who are in the process of democratizing and modernizing the administration of justice since it may help to orient political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In previous papers we have analyzed police functions, purposes and norms as agencies of social control; historical and structural impediments in the police-state relationship and in the formation of political programs, experiences with community models of urban security and its practical results in Argentina, etc. In this paper we will emphasize the consideration of violence as a constituent element of police culture, and even more so in a police state, in its semantic multiplicity: legal, abusive, extralegal diffuse, symbolic violence (Tavares Dos Santos, 2000). On the other hand we study the construction of the "suspect" population and of the types of delinquency, realizing a critical analysis of the typologies of crime and delinquency, determining the manner in which official statistical analysis is made (what the penal and political system understand) and visualizing the omissions they include in an attempt to explain the same. (It is interesting to analyze statistics searching for the holes in empirical analysis in reference to the questions proposed and not because we are excessively positivist) It is necessary to have as a back-drop the overlapping of political programs and their consequences: one of these programs, one of zero tolerance, according to Crawford, is an erroneous and discriminatory designation of groups, which converts these happenings into selective intolerant events. Examples: the technique of "halt and frisk" and "class-cleansing" techniques in public areas and the overlooking of certain typologies such as administrative crimes, commercial fraud, contamination and health and security infractions (Wacquant, 2000). Finally we present the manner in which this selective intolerance is translated in the country, beyond political and media discourse ambiguity ("cero tolerance" is not assumed to be continually sustained) which worsen the situation of violence and criminality in the framework of a high exclusive social and economic model in which strategies are the repetitions of repetitions of reforms, grand rhetoric and technical terminology which conjecturally circle about while society observes and is absorbed in this "dislocated scenario" managed by an uncertain state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond the topics of "freedom of expression", "the right to reply", and "factual information", which are elements related to present day happenings and Venezuelan public opinion, mass media has been increasingly affecting the process of decision making with respect to control of natural resources and the pernicious effects of programs related to equipping the national armed forces. The objective of this paper is precisely to analyze the importance of research in social communication in relation to communication media and public opinion in relation to the purchase of military technology for use in Venezuela. This paper is based on the research done by Page (1996) in which he studied the communication media as a public actor and how they can influence policy. Page's work establishes an indirect focus of the use of emissions in publications and other media in order to change the beliefs and preferences of the masses and/or of "elite audiences" in the establishment of policies that could presumably affect subsequent decisions that could me made as to these topics, and with important implications for the nature of democratic deliberation. The need for public debate is then proposed in communication media and academic environments, in reference to military technology, negotiation and contract sales, purchasing, modernization and transference. Finally certain conclusions and recommendations are presented for research in social communication on the theme studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The forms of dependence and the characteristics of power relations imposed by the dominant economies, through imperialist incursions, are the key to understand the political-economic processes of Brazil and Latin America. This paper formalizes the debate about the policies of the so-called Brazilian Neoliberal period (from 1994) and how it relates to the formulations of Marini and the Marxist theory of dependence. Its primarily goal is to reflect on the processes of deindustrialization, reprimarization of the economy and how this relates to imperialism and the Marini's overexploitation of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the realm of traditional commerce, the so-called corner stores or grocery shops boast the greatest amount of singularities within this genre. In terms of their registration before governmental institutions, it is the least informal and given its geographical immobility it is the one with the least territorial scope and therefore, the least advantageous with regards to proximity. Using the of local grocery shops in the metropolitan area of Guadalajara, Mexico as a point of reference, the objective of this paper is to analyze the sociodemographic characteristics of these establishments existence and the role that these shops play in regards to food supply within said conurbation area. To this end, a survey was applied to a statistically representative sample of shop owners and customers. In keeping with traditional commerce, their unit sales are comprised of small volumes of merchandise and their operation based on family structure, scarce infrastructure, and little support equipment. Thus, we conclude that proximity to their customers provides them with a significant advantage, their continuance in the market is strengthened since said advantage favors the distribution of products with a high energy content, generally supplied directly from large companies that produce these goods. Similarly, we highlight that the competition that exists among these establishments is normally inclined towards those that treat their customers better and those that offer a wider variety of products. Despite the growing presence of large retail chains, the customers of these grocery shops expect to continue shopping there. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that the capacity of individuals or social groups to produce responses to cope with and overcome barriers, when exposed to situations that may compromise their ability to guarantee family subsistence, are quite heterogeneous, even in similar environments. Social factors may constrain it, or even facilitate it, in a much more decisive way than the exposure and behavior of the natural factors involved in the processes of adaptation to contemporary environmental changes. Therefore, the ability of individuals to react or adapt to new situations seeking to reduce their vulnerability, especially those residing in rural areas, is the objective result of the action linked to daily experience, in the interaction that it can produce between the natural and social system and presupposes the existence of individual and / or collective learning processes. To demonstrate this characteristic, we identified the main subsistence strategies mobilized by family farmers in the Alto Guaporé region, in the southwestern state of Mato Grosso, Brazil. The study, carried out with an empirical universe of fifty-one respondents in five municipalities, revealed that the functioning of the institutional framework can decisively induce and / or condition the individuals' capacity to mobilize the arrangements and forms of production used to guarantee family reproduction. Therefore, the correct identification of its