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This paper aims to analyze the relationship between the Histories of Herodotus and the excerpta of the Γοήτων φώΡα of Oenomaus of Gadara (II century AD), which constitutes a not yet adequately-studied case in the context of the documentation concerning the oracles of Delphi. The goal is to determine the genesis and the developments of these two literary traditions, rejecting those hermeneutic approaches which connected the main source of Oenomaus to Herodotus. The textual comparison of the versions transmitted by the two authors allows to identify a set of lexical and syntactic differences, mutual lacunae and additions of verses, revealing a distinct appearance of the two oracular traditions in terms of chronology, origin and inclinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at offering an analysis of the pragmatic functions developed by the Latin particle abi, originally the imperative of the verb abeo ('to leave', 'to go away'): discourse marker of conversation closing, directive pragmatic marker, expression of disagreement and expression of congratulation. Based specially on the evidences of Roman Comedy, a proposal of pragmatic evolution is offered, in agreement with similar pragmaticalization paths in other languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of the current paper study Latin textbooks written by J. A. Comenius before his Orbis pictus (1658). In attempt to explain book title Janua linguarum reserata they draw reader's attention both to the real history of its composition and to its possible symbolic interpretation. Close attention is paid to Vestibulum, the first textbook of the series Vestibulum - Janua - Atrium, intended for children of six-seven years old. It is argued, that it was a figure of king Solomon and his personified Wisdom that stood behind the general layout of Vestibulum determining its title, its first chapter and more (particularly, a paragraph on numerals is analyzed in details). The authors make a try to find allusions to New Testament in Janua and Vestibulum and to trace indirect influence of some pericopes from Scripture on Comenius' textbooks. Unconsciously, the philosopher of the XVIIth century was bound to biblical tradition coining phrases and verbal images that had implicitly inherited patterns from the Holy Bible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this study, which is based on a detailed analysis of Greek magical papyri, is to research, how the animal ingredients were used within the sphere of magic in the antiquity and what further information can be drawn. This paper serves as a preliminary review of the results provided by the statistical analysis. Main research questions are: How many papyri spells contain at least one animal ingredient? Which animals were used the most as an ingredient? Which animal body parts were prevalent in papyri spells? Were the animal body parts used in spells chosen based on analogy? Answering these questions can help us understand the connection of animals to magic, and determine if some animals were considered to have more magical power than others. A key source for this study was Betz's edition of The Greek magical papyri from 1986, compared to Preisendanz's Papyri Graecae magicae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri from 1928. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I try to explain common nouns in -ίδης, considering their diachronic development in Greek literature. Particular attention is devoted to ζοφοδορΠίδαις (Alcaeus 429 V. = L.-P.), which was given many non-convincing or inexhaustive explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anonymous report on the Avar siege of Constantinople in 626 preserved in the Historia Syntomos of patriarch Nikephoros from the 9th century has long been considered as a kind of supplement to the contemporary sources about the siege. In this paper, I will try to analyze selected motives in this report and compare them not only with information from contemporary sources, but also with the conclusions I presented in my previous studies dedicated to the topography of the Avar siege of Constantinople. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will investigate a well-attested closural device in Lucretius' De rerum natura: the recurrence of world destruction scenarios as the conclusion both to single literary passages and to single books. The argumentation will be divided into two parts. The former will examine the most important examples of this literary scheme in Lucretius' poem (1.1104-1117; 2.1105-1174; 6.596-607) and will define their models, their aim and their features. The latter will give some further examples of "apocalyptic" closures in Latin literature between I century BC and I century AD. The analysis of these passages will show the persistent presence of allusions to Lucretius' poem, considered as an indisputable auctoritas of cosmic eschatological poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The classical Athenian polymath Xenophon is an unappreciated source for certain passages of Virgil’s Aeneid. Close consideration of the parallels between texts from Xenophon’s Kynegeticus and Oeconomicus and scenes from Aeneid 1 in particular will reveal an intricate web of intertextual allusions and demonstrate that Xenophon is a key literary antecedent for the decisions of the epic poet both to highlight the