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This paper addresses the generation of rents and the distribution of gains in the global operations of governed Global Value Chains (GVCs) and seeks to provide an architecture for analysing the governance of GVCs. It distinguishes between four sets of rent--gifts of nature; innovation rents; exogenously defined rents; and market power--and three spheres of governance--setting the rules - "legislative governance"; implementing the rules - "executive governance"; and monitoring rules and sanctioning malfeasance -"judicial governance." The exercise of governance power in GVCs over the generation, protection and appropriation of rents is considered though the lens of four sets of key GVC stakeholders--the corporate sector, civil society organizations, the nation state and supranational institutions. This general analysis is given flesh through three case studies: food-safety standards in GVCs; taxation policies and competition policies. In these sectors, the corporate sector is generally much more effective in governing rent generation and appropriation in the global operations of GVCs than are the three sets of non-corporate stakeholders. From this observation we offer a hypothesis that the capacity of non-corporate stakeholders, including national states, to govern GVCs is contingent upon the extent to which this coincides with the interest of the corporate sector. However, as noted, this balance of power between private and non-corporate actors is a contested terrain and dynamic in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of transnational class formation has figured centrally in recent debates on globalization. These debates revolve around the question of whether or not new patterns of cross-border trade and investment have established global circuits of capital out of which a transnational capitalist class has emerged. This paper takes up the notion of transnational class formation at the point of corporate directorship interlocks. Using Canada as a case study, it maps the changing network of directorship interlocks between leading firms in Canada and the world economy. In particular, the paper examines the role of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the Canadian corporate network; the resilience of a national corporate community; and new patterns of cross-border interlocking amongst transnational firms. Through this empirical mapping, the paper finds a definite link between investment and interlocking shaping the social space of the global corporate elite. Corporations with a transnational base of accumulation tend to participate in transnational interlocking. While national corporate communities have not been transcended, transnational firms increasingly predominate within them, articulating national with transnational elite segments. This new network of firms reconstitutes the corporate power bloc and forms a nascent transnational capitalist class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the core/periphery hierarchy of the capitalist world-economy in the current globalization era. The central and novel argument is that the network of international labor time flows reveals the core/periphery hierarchy of the world-economy with regard to the international division of labor. Based on the analysis of the labor time network of forty economies from the world input-output table, I find that the core/periphery structure of the world-economy has in large part remained unaltered for 1995-2009, though the asymmetry of international labor time flows decreased slightly between 2003-2009. Through regression analysis, I find that per capita income of a country is strongly associated with its command over global labor time. The regression analysis also lends evidence to the existence of oligarchic wealth. This wealth is not available to all countries, implying that the struggle of a country to improve its position in the capitalist world-economy tends to put downward pressure on the income of other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the direct and indirect economic linkages of the most prominent cities in the world, those commonly referred to as "global cities", in terms of the direct and indirect linkages of the boards of directors of Fortune Global 500 firms headquartered in a given city with boards of directors of other firms. Specifically, we identify the interlocks of corporate boards located within these major cities with other Fortune 500 boards of directors by degrees of separation, and present a new ranking for selected global cities based upon these direct and indirect ties. We find that New York clearly dominates these economic linkages, followed by London and Paris. This is most pronounced for financial companies. Contrary to other global city rankings, we locate Tokyo below Frankfurt and Chicago on this dimension. We argue that these multiple levels of indirect relationships reflect a significant, and until now unexplored, dimension of what it means to be a "global" city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bluefin tuna fishery in the Mediterranean has a long history of human interaction. In recent times, this fishery has become the central source of bluefin tuna for core nations, particularly Japan. This process was set off in large part by the growth of global fish markets, driven by the valuable sushi and sashimi market, and overfishing of other bluefin stocks in other parts of the world. The transformation of this fishery from an artisanal trap fishery to a globalized industrial fishery has had a number of social and environmental consequences. Based on in-depth fieldwork and historical research, this paper examines the political economy of the bluefin tuna fishery in the Mediterranean, with a focus on Sicily. It provides a descriptive history of the changing conditions in this fishery, paying special attention to the modern fishery. This research contributes to the discussions regarding the globalization and industrialization of agri-food systems and environmental degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do indigenous peoples relate to the core over the longue duree? In this paper, we explore the implications of colonialism from a world-systems perspective, examining interactions in the economic and political structures in addition to the effects of landlessness for indigenous peoples in one case: the Maya. After reviewing world-systems theory and applying it to indigenousness, we discuss Ragin's (1992) conceptualization of cases and the comparative historical method. Then we introduce the relational concept, a tool that allows us to employ both the comparative historical method and world-systems theory in our analysis of the Maya and their relationship to the state of Mexico. We then present our data, which consist of the economic and political conditions, along with the cultural implications of landholding across time among the Maya and in Mexico. We analyze these data using the relational concept to understand the consequences of colonialism and globalization for the Maya people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the period after 1970s, capitalism has gone through a significant restructuring. This period has been primarily characterized by the process of globalization. Globalization has not emerged as the natural result of capitalism but it has been actively promoted and the appropriate conditions for the functioning of global capitalism have been created by certain actors. Many scholars argue that it is a newly emerging transnational capitalist class which transformed capitalism into a globalizing project. Although the members of this class are located in different parts of the world, they have a common interest in supporting globalization. They are aware of their common interests and they have a certain class consciousness. Moreover, their habits, tastes, and lifestyles are becoming increasingly similar. Considering these debates on transnational capitalist class, in a case study of the Turkish top managers working in the İstanbul branch of a multinational corporation, this paper looks at the lifestyle characteristics of this group of managers, comparing them with those aspects of the lifestyle of the transnational capitalist class that are indicated by the scholars. A second question that has been considered is to what extent these managers feel themselves as part of a transnational class that has common goals and interests. This study shows that for this group of managers the primary identification is with the people who have the same position with them, regardless of their country or corporation, not with their fellow nationals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how and why an Asian enclave of small businesses has appeared in a poor neighborhood characterized by Puerto Rican and other Latino immigration in the post-industrial city of Worcester, Massachusetts. We begin by examining the role of the US in the world system, and argue that the US hegemonic role and specific political economic aspects of global capitalism (ie. deindustrialization) account for some of the migration stream. Next, using socioeconomic and historical data, interviews, and observations, we outline the history of Worcester's economy and immigration patterns. We demonstrate that the increasing economic inequality leaves few promising employment options for newcomers to Worcester. Drawing on existing literature on immigrant entrepreneurs and ethnic enclaves, we argue that some aspects of the literature appear to shed light on the Vietnamese enterprises which have so visibly appeared (e.g., ethnic niches), while others, (e.g., middle-man minority theory) are not now reflected in local conflict. We conclude by considering the prospects for immigrants to this neighborhood in light of its political economic context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the issue of the globalization of food production and consumption in the last half-century through the medium of fats and oils, or lipids. The dual traits of being essential for human life and signifying a diverse range of regional styles of consumption make lipids an ideal bulk commodity to study international differences in food. FAOSTAT food balance sheet data on fats and oils from 1961 and 2003 are interrogated using correspondence analysis, which provides a means of displaying the principal trends in large tables of data. The analyses reveal evidence for a global convergence in lipid availability from 1961 to 2003 (from animal fats to vegetable oils), in addition to a trends towards an increased disparity which at the extremes is between the wealthiest, as importers of diversity, and least affluent regions, as the most resistant areas to homogenizing trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses globalization in Brazil. This paper features the world-systems perspective in studying a new destiny for Brazil. Globalization as part of the fields of social science is different from the insights of world-systems theory. The five key dimensions of the world-systems approach is delineated from the world society approach but they give support in a dependency perspective for the world-system paradigm. This approach was used in the case of Brazil to show the dynamics leading to global convergence than the consensus model from a world society paradigm.

