Search

The paper argues that Chinese involvement in the Eastern Mediterranean is primarily motivated by increasing the country's economic role within the region through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The paper uses case study analysis methodology dwelling on the evolution and content of Chinese involvement in Greece and Cyprus. Primarily focusing of the nature of the Chinese investments in strategic sectors of the two cases in question the role that that China plays in Eastern Mediterranean is described as a 'silky involvement'. China's policy choices are also perceived to be an opportunity for Greece and Cyprus to combat the negative effects of 2007–2008 economic crises and to increase their geopolitical stronghold in the post-Cold War geopolitical environment of the Eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the factors for the 'big moment' of the far right, its Big Bang, i.e, when far-right parties transform from marginal 'groupuscules' into considerable political players. It is the moment when political supply and social demand interact, like two elements in a chemical reaction, and are transformed into far-right vote; the far-right redox. What are the conditions and the catalyst that allow the far-right redox to take place? Discussing the importance of the media as a resource for all political actors, and especially the far-right party family and analysing examples from three Balkan countries (Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia), Greece and France, the working hypothesis is that a necessary and sufficient condition is the occurrence of a media-induced event that acts as a catalyst, leading to their rise from the political margins to the political mainstream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the strategies Albanian migrant parents in Greece employ to reconcile their work and childcare responsibilities. The institutional context, the informal work setting, and the agency of the migrants all play crucial roles in their childcare arrangements. This research draws on 36 biographical interviews conducted during 2014–2016 with parents in Greece. Our findings suggest that migrants use different coping strategies to manage their work and care responsibilities. These strategies include mother-centred strategies or mothers making career sacrifices to meet their care responsibilities, shared parenting, relying on extended family and friends, delegating care to older children, leaving children to care for themselves, taking children to work, and transnational care practices. This study shows how care arrangement options were constrained and continuously shaped by migration, care, gender, and labour regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a contribution to the understanding of migration beyond its spatial dimension to include the multiple temporalities that are entailed. We rely on empirical material collected among young Afghan men in Greece to explore how they conceptualize and make sense of waiting in their own terms by proposing an ethnographic depiction of card and online games. We argue that card and online games are a way for our interlocutors to express some level of agency. With their play, they create and reinforce social ties, respectively, creating and reinforcing a support network that persists over time and beyond geographical dispersion. Therefore, they transform waiting into an experience through which they may assert their personal autonomy and group belonging and reinvest meaning into their everyday life. They eventually develop some ability to manage the uncertainty that dominates their lives, present and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of a new economic and political system in post-socialist Albania strongly affected the neighbouring regions of Greece, particularly by successive waves of migration. This paper explores three key aspects of Albanian migration to Greece. First, it investigates the basic factors that determine Albanian migrants' decision to settle in middle-sized Greek cities close to the border with Albania. Second, it examines the main patterns of trans-border mobility between Albania and Greece. And third, it looks at the possible interconnections between integration into Greek society and trans-border mobility. The role of geographical proximity and other factors that define migrants' integration are also discussed. The paper concludes that frequent mobility produces important trans-national activity and discusses whether this mobility corresponds to an emerging type of 'trans-migrant'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the 'maturing' process of the large-scale Albanian migration to Greece. Various typologies of migration and settlement are derived from the general migration literature, including the three-fold typology of labour migration: permanent settlement, temporary emigration, and seasonal cross-border moves. Greece has a particular migratory profile - moving from mass emigration to mass immigration - like other Southern European countries, but also different from the others in the dominance of one nationality, Albanians. The empirical part of the paper compares two surveys, taken in 2005 and 2008, to demonstrate evidence of a maturing process, with migrants staying longer, improving their income and employment conditions, and becoming increasingly oriented to permanent settlement rather than return. Policy implications of this transition are discussed in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to survey, analyse and evaluate the rôle of Greece and Cyprus vis-à-vis the security and geo-economic dimension of the Eastern Mediterranean through the lens of integration and regional strategic interests in the region. Despite the enlargement of NATO and the European Union, which have striven to integrate new countries into the Western community, the regional balance of interests has proven to be more unstable than predicted by the proponents of a Westernized and peaceful Eastern Mediterranean. Influenced by the strengthening rôle of Russia and Turkey, as well as by internal structural problems in the social, political and economic spheres, the Hellenic Republic and the Republic of Cyprus find themselves in a maelstrom of different and often conflicting regional interests, over which they have only minimal control. Developments are likely to have an impact on not only European integration, but on regional stability as a whole, since it can be argued that the old power structures of NATO and the EU are now having to contend with new regional factors. The article concludes with the observation that the situation in the region is confusing and volatile in diplomatic terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a geohistorical approach in explaining the interactions of the past between Greece, Cyprus and Russia/USSR, within the context of the Eastern Mediterranean, and demonstrates that basic human and political characteristics have barely altered when it comes to today; rather, new colours are being painted to reflect allegedly 'new' circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relation between memory and national identity. It is based on the hypothesis of whether—and to what degree—local memory, the cultural identity of a region as expressed by collective memory, serves the constitution of national identity or is a threat to the materialization of this objective, because of its cultural ‘polyphony’ and different discourse. In order to investigate these questions, research focused on the village of Petrota in northern Evros, Greece, and its relation with the village of Malko