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This predicts that extraction from EQs under rogative verbs should yield structural island effects, typically associated with stark unacceptability, whereas extraction from EQs under responsive verbs should yield no structural island effects and should obtain acceptable ratings. Applying this logic to EQs, we make the following predictions: If EQs under rogative verbs are necessarily analyzed as structural islands, extraction from EQs under rogative verbs should be consistently judged unacceptable and we expect to see large island effects. The preponderance of acceptable ratings in both EQ-island conditions suggests that neither EQ is a syntactic island in Spanish, contrary to the analysis in [60], where it was proposed that I ask i -EQs were syntactic islands and I know i -EQs were not. In the non-island conditions (10a), (10c), the embedded structure is a declarative clause, which does not give rise to island effects, whereas in the island conditions (10b), (10d), it is an EQ, expected to yield island effects. If, on the other hand, EQs under rogative verbs are not structural islands we either expect to see (i) no island effects at all, or (ii) smaller island effects characterized by inconsistent judgment distributions. [Extracted from the article]

If there is no adjunction to X', or D' specifically, the second construction cannot involve a Doubly-filled DP. 3.3.2 Option 2: complex Spec,DP In this option, the embedded DP and the indefinite article form a constituent inside the specifier of DP. As such, we could propose that the embedded DP is in Spec,DP, and the indefinite article is in D. Spec-head constellations are often employed to explain cases of adjacency (e.g., the Verb-Second constraint in the Germanic languages). To sum up thus far, I eyner i and I epes i are similar to the possessive pronoun in the second construction: these elements can precede the indefinite article, and they can be separated from it by other words. Focusing on the possessive pronoun, the latter and the indefinite article could form a doubly-filled DP (29a) where the pronoun is in Spec,DP and the article in D. Both of these elements could also form a complex specifier in Spec,DP (29b). Keywords: definiteness; DP-structure; possessives; Yiddish EN definiteness DP-structure possessives Yiddish 347 393 47 03/11/22 20220301 NES 220301 1 Introduction The interpretation of a possessive DP ( I John's book i ) depends on the definiteness of the possessor itself ( I John i ). [Extracted from the article]

In subordinate clauses, the finite verb also belongs to the verb cluster, so that the terms "verb cluster" and "verb construction" in that syntactic context refer to the same verbs. Keywords: Dutch; functional category; selectional restriction; semantic scope; verb construction EN Dutch functional category selectional restriction semantic scope verb construction 123 176 54 01/18/22 20220101 NES 220101 1 Introduction Dutch is known for its ability to combine a wide variety of verbs into complex verb constructions. Our corpus data (Table 15) show that perception and causative verbs are overwhelmingly used as nonfinite verbs in three-verb constructions (point estimate proportion for finite perception/causative verbs 0.04; 95% CI, 5 comparisons, finite I zien: i 0 I . i 04-0.30, which means that I zien i is somewhat more commonly finite than the other perception/causative verbs, according to our data). In particular, the tendency for a particular verb or a group of verbs to appear as finite or nonfinite verbs in a three-verb construction is of interest, which is captured by the proportion of finite versus nonfinite occurrences for this verb or verb group. A last verb that requires some extra discussion is I gaan. i As an aspectual marker, it differs from other external aspect verbs, in that it is frequently used as a finite verb with scope over internal aspect verbs, causative verbs and passive auxiliaries. [Extracted from the article]

Under the P» M model, the generalization is that the glottal stop can only be realized when the stem is monosyllabic (as well as other phonological factors, such as the presence of a lexical glottal stop in the stem and if the stem begins with a cluster or not). The prosodic word in Tlapanec can consist simply of a stem, a stem + an affix, or possibly stem + stem compounds. Recall that the alternation was between the allomorphs I gita i - and I gi - i , the former occurring with disyllabic stems, while the latter with monosyllabic stems; with the latter, the glottal stop is deleted before a stem-initial consonant cluster or when the stem contains a glottal stop. (44) HT