Valentine M. Moghadam is Professor of Sociology and International Affairs at Northeastern University, Boston, which she joined in January 2012. Previously she directed women's studies programs at Purdue University and Illinois State University, and she was a section chief at UNESCO and a senior researcher at UNU/WIDER. Born in Iran and the author of many publications, her areas of research include globalization, transnational social movements and feminist networks, and gender, politics, and development in the Middle East and North Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literatures on global commodity chains and global value chains rest on an unquestioned assumption: the continual expansion of globalization. The Trump Administration's trade wars challenged this foundational assumption and even today the new Biden regime also hints at the shift away from global supply chains. We find that the prior administration's efforts caused continued disruption of long-established commodity chains in steel, aluminum, automobiles, and other manufactured products. Flows of raw materials, intermediate products and components, and finished goods now confront higher costs. Firms continue efforts to restructure commodity chains in ways that will require the disarticulation of some nodes and the creation of new nodes. We claim that these trade wars and breakdown of global commodity chains (GCCs) may in fact mark the start of the breakdown of the U.S.-led world order. This shift harkens the onset of a new era of economic and geopolitical conflict. A key question: has this disruption of old patterns and rise of new ones continued in the post-Trump era? Does the familiar pattern of globalization continue - or is competition, contestation and disarticulation leading to sectoral economic changes that drive larger patterns of economic ascent, dominance, and decline in the world economy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the world-systems school has argued that globalization has been a long process over the last five centuries, globalization is often only synonymous with the late twentieth century. Globalization has gained a lot of attention in the context of declining blue-collar job sectors, but the technologies that enabled it had already displaced workers on U.S. railroads. To bridge both schools, railroads are the perfect setting for this study since it's at the intersection of race, labor, technological changes, and globalization. Mexicans once accounted for ninety percent of track workers in the U.S. Southwest, but after gaining higher wages by the early 1950s, most of their jobs were lost to automation by the 1960s. While faster and larger cargo ships and railroads in recent decades have been synonymous with globalization, the technologies and infrastructure didn't enable that global process until the 1970s at the earliest. Technological changes eliminated more jobs on the tracks before 1970 than to globalization since. Globalization was not possible without those technological changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on a paper which has attempted a critical review of Japan's trajectory under globalization from the perspective of world-system studies. The interplay between world-systemic opportunities and internal and regional institutional transformation resulted in what is known as the Japanese miracle in the postwar period. This Japanese success invited changes in the United States policy, resulted in ending the growth regime of accumulation in which state-led national economic development was pursued with distributional concessions given to workers. It also emphasizes that in the long run, there is a need to examine on the part of Japan whether they should keep engaging in the game of capitalist accumulation.