Gradishte, on the other side of the Greek–Bulgarian border. The relations and the manner of their representation by the inhabitants, before and after the 1940s, when Bulgaria joined the communist camp, are discussed. The paper underlines the importance of collective memory for understanding official histories and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The main claim of this paper is that the recent Greek economic crisis is not the sole or indeed the major cause of the current predicament, but is itself an outcome of a more long-term ‘cultural’, social and political crisis. Although current debates tend to overemphasize economic considerations and international factors, the view of the author is that, although important, these factors, when discussed in isolation, tend to conceal rather than disclose the ‘meaning’ of a way of life that is in crisis. Therefore, instead of discussing nomological causes, this paper tries to point towards the content of beliefs and various articulations of beliefs that have shaped everyday conduct, and highlight social and political practices that have constituted social life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is widely recognized that the recent economic crisis in Greece is due not only to excessive government spending and tax evasion, but also to the low competitiveness of its economy. Innovation has become of critical importance for the competitiveness of firms, sectors and countries in the modern economy. This paper presents an empirical study of the ‘new’ innovation determinants based on information and communication technologies (ICT) and also of the ‘traditional’ innovation determinants in the Greek economy. In particular, it investigates the impact of three different ICT (internal information systems (IS), e-sales and e-procurements) and also of six important traditional innovation determinants identified by previous relevant research (four ‘external’ ones—demand expectation, price and non-price competition, market concentration—and two ‘internal’ ones—investment in research and development (R&D) and firm size), on the innovation performance of Greek firms. It is based on firm-level data collected through a survey of 271 Greek firms before the start of the economic crisis, which have been used for the estimation of regression models. It is concluded that in the Greek ‘innovation-averse’ national context (characterized by low level of innovation and uncertainty avoidance culture) none of the examined external (market-related) traditional innovation determinants has an impact on product or process innovation of firms, while on the contrary the internal ones, R&D expenditure per employee and size, affect positively both. Furthermore, the examined new technologies seem to be important drivers of innovation: it is concluded that the internal IS have a positive impact on both product and process innovation, the e-sales only on process innovation, but the e-procurement on none. Our results indicate the high potential of ICT as innovation drivers even in such innovation-averse and lower economic development contexts, which, however, vary between different types of ICT. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Mainstream views attribute the causes of the recent crisis in Greece to endogenous factors—for example, profligacy, corruption and rent-seeking—and describe the country as a ‘special case’. In contrast to such approaches, this paper discusses the alternating modes of regulation in Greece from the post-war period until the recent crisis and argues that, despite the ruptures, lags and deviations, an alignment with wider international developments emerges. Four phases are distinguished: a post-Civil War period of growth under an authoritarian rule; a short Keynesian period of stagnation; a period of growth and neo-liberalization; and the current crisis. It is also argued that the crisis provided an opportunity to deepen certain neo-liberalization processes across the European Union (EU), further denationalize economic policy and impose fiscal discipline at the expense of the social state, even through constitutionalization. These developments advocate the view that Greece is rather a ‘test case’ than a ‘special case’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Much has been written on Greece's sovereign debt crisis and the disintegrative tendencies of the EU in conjunction with the global financial crisis that hit the West since summer 2007. This paper reviews the most important contributions to the debate and advances an original analysis as to what the sources of the Greek debt crisis are and what steps should be taken in order to get out of it. The argument put forth is that responsibility for the country's debt should be placed squarely on Greece's two main parties ruling the country since 1974 (New Democracy and PASOK) in conjunction with the Euro-Atlantic political elites, the inter-section of which is straddled by a comprador-cum-financial oligarchy Greek-style. In addition, as the two ruling parties pick up their pieces from political and electoral debacles, the urgent political task of the Greek and the European Left is a policy of socialist seisachtheia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Albanian migrants' labour market adaptation in Greece through comparing and contrasting their work and life experiences under the Albanian socialist past and the current Greek capitalist milieu. Migration from one to the other presents migrants with challenges and experiences previously unknown to them. Such an approach is necessary when researching migration from Albania and former socialist countries more broadly, where work experiences and realities were structured around totally different concepts and philosophies from those in the capitalist world. Through comparing experiences of Albanian migrants from rural and urban areas I also unravel how migration reconstructs social status and class. Where there was a hierarchical structure in Albania in the past, in Greece they are all Alvanos (Albanian migrants). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reveal the transformation of the US Cyprus policy between 1960 and 1967. In the early 1960s, the US adopted a policy of non-intervention in the Cyprus dispute. However, the developments on the Island in 1964 made it impossible for the US to refrain from the dispute after a point. For this reason, the US tried to manage the Cyprus dispute so that it would not harm the harmony and cohesion of the NATO Alliance. During this period, the US occasionally confronted Turkey and Greece. However, despite all the tensions, the US administration was careful not to break relations with its allies completely. On the other hand, Turkey and Greece considered themselves indispensable to the US during this period. Each ally always expected the support of the US against the other. However, most of the time, both allies were dissatisfied with the attitude of the US at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the social and political ramifications of electron participation (eParticipation) initiatives that were implemented in Greece and Spain on both the regional and local levels of government. This method of using computer resources to involve citizens in political planning processes is intended to enhance political participation under the auspices of a priority adopted by the European Union (EU) in the i2010 e-Government Action Plan. The authors create a twofold analysis using surveying methodologies to draw conclusions on how eParticipation initiatives within the two countries are affecting legislative processes.

