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Focusing on the anti-extradition bill movement in Hong Kong, this paper employs the concepts of doing and undoing gender to investigate the barriers that female frontline protesters encountered and the strategies they adopted. It shows that stereotypes linking high-risk activism and physical prowess with masculinity, the association of the frontline with high risks of arrest and injuries, and physical confrontation with the police meant that the frontline was marked discursively as a male domain. However, the leaderless characteristic of the movement facilitated women crossing this discursively marked gender boundary. Once on the frontline, women took different paths. Some began to do gender by taking on tasks that were considered less risky and more compatible with femininity because of the gendered interactions amongst protesters. On the other hand, women with experience, and access to social support and mentorship gained the confidence they needed to take on tasks that were seen as 'masculine', and thus undoing the gender stereotype that women lacked the capacity for frontline protest. The findings illustrate the continuous challenge women face as they are held accountable for their gender in social movements. At the same time, they also suggest that women's doing of gender in social movements is not inevitable, but contingent on social contexts and interactions. Certain factors such as the leaderless characteristic of a movement and peer support and mentorship can facilitate gender boundary crossing and neutralize gendered interactions. These, in turn, allow gender to be undone in social movements and promote women's participation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Movements attempt to change beliefs and behavior. Yet we know little about what happens following one of the most dramatic forms of change: movement from one side of a contentious issue to the opposition. I examine four cases of movement conversion, focusing on how actors present conversion stories. I find converts, journalists, and sympathetic activists present converts as credible experts on the opposition and use their stories to graphically demonize the opposition. It's not surprising that converts and like-minded activists accept and publicize converts' stories for their gain. It is notable that the media frequently presents conversion stories in an uncritical manner, emphasizing the most sensational elements of converts' tales without questioning the truth of their claims. As a result, converts' former insider status is primarily presented as an unproblematic source of credibility across mediums. This suggests converts can be valuable assets to social movement organizations, capturing media attention and demonizing the opposition in a persuasive and compelling manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement studies often focus on how the general public is mobilized to join collective contentious actions rather than on state-movement relations. Yet, institutional actors who occupy positions within the administration can employ institutional means to support a social movement. We examine how social-psychological factors and communication patterns influence institutional actors' participation, based on a survey of civil servants during the anti-extradition law amendment bill movement in Hong Kong (N = 277). The results show that both the perceived damage to reputation and collective efficacy relate positively to participation intent. Through structural equation modeling, we elaborate how news consumption on different media platforms and interpersonal discussions influence civil servants' political participation indirectly through affecting the perception of their reputation and collective efficacy. These findings suggest institutional actors are motivated to act when a social movement threatens institutional legitimacy and engenders collective efficacy through mass/interpersonal communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connective action, or individuals networking with each other online to form social movements, rarely leads to lasting change. In this study, we argue that such movements are ultimately ineffective because they struggle to sustain themselves over time and identify the reasons behind their transience. Our analysis focuses on Twitter conversations about Aadhaar, a biometric ID project that has raised concerns about data privacy and civil liberty in India, the world's largest democracy. A computational mixed-methods approach incorporating social network analysis, sentiment analysis, and structural topic modeling demonstrates that connective action against Aadhaar failed to produce a sustained discourse of resistance, with people's feelings toward and beliefs about Aadhaar vacillating sharply. The analysis draws attention to the power of brick-and-mortar social institutions, including the state and its agencies, political parties, courts, technology companies, and 'legacy' news media, in shaping and reshaping seemingly bottom-up discourses on digital platforms. It also identifies three interlinked weaknesses of connective action – the individualized nature of mobilization, excessive flexibility of social networks, and a negative emotional culture. We contend that in order to be effective, contemporary social movements need to utilize digital technologies for 'collective' action by forging collective identities that bind participants affectively and cognitively, empower them against structures of social control, and enable them to commit to non-personal and long-term objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between March and June 2020, residents in north London faced the Covid-19 pandemic by creating neighbourhood Mutual Aid groups on WhatsApp and Facebook. These groups not only addressed basic survival needs such as bringing groceries and medicines to infected people, the elderly, and other vulnerable populations in quarantine; they also offered opportunities for social interactions between strangers living in the same neighbourhood during lockdown. Their success was linked to their rapid mobilization, adaptability and local knowledge. A study of their meso-level organization on Facebook shows that we should pay attention to the potential for mobilization of these grassroots structures. Their bottom-up organization, based on the principle 'Solidarity not Charity', showed a singular way to express dissent with policy response to the pandemic, and brought them closer to the horizontal social movements of the 2010s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 Gezi protests still remain the largest to have arisen in the AKP era of governance in Turkey. In light of substantial interdisciplinary attention attributed to this case, this study analyses a previously neglected, yet salient activist strategy known as fraternization that arose during protester-police interactions. We argue that when entrapped in situations marked by confrontational tension with police, protesters