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses various reports published within the issue including one by Pablo Lapegna on debates on the ethnographic study of globalization, one by Thomas Hall on comparative study of frontiers, and one by Lloyd Mathuga and De Leew on social network research on the world system.

Recent accounts of constitutional development have emphasised commonalities among diverse constitutions in terms of the transnational migration of legal institutions and ideas. World-systems analysis gives critical expression to this emergent intellectual trajectory. Since the late 18th century, successive, international waves of constitutionmaking have tended to correspond with decisive turning points in the contested formation of the historical capitalist world-system. The present article attempts to think through the nature of this correspondence in the Irish context. Changes to the Irish constitution, I suggest, owed to certain local manifestations of anti-systemic movements within the historical capitalist world-system and to constitution-makers' attempts to contain--militarily, politically and ideologically--these movements' democratic and egalitarian ideals and practices. Various configurations of the balance of power in Irish society between "national" (core-peripheral) and "social" (capital-labor/"other") forces crystallised in constitutional form. Thus far, conservative and nationalist constitutional projects have tended to either dominate or incorporate social democratic and radical ones, albeit a process continually contested at critical junctures by civil society and by the organized left, both old and new. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article critiques the book "We Are in This Dance Together: Gender, Power & Globalization at a Mexican Garment Firm" by Nancy Plankey-Videla.