deer-hunting prowess of his hero and to accord a prominent place to bees and apian lore in his portrait of Elissa’s nascent Carthage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider the process of grammaticalization through which motion verbs in constructions with a supine with a final value end up as a future passive infinitive. The starting point is the use of the supine with the motion verb eo, ire ‘to go’, the most frequent motion verb in Latin and the one with the broadest semantic value. Such a construction involves a volition modality (comprising the notions of subjectivity, willingness, and intention) so that it acquires a final purpose or goal value. This in turn then takes on a temporal value orientated towards the future. This temporal value turned towards the future tense develops from all of these semantic functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Battle of the Frigidus was, from a military perspective, a far more important engagement than is usually assumed. The battle depleted the available military reserves of the empire to such an extent that, in the following years, the nascent Western empire found itself unable to conduct any large-scale military operations, or indeed to fend off attackers in its very core – Italy. On the other hand, the religious importance of the battle, traditionally highlighted in scholarly publications, should be downplayed. It can be argued that had the outcome of the battle been any different, no major religious changes to the empire would have occurred. While the political short-term outcome of the battle is obvious (Theodosius’ reassertion of claim to power and the establishment of his dynasty), the long-term political changes resulting from this battle primarily involved the beginning of the decline of the Western empire and its ultimate demise. The article analyses the known data on Roman military strength, its organization, and especially the available operational reserves in the 4th century and compares them with the state of the Roman army at the beginning of the 5th century. Although our sources deny us any data on the strength or losses of either army at the Frigidus, a thorough analysis of all available information and a comparison with other internal wars in the late Roman empire seems to lead to an inescapable conclusion: the battle was a massacre that deprived the empire in its western part of its last hope of holding its entire territory in the following period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents possible relationships between two types of Roman comedy: palliata and Atellana; it focuses especially on the influence of palliata on the literary Atellan farce in the field of stock characters. The subject of this paper are family figures, i.e. uxor, senex, adulescens, virgo, servi. There are two kinds of evidence for these personae dramatis having been borrowed into Atellana - the plays, titles and fragments. All of these aspects are analysed in conjunction with relevant passages from palliata. It appears that Atellana employs all of the family masks with their specific features but at the same time often transforms them, exaggerating their sexual actions and using more terms of abuse in their depiction. The author gives English translations for the quoted Atellana fragments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper consists of some considerations arising before the start of an ambitious project in connection with the research desideratum to produce an augmented and 'updated' version of Kristian Sandfeld Jensen's pioneering Linguistique balkanique, which appeared in French in 1930. This investigation will provide a prolegomena to this edition which should encompass an account of the historical and geographical background as well as studies providing an adequate explanatory theoretical framework. It includes a state-of-the-art survey of the most influential contributions that led to progress in the domain of Balkan linguistics. Our starting points will be based on significant reference books inspired by Sandfeld's approach that date from the last decades of the 20th century. Among them are, in particular, Schaller's monograph on Balkan languages, Mihăescu's work on Vulgar Latin in South-East Europe, Radoslav Katičić's two volumes on ancient languages in the Balkan Area, some publications by Harald Haarmann and, above all, Georg Renatus Solta's Einführung in die Balkanlinguistik. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the scholarly discussion pertaining to epistemological assumptions regarding the earliest Christian authors has been framed by a series of dichotomies, placing "faith" and "religion" on one side and "reason" and "philosophy" on the other. I argue in this paper that uncritical use of these hard-to-define and overly general concepts as blanket categories to analyse Christian writings from the first three centuries CE inevitably causes major methodological issues and could be seen as heuristically unjustified. I suggest that a more frugal approach may be initiated by reconceptualizing the traditional "faith" vs. "reason" dichotomy in terms of the concept of personal and impersonal epistemic justification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper, the meaning and word formation of the Homeric adjectival compound κορυϑαίoλος are discussed. This compound is smally translated as either 'with glancing helm' or 'moving the helmet