functioning and its diversity play an important role in the determination of vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the elaboration of a typology of media consumers. This methodological tool seeks to account for the heterogeneity of media consumption without losing the ability to place them in clearly distinguishable categories according to theoretical criteria. This construction integrated three summation index in the resulting typology. The first part describes the preparation of newspaper consumption indexes (on paper), television and Internet. In the case of the first two, were taken into account the frequency of consumption and the number of sources used for each one. As regards the Internet, the operationalization included a greater number of indicators. A second stage established all the possible combinations (about 192) between the crossing of the categories of those three indexes and the self-definition of the respondents - respect of their media preferences at the time of information - for each of the four types of media ( adding the radio). The results of these combinations were defined, then, following the twelve types of typology that was intended to be achieved. Thus, the integration of typological logics and summative index allowed some balance between the need to account for a varied consumer scenario with the requirements of any typology to be an instrument for simple comparisons. The crossing with the self-definition of the respondents also made it possible to recover radio consumption. The methodological tool was applied in three surveys to residents of the city of Buenos Aires (2015, 2017 and 2018). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mixed methods research implies the combination of paradigmatic and theoretical framework, perspectives, qualitative and quantitative methods and an interdisciplinary team. MM are useful in specific situations, when we have complex problems, dense questions, practical purposes and interdisciplinary teams. The point is to achieve more understanding, trust and confidence in the data, enrichment, validity, breadth and depth. A fundamental condition is to integrate the different data in the analysis and interpretation. Mixed methods are an old tradition, based on many studies and in triangulation, but nowadays there are an important contributions and reflections about designs, notations, paradigms, and questions. They have been criticized by the purist and the researchers who are suggesting that triangulation be the framework for the mixed methods. After dialogues with different communities, the utilization of mixed methods is no longer an audacity. The purpose of this paper is to spread the knowledge to future generations and to recall that we shall never cease from exploration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the concept of creative cities is defined as a joint process between creativity, culture and the city, able to continuously transform their socioeconomic structure based on the creativity of its people, combined with their cultural singularities. In this way, the paper offers a reflection of the artistic, creative and cultural initiatives in different communities of the city of Ivoti, RS, according to the concept of creative cities developed by the authors of the theoretical reference. Therefore, the Creative Economy Plan of the Ministry of Culture, delimited to the Scope of the Creative Industries (2011), which proposed a relationship with the initiatives recognized by the corresponding municipal departamento. Thus, it was used the method of descriptive and exploratory qualitative research that included methodological procedures as author-based literature reviewing on the concept of creative cities appointed by Marino (2009), Reis and Marco (2009), Reis and Kageyama (2011), Reis (2012), Vivant (2012) and Landry (2013), field research that included interviews with Department of Culture and Tourism of Ivoti, RS, information gathered via internet and on-site carried out a survey of the artistic, creative and cultural initiatives in the city. Among the results it was observed that Ivoti, RS initiatives have converged to the concept of creative cities proposed by the researched authors, as well as has potential to develop as a creative city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is evaluate the experience of participatory democracy in Venezuela as well as to assess the viability of direct democracy at the local level through the analysis of the Communal Councils and more specifically, the follow-up of the elaboration of community plans. We analyzed if the methodological guidelines of the so-called · "communal cycle" proposed in the Organic Law of the Communal Councils (LOCC) of 2009 to elaborate those plans stimulate or not participation and the inclusion. The results highlight the many opportunities that Communal Councils offer as spaces of participation to promote the improvement of the habitat and community living conditions; they also show some distortions such as patronage, co-optation and the lack of transparency that arise within the context of the high socio-political polarization that exists in Venezuela. Information come from field-work made in thirty four councils between 2006-2011where some fifteen strategic communal plans were designed; additionally, we made thirty four semi-structured interviews to members and more than fifteen in depth interviews to community leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discontent of the workers and social strata more impoverished in Latin America in front of the neoliberal policies provoked the emergence of political forces that, in the direction of the workers' and popular movements, reconstituted the bourgeoisdemocratic order. Composed of social movements, parties of the left and fractions of Capital, governments in various South American countries emerged whose nature was the conciliation of classes. Favored by global economic growth between the beginning and the middle of the first decade of the twenty-first century, these governments promoted compensatory policies in countries such as Brazil, Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, and Ecuador, which at first allowed the basic needs of the poorest sectors, a fact that created for such social forces a great social and political base. However, with the worsening of the international economic crisis and the application of austerity policies by the "progressive governments", elected with an antineo- liberal discourse, a triple economic, social and political crisis has opened up in some of these countries, in which such governments have lost a significant part of their support base. In this sense, the objective of this paper is to present the trajectory, political nature and determinations that provoked the first but severe signs of weakening the so-called "progressive governments" of South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the impacts caused by the 2008 rains in Santa Catarina, Brazil, on the labor market, wages and employability. In order to assess the impact on the average wage level per employee and on employability, we used an ordinary least square regression (OLS) and a Probit model, respectively. The results show that wages increased 4,7% on average for each standard deviation increase of rainfall in the municipalities. This result is supported by the literature of economics of natural disasters. We also found no significant effect of the rains on employability, which means that the level of employment has not decreased in the cities most affected by the rains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]