The rise of global environmental governance regimes allegedly contradicts the process of an environmental "race to the bottom" (RTB) that results from capitalist globalization. We examine new developments in this area through a qualitative case study of the Basel Convention. Here, we find that new regulations in toxic wastes governance are in fact being co-created with industry actors and aim to accelerate the flow of toxic "resources" to less-developed countries. Further, these shifts are legitimized by a shift in discourse- from thinking of toxics materials as "wastes" to thinking of them as "resources"- that re-frames the toxic wastes trade as essential for sustainable economic development rather than as a manifestation of global environmental injustice, thereby undermining environmentalist claims. Our findings suggest that, despite an expansion of hazardous waste regulations, the RTB concept is still relevant in the context of global environmental governance. We conclude that a fruitful avenue for applying the RTB concept in this context is to go beyond a strict materialist interpretation of global politics to also consider the role of discourses and contesting ideologies in shaping global environmental policy debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has become an important global actor in the arenas of production, trade, and foreign investment. In 1948, China contributed slightly less than 1 percent to global exports; by 2013, it had grown to almost 12 percent. Has China's vertiginous trade growth come at the expense of other exporters or does it represent an expansion of new consumer markets? For policy makers in the so-called "emerging markets," this is most relevant since many have adopted the exportled model as their engine of development. The goal of this article is to add to the current literature on the effect of China's growth on Mexico. Combining elements of world-systems, race-to-the-bottom, and global commodity chain frameworks, I analyze the consequences of China's export growth in garlic. The evidence strongly suggests that China's entrance into this global market has had deleterious consequences for Mexico's production and exports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, transnational alternative policy groups (TAPGs) have emerged as a component of global civil society, generating visions and strategies for a "globalization from below" that point toward post-capitalist alternatives. Here, we map the global network of TAPGs and kindred international groups in order to discern how TAPGs are embedded in a larger formation. In this era of capitalist globalization, do TAPGs, like their hegemonic counterparts, bridge across geographic spaces (e.g. North-South) and movement domains to foster the convergence across difference that is taken as a criterial attribute of a counter-hegemonic historical bloc? Our network analysis suggests that TAPGs are well placed to participate in the transformation of the democratic globalization network from a gelatinous and unselfconscious state, into an historical bloc capable of collective action toward an alternative global order. However, there are gaps in the bloc, having to do with the representation and integration of regions and movement domains, and with the salience of post-capitalism as a unifying social vision. Also, our architectonic network analysis does not reveal what the various relations and mediations in which TAPGs are active agents actually mean in concrete practice. There is a need both for closer analysis of the specific kinds of relations that link transnational alternative policy groups to other international actors, including intergovernmental organizations and funding foundations, and for field work that explores the actual practices of these groups, in situ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the great crises in Great Britain marked a turning point in history since the country's Great Depression from 1873 to 1896. It notes that the first crisis resulted in the emergence of a new type of inter-imperial rivalry which ended in a world war. It articulates that the crises should have taught a lesson to the people who conceive that globalization is an inevitable result of structural tendencies of capitalism to expansion .

