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This paper analyzes how dynamics between Brazil's right‐wing populist government and civil and uncivil organizations affected the role of civil organizations, especially rights‐based ones, and Brazil's democratization process. These dynamics contributed to stripping policies of their progressive nature and rejecting the values of diversity, freedom, and equality. Our analysis relies on the inhabited institutions approach to comprehend the role of action, interaction, and meaning in institutionalized spaces. We analyzed two policy fields—gender, sexual, and reproductive rights, and ethnic and racial relations—through documents and in‐depth interviews. Our analysis shows that Bolsonaro's government mobilized mechanisms related to institutional changes, the replacement of actors, and their interactions to inhibit civil society organizations' influence in policy formulation and provision and strengthen the participation of uncivil groups, thereby legitimating conservative ideas and discourses, and closing civic space for NGOs with rights‐based agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: How did Brazilian bureaucrats view President Lula's approach to the provision of development assistance in the context of South–South cooperation (SSC)? How did they see their own bureaucracy's role, as a provider of such assistance? This paper addresses these questions within the broad context of Brazil's development assistance program. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the internal legal and political structure supporting the country's provision of development assistance. Then, it addresses the research questions by drawing on original material obtained from 54 interviews, conducted in Brasilia, with diplomats and public servants from 25 federal ministries and institutions directly involved with implementing technical cooperation agreements. Evidence leads to three main observations: (a) the bureaucracies' limited autonomy vis‐à‐vis the Presidency's command of the Brazilian development assistance program; (b) great convergence in the worldviews and principled values upheld by public servants and diplomats in regard to Brazilian foreign policy; and (c) the existence of interbureaucracy complaints and struggles related to the operational side of agreement implementation. These findings are relevant for understanding the inner workings of Brazilian SSC, as well as in comparison to other national bureaucracies' involvement in the conceptualization and implementation of South–South knowledge transfers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY This paper reviews and documents a unique approach to poverty reduction targeting a segment of urban poor in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: the collectors of recyclable materials discarded by urban residences and businesses, along with their refuse. The approach is unique for Brazil because it combines assorted policy objectives at different governmental levels, two socially/security valued, two environmentally valued and one economically valued. The paper specifically seeks to (a) determine the current profile of collectors, both social and economic; (b) assess the current state of play of the dwindling collectors cooperatives programme, including perceptions of its performance by different stakeholders; (c) describe the current practices and players in the collection of recyclables, with its associated implications; (d) reconstruct the role of key players with a focus on the operational policies and administration of the programme by municipal departments; (e) assess the current priority among social and environmental objectives of the waste collection programme of the municipal government; (f) draw conclusions and recommendations on policies and administration for such programmes, to improve the social outcome for the collectors while still achieving the associated environmental objectives; and (g) draw some comparisons with other Latin American countries that have engaged in similar programmes. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'New Public Management' (NPM) ideas gained widespread acceptance all over the world in the 1980s and 1990s. In developing countries, notable examples of its influence include the Brazilian 'Master Plan for Reforming Public Administration', launched in 1995 by president Cardoso, and the Mexican 'Federal Public Administration Modernisation Programme' created in the same year by president Zedillo. Both reflected NPM doctrine and advanced changes for the organisation of the Executive. This article explores the evolution of these two countries' managerial reforms and the extent to which they eventually continued converging (or not) around similar principles, such as those often referred to as 'Post‐New Public Management' (Post‐NPM). By applying quantitative textual analysis of official documents and an analysis of self‐reported institutional changes, the article concludes that despite their governing parties' strong political differences Mexico and Brazil did converge during the 2000s, improving controls from the centre, and prioritising the adoption of transparency and participation tools. The comparison of the trajectories of the administrative reforms of these countries between 1995 and 2016 contributes to international debates on policy convergence and Post‐NPM reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian Corporation for Agricultural Research (EMBRAPA) is building a new institutional paradigm to lead it into the twenty-first century. More than 9,500 research managers, scientists and research support staff from EMBRAPA's Headquarters and 41 research centres, as well as research users and partners, are involved. The process includes developing future scenarios for agricultural research, a broad evaluation of EMBRAPA structure and programmes and strategic planning for the organization as a whole and for each research centre. This paper presents the rationale guiding EMBRAPA's search for institutional sustainability for the 1990s and beyond. It summarizes the strategic steps under way in EMBRAPA's change process and it synthesizes success factors and major obstacles influencing the process. It then outlines EMBRAPA's new institutional paradigm: 'Enterprise with social accountability'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This manuscript investigates the unsuccessful case of the fiscal decentralization policy implemented by the Brazilian central government to help municipalities fight COVID‐19. Based on quantitative analyses of data available on governmental websites, we identified that the transfer policy had ignored municipalities' risk patterns and income changes. It benefited municipalities regardless of their vulnerability and population infection risks, and many municipalities reduced healthcare expenditures funded by their revenues during the pandemic. Hence, some municipalities made a "pandemic surplus" in 2020 – a municipal electoral year. Indeed, COVID‐19 killed 663,694 people in Brazil until 4 May 2022. Lessons from an unsuccessful case of response to COVID‐19 help develop resilience for other crises by emerging market economies and developing countries. The findings have implications for policymakers and literature since they represent inadequate vertical coordination that followed a path dependence on traditional decentralization policies and took place in a year of municipal elections without clear spending and accountability rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: How are Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors evolving their financial flows and aid modalities in response to the growing influence and economic power of Southern BRICS? After presenting the shifting landscape of international development cooperation, we explore five hypotheses about the changing nature of DAC aid allocation patterns and modalities in BRICS countries. In our conclusion, we reflect on the evolution of DAC engagement in Brazil, China, India, and South Africa (BASIC countries) and what it might mean for all official donors. Our assessment is that the changing geopolitical environment for development cooperation is once again privileging economic diplomacy concerns within DAC donors, propelling specific kinds of decisions about the choice of instruments, sectors, and modalities in BASIC countries. It would appear that the administrative practice of foreign aid is increasingly derived from changes within the institutional environment for international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Recent academic works have shed light upon the motives and negotiation dynamics leading to the creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). We know less about their day‐to‐day activities and if (and if so why) they are being innovative in the field of multilateral development lending. This article evaluates novelty in the two banks. It uncovers and suggests an explanation to the puzzle of why the NDB appears more innovative (in terms of institutional design, staffing, and lending policy guidelines) than the AIIB by exploring the cases of China and Brazil. The two countries played central roles in the set‐up of each the AIIB and NDB. Drawing on extensive field research, the article proposes that their preferences and capability to engage in institutional innovation depend on interests, status, economic power, and regulatory capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the experience of Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs) (Pacifying Police Units) of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, as an innovative form of policing designed to deal primarily with high crime rate in 'favelas.' It also attempts to ascertain the extent to which the UPPs reflect a strategy for police reform. It does so by (i) reviewing the security crisis which engendered the UPPs as well as their predecessors, describing the socio-economic hardships of the favelas, further aggravated by high crime rates; (ii) describing the institutional and political environment giving rise to the policing policy underpinning the UPPs, and (iii) by assessing this innovation against a backdrop of systemic police reform models, singling out missing elements to constitute a true police system reform. This review provides a record of police policy of successive state governments, showing that the adoption of the UPPs followed a reactive political pattern while falling short of the requirements for proactively deliberate and comprehensive reform. Contrary to most of the guiding reform principles and elements discussed, policing reform in the State of Rio de Janeiro has indeed been bound by innovative incrementalism, following a pendular pattern, with little sustainability and a record of fluctuating achievements. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the current status of Brazil's Social Security System in terms of the social and economic development of the Brazilian population it is intended to serve. It starts with a historical overview of the system. Data from a household survey (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílio) is used to describe the workforce and its relationship with the social security system. The years 1992, 1997, 2002, 2007, and 2012 were chosen to give a series of pictures of the Brazilian population at equal intervals but under different legal circumstances with respect to the implementation of social security legislation. Data with regard to beneficiaries and the corresponding expenditures and revenues of the system are also shown. The situation presented is rather bleak considering that, since 1997, expenditure on benefits has consistently surpassed revenues based on payrolls. Some alternative reform options (parametric in nature) are evaluated using simulations. These simulations show that the alternative of postponing the eligibility age would have the greatest positive effect on balancing the books, especially when using 65 years as the minimum pensionable age. This would be the equivalent of eliminating "seniority retirement." Age testing is also effective for the recipients of survivor's benefit. Eliminating multiple benefits, though not impressive in terms of numbers, is progressive in nature and, therefore, an alternative to be considered. Dissociating the minimum wage from the minimum benefit would have a much larger impact in the long run, but the measure is highly unpopular and would most probably not be approved if proposed by the Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses ways of finding multidisciplinary solutions for poverty reduction related to public administration, governance accountability and government policy. Key aspects for poverty are discussed which includes administrative leadership, the implications of informal-formal institutional links in policy and collaboration between government and non-government stakeholders. It suggests that poverty-related policy must specify the targeted population and define its demographic, socio-economic and spatial features. Several essays on commonalities and its consequences are also presented including "The scope of NGOs and development program design: Application to problems of multidimensional poverty," essay on poverty in China and poverty reduction in Brazil.