strategically attempt to overcome outgroup divisions by getting state forces to sympathize with opposition through fraternization. Utilizing video data analysis (VDA), we assess a sample of 147 publicly available videos featuring protester-police interactions and complement our assessment with semi-structured interviews with protesters. Results reveal that significant levels of fraternization occurred between heterogeneous groups of activists (age, gender, identity) and police. In some cases fraternization attempts contributed to a positive dialogue being established with police, while other attempts had no effect in reducing repression. Although activists were ultimately unsuccessful in convincing police to defect, this inquiry presents new implications for our understanding of the situational dynamics underlying fraternization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements provide participants a chance to establish collaborative foundations and develop enduring friendships from which subsequent movements can arise. This happens as they find different ways to capitalize on a particular movement's momentum. However there can also be friction within the same movement. Unreconciled friction can lead to withdrawal and avoidance of working together. Movements may consequently disband and fail to achieve their immediate goals. This study investigates the sources of friction within one such movement. Based on interviews with 54 Kopi Badati movement participants in Ambon, Indonesia, we found that friction emerging from dissent on strategies, incompatible views, and feeling unacknowledged led to the disbandment of the Badati movement. When participants' relationships with others deteriorate, it becomes difficult for them to identify themselves with the movement. Conversely, participants' ability to reconcile internal friction may be one factor for the movement's success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Offering a contribution to cultural approaches to studying social movements, this paper explores how people incorporate social change efforts into broader self-projects. I use the contemporary abstinence pledge movement as an archetypal example of a lifestyle movement, a movement that advocates for lifestyle change as its primary challenge to perceived cultural problems. To capture the public face crafted by this movement, I coded complete website content for ten pledge organizations, as well as their print and social media presence. The data demonstrate: how pledge organizations explicitly target culture, rather than pressuring the state to enact policy change; how participants employ individualized tactics while still believing in their collective power to engender change; and that pledgers craft a moral self, engaging in 'personal' identity work. Expanding the lifestyle movement literature to think about outcomes and influence, I then show how pledgers contest perceptions of movement success, redefining effectiveness towards abstract, long-term, and subjective measures. I conclude by locating lifestyle movements in the context of late modernity and suggesting how theorists might use and further develop the concept in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Morocco, since the early 1990s, thousands of higher education graduates have participated in a protest movement seeking to secure employment in the public service. The 'unemployed graduates movement' takes the form of a fragmentedmulti-organizational field. All the groups share a main demand (a job in the public sector for their members), but they represent several ways to defend the 'right to work'. Early risersof the unemployedmovement were very close tofarleft networks. However, over the years, recruitment networks diversified in such way that the far left is no longer the main source of activists. This contribution proposes to show why and how the activist recruitment networks of unemployed graduates groups changed, as well as unveil some effects of this change. By showing empirically how the recruitment networks of the unemployed have diversified across time and how this has encouraged conciliating attitudes within the movement, I make two theoretical contributions: firstly, that the normalisation of protest does not make networks irrelevant, but it transforms them; secondly, that it is necessary to take into account the 'bargaining costs' generated during the negotiation processes in order to understand change within the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social accountability is a concept that has been used much in development studies and democratic theory to study informal ways for civil society to achieve social change and hold governments accountable. Surprisingly, it has been far less used in social movement scholarship and we argue that social accountability, understood as a combination of answerability, legal claim attainment, and sanction, is a useful way to examine social movement outcomes in China. Social accountability directs the focus of research towards the target of protest and not only whether the protest resulted in policy changes or not. Based on field work in 2013-2015, this article examines four cases of social protests in the Chinese city of Hangzhou. In line with previous research we find that when citizen claims accord with government policies and protesters are well-organized, local authorities tend to accommodate the protesters’ claims. However, answerability and sanction do not always follow the same pattern. Answerability can be relatively high also when legal claims are unsuccessful. This means that cases that are commonly seen as unsuccessful protests because the legal demands were not accommodated may still result in partial social accountability. In addition to the presentation of original empirical findings, the study makes a theoretical contribution by linking the two research fields of social movement and social accountability, which will be of interest to a wider scholarly audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eruption of the Spanish 15M movement in 2011 was marked by a high degree of political participation and creative experimentation. The political repertoire has constantly been re-evaluated, with methods revised and evolving, from the occupation of public spaces to the recent creation of new constitutional parties. One of the key aspects of these tactical revisions has been the involvement of anarchist actors in an experimental process of engagement in electoral processes, a method of political engagement anarchists standardly oppose. Our study identifies the motivations and theoretical justifications that have recently led libertarian activists to take the electoral path. This paper stands in the small but growing tradition of works that examine the recent phenomenon of new parties built by ‘street’ activists, but uniquely concentrates on a detailed case study of the anarchist actors linked to the platformCastelló en Moviment(CsM). It thus describes the anarchist influence in recent electoral