Examining Lenin's strategy towards colonial and semi-colonial periphery is crucial in understanding the way in which early Soviet policy was shaped and implemented towards the crucial conflict in Anatolia between Greece—Britain's proxy—and Turkish national resistance movement based in Ankara. We show that, Soviet state interests kept a firm hand on—albeit in different ways—the development of communism both in Greece and Turkey and, for most of the period, it undermined the movement, especially in Turkey when they directly assisted Kemal's nationalism against the Greek campaign in Asia Minor while Kemal's movement was exterminating leading Turkish communists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on the relatively recent phenomenon of Albanian migrants returning to Albania is limited and focuses on the reasons for return, the characteristics of the return migrants, and on employment in general. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with 25 returnees in Tirana, the study explores primarily, but not exclusively, the impact of the ongoing Greek debt crisis on the decision of Albanian migrants to return to Albania. More specifically, it analyses the reasons that motivated them to leave Greece; the barriers they faced while trying to reintegrate into Albanian society, which has undergone vast changes during the time of their absence; the way these barriers influence their future intentions; and, finally, the role of the Albanian government in their reintegration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic crisis in Greece has proved more complex than expected. The crisis has raised difficult challenges for the Troika and more so for the IMF. Since 2010, the Greek authorities have repeatedly requested bailout loans from the IMF in exchange for macroeconomic and structural adjustments. Under the stand-by arrangement (SBA) and the extended fund facility (EFF) of the IMF, Greece had to implement fiscal discipline by reducing its soaring public expenditures. The deregulation of the labour market was designed to regain economic competitiveness. Minimising the presence of government in the market and catalysing greater foreign direct investment (FDI) were the main reasons for a strong IMF push for privatisation. In this context, this article argues that the IMF has promoted the Washington Consensus policies through its programme conditionality. The economic and social costs of the programmes have been enormous so far. In addition, the programmes have not been successful in ensuring economic growth and capital market access either. The failure of the IMF policies in Greece also amplifies the limitations and confusions within the institution itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses the content quality of democracy in Greece. Theoretically, the quality of democracy is assessed in three different but interrelated dimensions: procedure, result, and content. Procedure is about the character and workings of the environment in which governance takes place; result refers to the overall quality of government performance and citizen satisfaction; and content involves the quality of the substance of governance, and it is gauged through two variables: freedom and equality. Freedom involves political, civil, and socioeconomic rights, including speech, property, and social protection. Equality is about prohibition of discrimination on the basis of gender, ethnicity, race, political orientation, or other extraneous conditions. Using various indices as well as more substantive information, the essay assesses the content dimension of the quality of democracy in post-1974 Greece. The study concludes that the country’s quality of democracy is fair, but is in need of improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The initial response in Greece to the unexpected emergence of mass migration to that country in the 1990s was one that framed the issue of migration as a threat to both Greek culture and individuals' personal security—as existential dangers from which both the Greek state and society needed protection. We argue that this initial period of securitization—and its corresponding discourse of criminality, policing and danger—was succeeded by elite attempts to ‘desecuritize’ migration and reframe the issue in terms of social inclusion and integration, at least with respect to legal migrants. Public opinion, however, has recently moved in a more anti-migrant direction—particularly in the context of severe economic crisis—raising questions about the ability of political elites to desecuritize an issue once previous securitizing attempts have succeeded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The emergence of mass migration to Greece in the 1990s—one unforeseen by political elites and the mass public—resulted in markedly increased levels of hostility and fear vis-à-vis migrants. Interpreting this response from the perspective of societal security, we analyse both public opinion data and elite discourse. We argue that the official policies of the Greek state and public pronouncements of political leaders helped foster and perpetuate an interpretation of migration centred on threat, fear, criminality and security. Over the course of the decade, Greek public opinion and elite rhetoric were clearly characterized by a sense of danger and threat, both to Greek national culture as well as to individuals' own personal security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines a study that evaluated the potential for advanced information technologies to increase and improve public participation within the Greek Parliament. It is attested that parliaments are integral to the democratic process and that the use of information and communication technologies to enhance citizen participation within political planning will facilitate greater democratization. The authors conclude that such technologies can be used to allow citizens to view parliamentary documents and that the use of a structured electronic forum tool can markedly improve the quality of electronic consultations.