Gibson and Fedorenko (2013, The need for quantitative methods in syntax and semantics research, Language and Cognitive Processes 28(2), 88-124) have argued against the continued use of informally collected acceptability judgments as the primary methodology in theoretical syntax and semantics research. We provide further support for their position with data from Mandarin and Turkish-language judgment tasks which examined the acceptability of resumptive pronouns (RPs) in relative clauses. Based on previous studies which relied on informal judgments, we expected that RPs should be permitted in certain types of Mandarin relative clauses, but ungrammatical in comparable Turkish relative clauses. The results failed to replicate this contrast: RPs were more acceptable than expected in Turkish, and less acceptable than expected in Mandarin. Furthermore, the Mandarin Chinese experiment showed an unexpected gradient effect. We argue that these results challenge existing theoretical accounts, support the more widespread adoption of experimental tasks in theoretical linguistics and in second-language research, and consistently support the Filler-Gap Domain complexity ranking as proposed by Hawkins (2004, Efficiency and complexity in grammars, Oxford: Oxford University Press). We use the complexity ranking and its supporting evidence as a case study demonstrating that quantitative data, such as the evidence obtained from formal sentence judgment tasks, are indispensable in the defense or criticism of linguistic theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In generative grammar, locative inversion in Bantu languages is typically analyzed in terms of A-movement of the locative from a VP-internal position to the subject position. I present an alternative analysis, according to which the locative subject-DP is introduced above the νP/VP, in the specifier of a functional category whose head selects the νP/VP as its complement. I suggest that this category is Pr (for 'predication'), i.e., the same category that also introduces the subject argument of adjectival or nominal predicates in non-verbal predication constructions (see Bowers 1993, and especially Baker 2003a for Bantu). In locative inversion, Pr establishes a non-canonical predication relation between a νP/VP that expresses a state or event, and a DP that denotes the location of which this state/event is predicated as a property. My analysis is developed on the basis of a detailed discussion of 'semantic' locative inversion in the Bantu language Zulu (Buell 2007), a construction in which the inverted subject-DP is not formally marked as a locative, but receives its interpretation solely by virtue of the locative semantics of its head noun. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In optimality theory (OT) the essence of both language learning in general (learnability) and language acquisition (the actual development children go through) entails the ranking of constraints from an initial state of the grammar to the language-specific ranking of the target grammar. This is the common denominator in all OT studies on language acquisition and learning. There are many unsettled issues, however. Are the constraints innate or do they emerge during acquisition (nature-nurture)? And if they emerge, where do they come from? What is the initial state? Does the (re)ranking of constraints only involve the demotion of markedness constraints, the promotion of faithfulness constraints, or can it be achieved by both the demotion and the promotion of constraints? Another issue is whether comprehension and production are mediated by the same grammar or whether there is one grammar for comprehension and another for production. This article reviews the current state of affairs in language acquisition studies in OT and ends with some critical remarks and speculations on how the field is likely to develop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the field of language acquisition the term bootstrapping stands for the assumption that the child is genetically equipped with a specific program to get the process of language acquisition started. Originally set within the principles and parameters framework bootstrapping mechanism are considered as a linkage between properties of the specific language the child is exposed to and pre-existing linguistic knowledge provided by universal grammar. In a different view — primarily developed within the so-called prosodic bootstrapping account — bootstrapping mechanism direct the child's processing of the input thereby constraining the child's learning in a linguistically relevant way. Thus, the attendance to specific input cues provides the child with information to segment the input in linguistically relevant units which constitute restricted domains for more general learning mechanism like e.g., distributional learning. The paper will present a review of empirical findings that show that children are in fact equipped with highly sensitive and efficient mechanism to process their speech input which initially seem to be biased to prosodic information. It will be argued that further research within this framework has to deal with the reliability of the proposed relevant input cues despite crosslinguistic variation and with children's ability to overcome an initial reliance on single cues in favor of an integration of different sources of information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how syllabic and metrical constraints interact differently in two dialects of Bunun, despite their similarity in that both dialects exhibit modifications of vowel clusters in response to the O constraint. In Isbukun Bunun, foot forms are constrained both syllabically and moraically. Stress shifts from the unmarked penultimate syllable to final position under duress to satisfy both O and the requirement that heavy syllables must not stand in a prosodically weak position. In contrast, in Takituduh Bunun, metrical wellformedness is considered more important, so the preferred disyllabic foot forms are maintained at the cost of creating onsetless syllables. The analysis is formalized within Optimality Theory by ranking syllabic and metrical constraints differently in the two dialects. OT is advantageous in analyzing the data for two additional reasons: 1) the correlation between stress assignment in nonsuffixed and suffixed words in Isbukun can be directly captured by an output constraint, and 2) the metrical influence on syllabification in Takituduh can be readily handled by allowing syllabic and metrical constraints to interact in the same hierarchy. An implication of the Isbukun data for the properties of surface glides is that pre-peak glides can be moraic or not, depending on whether they follow a tautosyllabic consonant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares and contrasts cophonology theory and indexed constraint theory, the dominant current proposals to morphologically conditioned phonology. In cophonology theory, morphologically conditioned phonology is captured by associating each morphological construction or lexical class with its own phonological grammar, or cophonology. All constraints within a given cophonology are purely phonological; no constraint directly refers to morphological context. By contrast, indexed constraint theory assumes a single fixed constraint ranking for the entire language, and captures morphologically conditioned phonology by indexing individual constraints to specific morphological contexts. The article raises three arguments in favor of cophonology theory: greater formal parsimony, the ability to handle free variation, and more accurate predictions about the scope of morphologically conditioned phonological effects. It also evaluates and rejects the primary argument for indexed constraint theory, i.e., Grammar Dependence, the claim that indexed constraint theory is more restrictive in the degree of language-internal diversity allowed. Cophonology theory and indexed constraint theory are equivalent in the range of language-internal diversity they allow; it is argued that the upper limit on language-internal diversity should not be a matter for formal grammar, but instead requires extra-grammatical explanation in terms of the factors influencing language change and variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows that word-order freezing is not an adequate application of bidirectional optimality theory and that what it attempts to account for presents a problem for bidirectional optimality theory. Max(X) constraints allow moderate bidirectionality within a monodirectional production-oriented optimality theory and give better results on freezing. Since freezing is the only argument for bidirectional syntax that is syntactic in nature, the article also reviews the other arguments for full bidirectionality in syntax and concludes that they too are not compelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the theoretical challenge posed by fixed segmentism, the introduction of a particular segment or segments into a reduplicated string. The languages of the Indian subcontinent contain many examples of this type and a wide range of different patterns is presented. Previous accounts of fixed segmentism are surveyed and applied to these data, with particular attention to the optimality theory approach of Alderete et al. (1999). This is contrasted with a new proposal, termed “dual description”, which is set within the framework of declarative phonology. This uses the mechanism of default inheritance to implement the repetition of phonological material from the base. The introduction of fixed segments is handled by default unification, a procedure that conjoins the inherited material with information specific to the reduplicant, giving priority to the latter. This approach is applied to the Indian data and shown to handle the full range of patterns of fixed segmentism successfully. Its potential as a general theory of reduplication is also demonstrated by applying dual description to various other kinds of reduplicative phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Breton has VSO order in subordinate clauses and in some main clauses, but it does not normally allow a finite verb in initial position in main clauses, which instead show V2 order. We investigate Breton V2 structures and argue that they are problematic for transformational assumptions. We show that a more satisfactory account is possible within an extension of HPSG, which distinguishes between constituent structure and linear structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a critical analysis of the book 'Educating Eve: The 'Language Instinct' Debate,' by Geoffrey Sampson. Criticisms on generative grammar; Structure of the book; Ideas which are believed to have led to the revival of innatism in the 1990s.