SUMMARY This article contributes to the public administration and environmental governance literature by proposing the notion of 'institutional subversion' as a way of describing how the strategies adopted by local actors may change and even go against the initial aims of institutional development initiatives. The article discusses the case of the system for the environmental licencing of rural properties (SLAPR), an institutional development initiative by the state government of Mato Grosso in the south-eastern portion of the Brazilian Amazon. It will be shown that even though this initiative has earned the status of 'best practice' in controlling deforestation, a closer look at SLAPR reveals that it has led to contradictory outcomes. During the first 8 years of SLAPR, it had no significant impact on reducing deforestation and, in some cases, even permitted the increase of total deforestation by providing authorization for this. According to an institutional analysis of the case study, the article draws particular conclusions that could be relevant to public administrators in the region and in other countries. In particular, it is argued that by accepting the possibility of institutional subversion, public administrators may become more attentive to unexpected consequences and be able to take corrective action. Furthermore, in order to avoid institutional subversion, public administrators should integrate institutional initiatives into broader governmental, technological and economical dimensions. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of a Brazilian social mobilization network, Comitê de Entidades no Combate à Fome e pela Vida (COEP). COEP had been formed by sociologist Herbert de Souza and his friends through organizational change, capacity development, and network management. It is stated to have survived and flourished because it managed to mobilize a variety of public, private, and third-sector organizations under the common banner of social justice and solidarity. It has been initiated by powerful public enterprises and has grown to become a cross-sectoral network integrating various sectors of the society in Brazil. COEP's capacity is said to be the result of the meeting of material and qualities of the people and organizations associated with it.