quickly', but there is no decisive argument in favour of one of the two meanings. However, a more fine-grained analysis of the internal structure of this compound as well as the contexts in which it occurs, including some remarks on Greek military equipment in Homeric times, clearly show that the meaning 'with glancing helm' must but be secondary. The problem remains how the secondary meaning developed from the original therefore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the Greek of Italy with regard to his dialect differentiation and long-term trends. After addresing some issues regarding the absolute and relative chronology of the Doric domain, internal lines of evolution that appear to be characterized by several peculiarities are analysed. The first area is linguistic communication with the motherland. The second is the presence of poles that have promoted linguistic standardization processes (Tarentum, Syracuse) and poles that have been affected by these processes (Rhegium, Siris, Locri). Lastly, particular attention is devoted to the analysis of the interlinguistic contact that characterized the Greek of Italy during the Hellenistic and Roman eras. In order to clarify the dynamics of this contact situation, an analysis is conducted of certain inscriptions that reveal the different types of interference with the Italic languages and Latin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I want to revisit the issue of the status of the 'progressive aspect' in Hellenistic Greek which I have dealt with in the Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek and Linguistics (2014: pp. 346-350). The entire issue is placed within the contexts of (i) larger cross-linguistic evidence for the existence of the progressive aspect in other Indo-European languages, and (ii) language contact of the colloquial Syro-Palestinian variety of Hellenistic Greek with Aramaic and Hebrew. It is shown that the verbal system of Hellenistic Greek included innovative analytic formations coexisting with aspectual and temporal categories inherited from Classical Greek. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many years, scholars describe king Areus I as the monarch who followed the Hellenistic model of ruling. He was the only one of the two Spartan kings mentioned by name at the Chremonidean Decree and he issued Sparta's first silver coins, which bore inscription with his name. These changes are implemented in a period during which Sparta is nowhere near its former glorious self. I will argue that during the early Hellenistic period, an era of major political, cultural and social changes, the past is used as a prominent political instrument more than ever. As new structures of power and political organisation rise, the status quo of the city-states of Classical Greece is transformed. The past always occupied a specific role in the history of the polis throughout the Archaic and Classical periods as civic identity was authenticated by more or less exclusive local myths. However, now the past is urgently needed to be rewritten as it possesses the potential to reshape contemporary worldviews. Areus I initiatives brought Sparta again at the forefront of the Hellenistic world and were the result of the mentality of Hegemony built in Sparta through a long history of hegemonial presence both in Peloponnesos and Greece. This paper aims (a) to assess the use of the past during the reign of Areus I of Sparta (r. 309-265) and (b) to highlight the dynamics of the active manipulation of the past as political tool by evaluating the iconographic choices on the first example of Spartan silver coinage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines means for introducing direct speech in selected Late Latin texts with a focus on verbal ones. The most frequently used verbs are dicere in finite forms, ait and the present participle dicens. The introducers inquit, ait and dicens show signs of at least incipient stages of grammaticalization. Ait is almost completely reserved for introducing direct speech, inquit was already specialized in introducing direct speech in Classical Latin. Dicens often follows another finite verb of speech in the introductory clause, which results in more or less redundant introducing construction. It seems that ait and dicens are progressive at the expense of inquit, which decreases in frequency of use in comparison to Classical Latin. The examined texts show a tendency to place introducing verbs before direct speech, which is manifested by inquit inserted into direct speech, often combined with another verb of speech placed before the direct speech. Individual texts differ in various aspects, but the correlation with the choice of introducing verbs cannot be proved unambiguously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-Classical Greek, declarative infinitive clauses (DInf) frequently contain a Perfect Infinitive (Pf. Inf.). According to Mandilaras (1973: p. 329), this is the most common form of DInf in Greek non-literary papyri. On the other hand, Rijksbaron (2006: p. 98) claims that such clauses were uncommon in earlier periods. It has been suggested that the spread of this construction is a result of intensified contacts between speakers of Latin and Greek, which is a hypothesis going back to Harry (1906: p. 69). Focusing on DInf containing the Pf. Inf. έσχηκέναι, this paper examines the Latin-contact hypothesis, as well as the hypothesis