How children learn the category "verb" as a grammatical construct has been the focus of much research over the past two decades. However, less attention has been paid to acquisition of smaller categories within the verb category. This paper uses data concerning the acquisition of causatives in Inuktitut to address the question of how smaller categories of verbs are learned Inuktitut has one class of verbs that permits only a morphological causative, and a second class that permits either a morphological or a lexical causative depending on the semantics of the situation. Data from eight Inuktitut-speaking children aged 1;0 through 3;6 indicate that the distinction between these classes is acquired in three stages. During the first stage, the children use only lexical causatives and there is no evidence that they understand that these structures have a causative meaning component. During the second stage, they use the morphological causative indiscriminately across verb categories to issue commands. In addition, they begin to show productivity in their use of lexical causatives in that they alternate between intransitive and lexical-causative uses of the same verb root. By stage three, children have begun to distinguish the two classes of verbs with respect to causative constructions. Across the three stages outlined above, children apparently learn to use linguistic indicators of causation first in a situation-based way (i.e. for issuing commands) and later verb-by-verb, rather than employing a class-based approach to category formation. These results are analyzed in terms of similar studies in English and Hebrew, and in terms of a general phasal approach to cognitive and linguistic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to provide a critical review of both the phenomenology and the many and diverse generative (up to and including minimalist) analyses of null subjects and null objects. Data drawn from a wide range of generically unrelated and structurally diverse languages indicate that the conditions that license and identify null subjects and null objects remain to be fully isolate, and that a single or a few syntactic parameters may never be adequate in accounting for them. The reason is that different (groups of) languages may require different licensing and identification strategies, some of which are clearly pragmatic/discourse. in nature, as in the case of Chinese, Imbabura Quechua, and Old Icelandic. As a step toward account- ing for null subjects and null objects in these languages, the last section outlines a novel approach to the identification of them, one couched in the nec-Gricean pragmatic theory of anaphora I have developed in Y. Huang [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the issue of the relative "naturalness" of affixation and stein change as the expression of morphological categories. According to some accounts, affixation involves symbolic rules that are stored separately from lexically represented morphemes to which they are applied, and that thus enjoy a processing and acquisition advantage over stem changes. By a lexical account, inflected words are stored as lexical units, regardless of whether the inflection is by affixation or stem change, nicking the two morphological processes equally easy to acquire and generalize. We argue that the reason stein changes are less common in the languages of the world is that the grammaticization process by which morphological processes are created forms affixes more readily than stein changes. Stem changes are more difficult for children to acquire because they typically have lower type frequency. When type and token frequency were controlled in an experiment in which subjects learned plural morphology in an artificial language, we found that while type frequency affected the likelihood that suffixes would be generalized to new instances, overall suffixes and stein changes were equivalent in generalizability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]