This article examines the barriers to an effective response to climate change faced by governments and institutions. Developments to prevent environmental degradation in countries including Brazil, China, and India are considered. It is stated that governments and corporations face a challenge in reconciling keeping the costs of producing goods and services low and doing so in an environmentally conscious manner. It is suggested that the involvement and cooperation of these influential bodies is necessary to ensure effective environmental protection.

The author reports on the ideals and regulations in Brazil in regards to borrowing money from other countries. Regulations in Brazil regarding borrowing money which are part of the country’s Constitution and the National Law of Fiscal Responsibility are discussed. Restrictions which have been placed on the country’s borrowing practices through governmental borrowing policies are discussed. Recommendations which have been made in regards to Brazil improving their borrowing practices are mentioned.

During the past two decades, Brazil has experienced a wide range of new participatory management instruments. One of the most important are the so called public policy management councils, composed of governmental and non-governmental members, which have been implemented mainly in social sectors in order to discuss and develop public policies as well as to decide on the allocation of public funds. The practice shows that several structural factors still limit the potential of such a form of institutionalised participation. The most innovative result is without doubt the contribution towards transforming political culture, a prerequisite for the success of the ongoing democratisation process in most of the Latin American countries. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the contribution of international municipal cooperation (IMC) to the resolution of long standing planning challenges in the city of Sao Paulo (Brazil), South America's largest urban agglomeration. Specifically, the study investigates the early development and subsequent evolution of a planning-related project developed in collaboration with the city of Toronto, Canada. In its first phase-dubbed the Operaçoes Interligadas (Ol)-the initiative was directed towards expansion and improvement of Sao Paulo's housing stock. The second phase, known as the Operaçoes Urbanas, has focused more broadly on urban renewal. As will be shown, both phases of the programme have provided an important fund-raising mechanism for confronting the challenges of urban growth and change. At the same time, however, the study reveals a number of limitations to the overall strategy, perhaps restricting its use as a model for other developing world cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil became a highly decentralized country following democratization and the 1988 Constitution. The consequences of decentralization at the federal level are quite clear: the federal government is facing financial constraints and difficulties in building governing coalitions, allowing the Presidents to govern and to implement public policies, especially those concerning fiscal control. At the level of the states, however, the results of decentralization are quite heterogeneous given the country's high degree of regional inequality. The article identifies the cleavages and tensions surrounding federal-state relations, as well as the mutual dependency of the states and the federal government. It argues that the Brazilian experience of political and financial decentralization has contributed to the prospects of democratic consolidation and has forced the federal government to negotiate and compromise with subnational governments the implementation of national policies. On the other hand, the Brazilian experience highlights the constraints of decentralization in countries with deep-rooted regional disparities. Furthermore, the financial weakness of the federal government which has been brought about by decentralization and by fiscal control brings new tensions to the federal arrangements and to public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes a case study regarding the state management of public transportation as an alternative to both privatisation and nationalization of bus service in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Criticisms which relate to the inefficiency of administration by state enterprise, poor quality of services, substantial financial deficits incurred and rapid deterioration of the bus fleet; Overview of the several constraints on the efficiency model; Distinction between the calculation of rate and fare.

In planning the reform of local government in Nigeria in 1976, and deciding to give a status to local government in the Nigerian Constitution those involved drew on the experience of Brazil. This article explains how Brazilian arrangements influenced decisions in Nigeria and then compares the experience with the arrangements under the 1946 municipalist constitution in Brazil with what is happening in Nigeria following the 1976 reforms. The author points to similarities in the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]