that the spread of this construction is an independent development of Ancient Greek (AG). It is claimed that the phenomenon can be accounted for in terms of independent development of AG. However, there is also evidence suggesting that some uses of the construction investi- gated were more acceptable for bilingual authors such as Polybius than for authors that had no significant contact with Latin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sermon with central theme Diliges Dominum Deum was preached by Jan Hus as his first synodical sermon at the synod of Prague Archdiocese on the feast of st. Lucas at the 19th of October 1405. This text, written in form of thematic preaching, is concerned with usual problems of the Church at that time, especially with sins of adultery and simony. The value of the sermon lies in an opening part, in which Jan Hus described his ecclesiological meanings based on the opinions of John Wycliff. This occurence of Wycliffe's ecclesiology is one of the earliest evidences of his influence over Jan Hus' concept of the Church. The aim of this paper is to introduce the sermon Diliges and the context, in which was preached. Attention will be paid not only to content, but also to form of the sermon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years a great effort has been devoted to the study of non-verbal behaviour, especially in the context of communication and interpersonal relations. It is worth pointing out that non-verbal language also plays a crucial role in ancient Greek literature. The goal of this paper is to examine the description of the non-verbal behaviour of the characters in the Iliad within the frame of the theory of oral-formulaic composition of the epos. Gesture could function as a kind of prolepsis -- a sign which foreshadows further events. The gestures used as prolepsis convey many more associations than the words uttered by the characters; especially gestures, which are independent or contrary to a character's words, could imply an autonomic message and reveal the events, which go beyond the frame of the episode or even the entire Iliad. The poet applies gestures to enrich the verbal message of the charac- ters and encode additional implications. On the other hand, gestures could depreciate the character's speech as well as disguise its actual meaning. Finally, it should be pointed out that the poet, by application of particular gestures, responds to the expectations and emotions of the listening audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although in the twenties the Greek language question had already shifted from the streets to the university halls, Greek society was still dealing with the never ending language story. Achilles Tzartzanos, a significant philologist and well-known educator, has remained somewhat left out in the history of the Greek language dispute. This paper describes the solitary struggle in which he was caught while trying to push through his own vision of the Greek language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with two geographical glosses transmitted by Hesychius of Alexandria: Καρνησσόπολις · Λύκτιζ κ Κρητική οὒτωζ έκαλεῖτο (HAL κ-840) and Τρίτ[τ]α · οὕτωζ ή Κνωσσὸϛ ὠνομάζετο (HAL τ-1434). It is suggested that Καρνησσόπολιϛ and Τρίτ[τ]α cannot be identified with Lyctus and Knossos, respectively. Both of the place-names under discussion refer to separate settlements, strongly connected with the capital cities. The toponym Καρνησσόπολιϛ should be identified with an ancient town located by the village of Κανασόϛ (< Doric Greek *Καρνᾱσόϛ) near Gonies, i.e. about 8 km north-east of the ancient city of Lyctus. The toponym Τρίτ[τ]α, attested as ti-ri-to in Linear B texts from Knossos, could refer to an ancient settlement with the sanctuary of Athena Tritogeneia, located near the modern village of Astritsi (Mod. Gk. Αστρίτσι, i.e. about 9 km south of Knossos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I re-read Tom Stoppard's Rosencrantz And Guildenstern Are Dead as a text indebted to ancient comedy, with special attention to possible Plautine elements. As its very title suggests, the most obvious intermediary between Stoppard and Plautus is Hamlet, but Shakespeare's text is not necessarily the only feasible route to understanding Stoppard's comic art. I argue that Stoppard's text, like Shakespeare's comedies, borrows from the ancient tradition of festive comedy, and that one of his most important achievements is the reintegration of the whole spectrum of Classical drama into the framework of a postwar absurdist play. This is what I wish to demonstrate by cataloguing motifs that Rosencrantz and Guildenstern shares with the comedies of Plautus. The main points I raise are the Saturnalian time management of Stoppard's play; its likewise Saturnalian protagonists; the parallel behaviour of these texts towards their generic and intertextual frames and their strong meta-dramatic nature; some shared cultural, social, and philosophical themes; and, finally, despite their focus on low-prestige, unheroic characters, the tragic qualities that they likewise share. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the range of written and material evidence documenting ancient Greek thoughts about male infertility. While modern science shows that infertility affects both men and women, it is generally believed that most ancient civilisations attributed infertility to women. Recent research into ancient Greek gynaecological texts caused the male function in reproductive processes to be overlooked and under-theorised. Did Greek men understand they might have a fertility problem, or was infertility exclusively associated with women in their minds? How could a Greek man tell he was infertile? Did his infertility affect his standing in the community, socially or legally? Medical texts and archaeological evidence of religious rites demonstrate that the biology of procreation as understood by the ancients was strongly embedded in myth and ritual, whereas philosophical and political sources reveal how the attribution of gender roles might have influenced ancient Greek beliefs about fertility. In investigating ancient views on these issues, striking conclusions are reached: namely, that the social awareness of, and actions taken in response to, male fertility problems were considered more widely in ancient Greece than was previously thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gloss βαῖκαν · .... Κρῆτες is usually treated as corrupt. In this paper the author suggests that it should be read as βαίκ' · ἄν. Κρῆτες. The dialectal form βαίκα,as well as its elided variant βαίκ',corresponds to Attic εἰ ἄν (also ἐάν,ἄν,Ionic ἤν) and represents the Cretan conjunction ϝαι 'if' (= Doric αἰ,Attic-Ionic εἰ) connected with an enclitic particle κα (= Epic and Aeolic κε,Doric κα). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the opinion of some researchers, the family was not highly valued in Sparta. Nevertheless, certain pieces of evidence confirm that the Spartans appreciated their families more than we previously thought. The author who most influenced the ancient and modern image of Spartan mothers and their role in society is Plutarch. Unfortunately, his accounts on Sparta are in part a figment of literary imagination and present the Spartan mirage. Plutarch depicts members of both the royal families and of the elite as they rear their offspring, indicating the essential role the mothers played in both the private and public spheres. The question is whether Plutarch's works are a reliable source for Spartan history. This paper focuses on Plutarch's portrayal of the Spartan mother in Sayings of Spartan Women, as compared to the one in the rest of his works. Most apophthegms focus on a relationship between a mother and a son -- on the role a mother plays in creating a Spartan citizen. Her attitude to her offspring supposedly mirrors the customs and expectations of their state and society. Thus, in this paper I present the Spartan mother, a literary composite of virtues and a model parent, as not necessarily equal to actual women of Sparta who lived in the complex realities of that city-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Poetry and music were firmly bound in Classical Greece. Despite numerous allusions to music found in later poetry, the practice of singing verse was probably abandoned in Hellenistic Era and the musical metaphors were the only reminders of the long bygone tradition. However, the discussion over the original mode of performance of Horace's Carmina has now been going on for over a century. Did Horace really sing his odes to the accompaniment of a stringed instrument in front of an audience or his manifold references to musical execution are merely a metaphor drawing on Alcaeus' and Sappho's poetry? It seems that both alternatives gained equal number of supporters, who invoke diverse evidence to prove their point. One often adopted approach is searching for the solution in the internal evidence found in the odes, accepting Horace's own testimony as compliant with reality. In my paper I am going to analyse by juxtaposition and comparison the references to musical performance Horace makes in his odes in order to assess the purpose and function of these allusions, then I am going to judge whether the references provide relevant evidence in the dispute over the mode of performance of the Horatian Odes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The name and the verses of Phaedrus were unknown in the Middle Ages but his fables were widespread in several prosified versions. One of these is the collection of Romulus which has a prominent importance because it preserved some lost Phaedrian fables and various other collections derived from it. This paper examines the textual tradition of these and of Phaedrus' fables. Additionally, the study attempts to localize an unpublished codex (Ms. Praed. 60, Frankfurt am Main, 15th century) in the stemma. The text of this manuscript seems to be related to the recensio gallicana, but in some cases it is more closely related to the original text of the Romulus-corpus. Accordingly, this codex seems to be an important derivative of Romulean fables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main priority of my paper will be to point out characteristic features and the most important objectives of Athenian "imperialism" during the last two decades of the period called Pentekontaetia (the period of fifty years - 479-431 BC.). I will try to characterize terms "imperialism" and "empire" in context of their application to the 5th century Athens in modern historiography, which I suggest is quite problematic and doesn't precisely define the true image of Athenian άρχή (arche - empire, realm, magistracy, office etc.). My other objective will be to describe how frequently