I compare and contrast two "southwestern" frontiers: the southwestern United States, long northeast New Spain (short hand: New Mexico) and southwest China (short hand: Yunnan). Both have been, and even today remain, frontier zones. In the 21st century both are also important borderlands for two of the most important players in the modern world-system, the United States and China. They share a historical orientation to the areas outside of the two states into which they were ultimately incorporated. Both brought a great deal of new practices and ideas into the incorporating states. They serve to give deep historical backgrounds which put discussions of contemporary globalization in perspective. This comparison also makes clear that the concepts of nation-state and precise borders are typically modern and that setting precise borders is a continuing project, even while borderlands remain, like the frontiers that preceded them, frontier zones. These comparisons may also yield insights into world-system expansion and incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous studies have examined the impact of globalization on a myriad of welfare outcomes in developing countries, the effect of cross-national exchanges on extreme poverty remains unexplored. Poverty has declined substantially during this most recent wave of globalization, suggesting that cross-border relations may be partially responsible. We test this proposition by estimating the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI), trade openness, and the presence of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) on poverty, measured at both the $1.25-a-day (extreme poverty) level, and the $2.50-a-day (moderate poverty) level, net of domestic conditions. Using a sample of 114 developing countries over five waves of data collected from 1991 to 2005, results from random effects models show that FDI exhibits a positive relationship with poverty at the $1.25 and $2.50 levels, while trade openness demonstrates a negative relationship with both extreme and moderate poverty. Once domestic conditions are controlled, INGO participation fails to demonstrate a significant effect on poverty at either level. Among domestic variables, economic growth and fertility rate affect poverty at the $1.25 level, while growth and domestic investment demonstrate an effect at the $2.50 level. These findings confirm that global interaction by poor countries influences poverty reduction within these countries, but in different directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article links key findings from two major research literatures within contemporary development and globalization studies: global commodity/value chains, and world income inequalities. Forging this missing link exposes what I call the "upgrading paradox" within commodity and value chain analysis. The paradox hinges on the disconnect between the global commodity/value chain literature's focus on the potential for firms and nations to "upgrade" their position within chains and the roots of the global commodity chain construct in world-systems analysis, a theoretical framework that rejects the potential for widespread and generalizable developmental progress. Findings from the world income inequalities literature do indeed confirm the paradoxical nature of the upgrading discourse, so I conclude by discussing two potential paths for a "post-paradox" commodity chain analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of the 'external arena' and the role of the 'information network' in the expansion of the world-system and incorporation of new regions. To address systemic incorporation, I reference research on nested networks of interaction, and echo criticisms that the impact of myth and misinformation has been underappreciated as an element of incorporation. Significant alteration occurs well-prior to the point at which most world-systems literature considers a region incorporated. I offer the concept of "protoglobalization" as a means of conceptualizing this early, overlooked social, economic, and political change. Abyssinia is of interest because it offers a rare case of cross-systemic incorporation. The region was historically part of the Red Sea trade complex, had linkages throughout the interior of Africa, and existed on the periphery of the Indian Ocean world-system. So while initially outside the realm of European contact, this case offers an example of successful resistance to incorporation and how that process can be understood. Additionally, it offers a case study of cross-systemic incorporation, which has been lacking in the literature. As such, it also contributes to the concept of a 'contested periphery'. The case reaffirms the significant impact external regions can have on the functioning of "internal" system actors; the mere myth of Prester John spurred significant effort by European powers to locate his legendary Christian Kingdom. Finally, the article uses the methodological innovation of historical maps to trace the border of the 'information network', which allows for a refinement of our understanding of the complex process of incorporation and an improved model of the relationship between networks of interaction, frontiers, contestation, and incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Quebec Social Forum (QSF) took place 23-26 August 2007 in Montreal. It attracted about 5000 people from across Quebec. Both organizers and observers viewed the event as an unqualified success. In this article, we seek to describe and document this historic gathering and to understand it in its Quebec context, against the larger organizing process which produced it. We also situate the Social Forum, both as event and process, within the longer history of social mobilization in Quebec. Historicizing the Social Forum in this way helps us interpret its cleavages and conflicts more adequately and apprehend its larger significance. We argue that the conflicts that have plagued the organizing of the Quebec Social Forum are a reprise of those that appeared in the movement in the late 1990s and came to a head in the 2001 massive demonstrations against the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas in Quebec City. The chasm then was widely perceived as one over tactics but we argue, then and now, it is more substantive than that. It is about the clash of profoundly different ethics, practices and theories of democracy and, beneath them, different horizons of hope and visions of transformation. The organizing of the Social Forum is the occasion for this debate, which may say something about the significance of the Social Forum more generally and the challenge it poses to established cultures and practices of politics on the left. The cleavage is generational but not only or simply. It signals a struggle and transition but the outcomes are not yet clear and are certainly not pre-ordained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does ethnography come to terms with our current "global condition"? Being a method characterized by its in-depth knowledge of a bounded space, how does ethnography cope with a world scale? How does the "global condition" affect the definitions of key ethnographic concepts? In this article, I first reconstruct ethnographic debates regarding the status of "the global," showing how ethnography can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the binary global/local. Then I review two projects that study global processes from an ethnographic point of view: multi-site ethnography (Marcus 1995) and global ethnography (Burawoy et al. 2000). I compare these two approaches along four dimensions: site, context, research design and reflexivity. I argue that while multi-site ethnography and global ethnography are often used interchangeably, each ultimately presents distinctive answers to key questions for the ethnographic study of global processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on methodology for world system analysis. It offers a history of world-systems tradition and examines the difference between macro comparative studies of social science in various forms and worldwide systems analysis. The author points out three criteria in determining the proper unit of analysis in social scientific study. The author stresses the role of globalization for the validity of the world-systems perspective and the importance of semantics in the unit of analysis.

The article discusses semiperipheries in the world-system. This study features Eastern European and Latin American experiences. It argues that the concepts in the analysis of systematic change came about from the potential solutions to world-systematic crisis. Assessments must be differentiated according to structural location of origin. Likewise, in the periphery, the concepts of conservatism, socialism, and liberalism took forms without taking anything from the original model. A comparative analysis of continuities in political epistemologies at the semiperiphery is suggested for a better understanding of the similar ways that can become antisystematic.