The article examines how the integration of developing counties into the eurozone geopolitical and economic zone has been impacted following the global economic recession of 2008-2009. The author discusses the relationship between European Union (EU) member states such as Germany and peripheral eurozone countries such as Greece, noting the effect European monetary unions and the creation of the European Central Bank have had on financial integration and interdependence in the region. The role of national competitiveness within the EU and the impact of the U.S. mortgage bubble crisis on the German economy are also addressed.

The article discusses the role of the Jewish community in the economic and cultural history of Salonica (Thessaloniki), Greece, from the time of Ottoman rule into the 20th century. The city's history as an important center of commerce and multiculturalism is discussed, including the migration of Sephardic and Ashkenazi Jews to the city starting in the late 15th century. The impact of Jewish entrepreneurship in the areas of trade, publishing, education, industry, and politics starting in the 19th century are then discussed.

The article discusses why the eurozone--those countries of the European Union (EU) that use the euro as their currency--was so severely affected by the global economic crisis that started in 2008. A particular focus is Greece, and more broadly the economic relations between the core and periphery of the eurozone and the EU Economic and Monetary Union. Following a discussion of the logic of capitalism from a Marxist perspective, including neoliberal ideology, a detailed analysis of economic trends in Greece and the rest of the eurozone is presented.

The article assesses the state of center-left or social democratic politics in Turkey through a comparison with Greece, using two political parties, the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement (Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima or PASOK) and the Turkish Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi or CHP). Formed in the 1970s, PASOK gained control of the government in the 1980s and implemented a program of successful political reform. CHP, on the other hand, failed to gain power and adopted a nationalist, secularist, and anti-reform position. The CHP is seen as needing to develop the adaptability and dynamism of PASOK in order to revitalize Turkey's relationship with the European Union.

The author discusses issues concerning the security of Cyprus. He suggests the origins of the disagreement over security relate to whether the Treaty of Alliance 1960 should be rescinded and Greek and Turkish military forces withdrawn and whether the Treaty of Guarantee 1960 should be rescinded so Greece, Turkey and Great Britain can longer "take action" under the treaty terms. The author mentions that a constitutional convention may be a vehicle for forming consensus on these security issues particularly given lessons from the peace process in Northern Ireland.

The authors discuss the isolation of Turkish Cypriots meaning the de jure recognition of a Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus from the states that link with it in such domains as trade and capital investment. Yet, there are regional economic differences in the area that any future constitutional settlement must take into account. They mention the differing interests of Greece, Turkey and Great Britain in the area and that the optimal solution would be Turkey's recognition of Cyprus's northern security sector.