and to what extent the Athenians used various kinds of policies and means of control in attempt to transform the first Athenian naval League, also known as the Delian συμμαχία (symmachia - alliance, offensive and defensive), into their own thalassocratic empire and allies into their subjects. Finally, I will also focus my attention on how the lust for power and hegemony affected Athenian foreign policy and Athenian relationship with other Greeks, either allies or not, living in the Aegean and the eastern part of Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of the relation between Juvenal and Quintilian is still unanswered: the reconstruction of their possible biographical and literary connections is very uncertain. The Life of Juvenal does not mention Quintilian; its author only states that Juvenal spent a signifi- cant part of his life declaiming. Their personal acquaintance is not confirmed by any ancient source, and the views of modern research are not univocal either; however, most scholars leave the question undecided. On the grounds of the biographical data, it cannot even be proven with certainty that Juvenal known Quintilian, thus we have to find evidence in the texts of the two authors. In this paper, I examine the possible influence of Quintilian on Juvenal's Satires, highlight textual and thematic parallels as well as common motifs in order to unfold the relation between the two authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the present time the contio -- a type of political meeting in ancient Rome -- attracts close attention of scholars. It is difficult but important to determine exactly which meetings were considered as contiones. Possible solution to this problem is a key part in understanding the specificity and role of contiones. Fortunately we have a few direct contiones' definitions offered by ancient authors (Marcus Valerius Messalla Rufus, Verrius Flaccus, Sextus Pompeius Festus and others). Through the study of these definitions the paper attempts to ascertain criteria for the identification a meeting as a contio. The aim of the research is to find universal essential features, i.e. those which described not some, but any contio: its audience, convener and general purpose. Therefore attention is paid to the criteria which are the least strict, noted in most definitions, and do not contradict the descriptions of particular contiones. It is concluded that definitions found in the Roman sources provide important information which is, however, insufficient for understanding what meetings were considered by the Romans as contiones. A strategy of subsequent study of the issue is also suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The atypical rhythm of the versus spondiacus was used by some Greek and Latin poets to draw attention of the readers. Juvenal makes use of spondeiazon 34 times which puts him in the top three of Roman poets applying this metre in their poetry. The aim to this paper is to answer the question whether Juvenal makes use of the spondaic verse due to specific reasons, and, if so, in what manner these reasons are connected to the author's poetical intentions concerning epic as genre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though there is a large body of scholarly articles devoted to individual Presocratic philosophers and their reflections on the nature of Olympic gods and Greek religion, as well as some good general monographs mapping the "theology" of Greek philosophers (e.g., Jaeger's Theology of the Early Greek Philosophers or, more recently, Drozdek's Greek Philosophers as Theologians), Presocratic hypotheses focused on the origin of religion have received comparatively minor attention. This paper examines the thoughts of Xenophanes, Democritus, Prodicus and the author of the Sisyphus-fragment (traditionally identified as Critias but also more recently as Euripides) in regard to the origin of religious belief while attempting to sketch some connections and similarities between ancient hypotheses and modern theories developed in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to show that influence of Mithridates's thinking is not only visible in the period of his collaboration with Pico as some interptreters suppose, but also in his Sermo de Passione Domini. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ancient doxography and modern scholars generally agree that Socrates did not engage in any literary activity throughout his lifetime. However, remarks by Dion of Prusa (Or. 54.4, 55.12-13) and Epictetus (Diss. 2.1.32), two authors writing roughly during the same period and holding Socrates in high esteem, could suggest that Socrates did write. Since the testimonies of Dion and Epictetus are often overlooked by Socratic scholarship, presumably because they represent minority opinion, the purpose of this paper is to analyze these comments and evaluate their relevance for our interpretation of historical Socrates and his activities as an author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Graeco-Latina Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper examines what kind of cooking materials (honey, vinegar wine, garlic etc.) were used in ancient healing as well. Besides, on the basis of the 'pharmacobotanical researches' it investigates whether the ingredients, which can be found in the recipies of Soranus could be effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]