The article analyzes the social sciences concerning the global factors responsible for transnational terrorism. The author derives two opposing globalization frameworks from the 9/11 attack in the U.S. First, the destructive globalization, which argues that processes related to the trans-nationalization of capital produce native resistance in the more disadvantaged areas, is referred to as transnational terrorist attacks. Second, civilizing globalization, which brings economic globalization through the spread of markets and material goods. In addition to these, the author proposes a framework that would examine the role of globalization of world culture in the production of anti-U.S. terrorism.

The article provides information on a study that traces the growth of organizational power in the world-economy over the time span of 40 years. In this context the article discusses the scope and role of transnational corporations (TNCs), which are considered to be playing significant role in global economy. It informs about the work of several researchers on the analysis of global processes of the world economy. One of the researchers argued that TNCs manipulate the amount of capital. The study attains an understanding for the relationships among nations and the increasing integration of the global economy. Most of the studies on TNC have focused on the effect of national aggregate levels of foreign investment. According to the author, the coalescence of economic and coercive power, which generated the modern interstate system, has begun to unravel with the global diffusion of manufacturing that has occurred over the past forty years. A brief examination of available data strongly suggests that transnational corporations represent a significant, and growing, dimension of economic power in the global economy.

The article presents information on national sovereignty in world politics with reference to the U.S. foreign relations. The author feels that today people live in the age of the American empire, which asserts its own right to unilateral action, while demanding that the sovereignty of every other political community be breached. He adds that for working towards a global civil society, a country should extend support for deep democracy everywhere and international solidarity from below. The author tries to reason out why many progressives refuse to confront the politics of anti-imperialism and are still mired in imagining a world of moral cosmopolitanism. The article gives some of the examples of current transnational or global social movements with the potential for both transformation and as counterweights to the U.S. power. The Internet is treated by many cosmopolitans as helping to build new, non-territorial communities in the time-compressed space created by globalization. It assesses the aggressive expressions of American nationalism. It also fosters counter-regionalisms, as in the European Union.

The article traces the changes in the concept of hegemony with the long-term development of world-system. It throws light on the historical evolution of this system, the current scenario and its future prospects. The author challenges the arguments related to the discontinuation of the world-system with the help of an evolutionary model. These models have the characteristics of change, dynamics and selection. The current global system is the result of the amalgamation of many smaller webs into a single world web. The article informs that the clustering of technological and institutional innovations in space and time leads to the emergence of new leading sectors, which help in solving the existing global problems like that of communication, transportation, production, facilitation and the like. The author throws light on the processes that lead to the development of a systemic chaos because of the accumulation of innovations outside the current hegemony's realm. Hegemony in a globalized human web as it exists today is therefore different in character than previous forms of hegemony during the industrial phase.

The article presents an analysis on neoliberal globalization and capital accumulation which is based on an empirical analysis and a new framework of accumulation theory. It builds its argument based on a power understanding of capital that emphasizes differential accumulation by dominant capital groups. It presents the two distinct regimes of differential accumulation which are the breadth and depth regimes. The breadth regime relies on proletarianization, on green-field investment and on mergers and acquisitions. The depth regime builds on redistribution through stagflation or accumulation through crisis.

The article presents a discussion on the conceptual map focused specifically on the processes associated with the globalization of historical capitalism based on the concepts of David Harvey on spatial-temporal fix, switching crisis, and accumulation by dispossession. This is a first step in the identification of the kind of geographic and historical information that is needed to produce a map of the transformation of capitalism. Capitalism is the first and only social system that has become global in scale and scope.

The article presents an analysis on the opinion of Peter Gowan regarding capitalist world imperialism which is centered on the United States. It cited that Gowan tends to overstate how much the United States enjoyed a productive sector revival in the 1990s. It argues that while the United States may have neither the resources nor the credibility to control politically the global division of labor, a geo-economic bloc between the U.S. and East Asia is in the forming process. This is possible because past and present frictions between China and Japan prevents a tighter Sino-Japanese political coordination.

The article presents an analysis on Japan's trajectory under globalization using the world-system perspective and the methodology of historical sociology. The Japanese success in the postwar period was a result of interplay between world-systemic opportunities and internal and regional transformation. It presents Japan in a larger context to incorporate the actions taken by non-Japanese agencies as part of the explanation of the Japanese experience from miracle to debacle and to analyze if such experience was shared by other countries. It also examines the possible strategies of Japan in the short, medium, and long term after characterizing the changes in the regime of accumulation under globalization.