developments, identifies proponents’ justifications for engaging in these previously rejected methods and highlights some of the doubts raised about the electoral experiment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Previous research has recognized the role of emotions in protests and social movements in the offline world. Despite the current scenario of ubiquitous social media and ‘Twitter revolutions,’ our knowledge about the connections between emotions and online protests still remains limited. In this study, we examine whether online protest actions follow the same emotional groundwork for supporting and nurturing a social movement as in the offline world, and how these emotions vary across various stages of the social movement. Through a computer-assisted emotion analysis of 65,613 Twitter posts (tweets), posted during the Nirbhaya social movement (movement against the Delhi gang-rape incident) in India, we identified a strong resemblance between online emotional patterns and offline protest emotions as discussed in literature. Formal statistical testing of a range of emotions (negativity, positivity, anger, sadness, anxiety, certainty, individualism, collectivism, and achievement) demonstrates that they significantly differed across stages of the social movement; as such, they influenced the course of the online protest, resonating parallels with offline events. The findings highlight the importance of anger and anxiety in stirring the collective conscience, and identify that positive emotion was pervasive during the protest event. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the antecedent and contingent causes sparking the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. Spurred by two contingent events generating pre-emptive and backlash mobilization, the movement is a spontaneous transformation of the staged Occupy Central campaign. Based on an onsite survey (n = 1681) and in-depth interviews (n = 18), this paper demonstrates how protest experience and social media networked and rallied autonomous individuals from diverse backgrounds to occupy the physical spaces, thereby sustaining a self-mobilized, horizontal and resilient movement. Spontaneity, however, did not come out of nowhere. As an integral part of Hong Kong’s bottom-up activism and ecology, this spontaneous episode encapsulates antecedent events diffusing stalwart actors, decentralized organization and transgressive repertories. This paper situates spontaneity in temporal, spatial and emotional contexts to understand the uncompromising claims and participatory practices of the spectacular occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The founding of the Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association (AAPA) in 1923 heralded the rise of an organized, motivated Australian Aboriginal rights movement that has continued to fight for improvements to Aboriginal people’s lives. This paper investigates the media framing of this emerging movement through an analysis of print media (mainstream and alternative) coverage relating to the AAPA (1923–1930) and the Aborigines Progressive Association (1937–1940). Key questions consider how media framed each organization, their leaders and activity, who was allowed to speak, and what led to the emergence of the movement in the first place. In addition, this discussion includes an examination of how social movement and journalistic theory connect. It is argued that changes in Australia’s political environment, heightened levels of oppression of Australia’s Aboriginal peoples and the availability of charismatic Aboriginal leadership provided ideal conditions for the successful emergence of the Aboriginal rights movement in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While activists often respond to claims advanced by their opposition, little is known about how oppositional rhetoric is evaluated. This study focuses on the evaluation process, examining how movement actors assess the resonant appeal of oppositional frames. I analyze how activists in the American pro-choice movement respond to a faction of the pro-life movement that primarily frames abortion as harmful to women. Drawing on focus group conversations with pro-choice activists, I find feminist collective identity and their own experience advancing gendered frames influence which oppositional frames pro-choice actors consider most likely to resonate with a non-activist audience. These judgments subsequently guide decisions about how to respond to oppositional frames and construct of counterframes. I find activists to use collective identity to rule out potential strategies and tactics they feel are in conflict with what the group represents. I argue that in cases where similarities exist between frames and counterframes, experience advancing rhetoric superficially similar to that of the opposing movement provides strategic insight. Movement actors draw on lessons learned from their own collective framing experiences to evaluate how audiences will respond to oppositional frames with comparable cultural themes. These experiences serve as a guide, informing activists' perceptions of the frames a non-activist audience will be most likely to embrace, which frames must be addressed, and which can be safely ignored. This study emphasizes movement actors' agency and strategic decision-making processes, demonstrates how collective identity influences the framing process, and contributes to knowledge of how group experiences and identity affect perception and strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A hunger strike that played upon Gandhi's legacy of civil disobedience and mass protest was India's capstone event for 2011. Initiated by Anna Hazare, a 74-year-old self-styled Gandhian, the protest targeted the government's new anti-corruption legislation, which Hazare proclaimed as too weak. Hazare's demand for a strong anti-corruption law, leading to the establishment of an independent ombudsman (Lokpal), had slowly gained momentum in the first half of 2011, when Hazare collected a sizeable following. It was his unexpected arrest on the eve of the August protest, however, that thrust him into the limelight, sparking candle-lit marches across the country and swelling the ranks of his movement, Indian Against Corruption (IAC). Hazare was hailed as a leader of Gandhian proportions and applauded for his humble origins, numerous awards, and ecologically conscious development work in Ralegan Siddhi, where Hazare took up residence in 1975, following a brief career in the army. His movement, which appeared to be climbing from strength to strength, was thought to be a major political force of lasting influence. But in the year since the Ramlila protest, Hazare's movement has lost steam, with key leaders oscillating between calling for a stronger movement based on ‘the people's guidance’ and entertaining the possibility of entering electoral politics through the formation of a new political party. This article investigates the reasons for the deceleration of the Hazare movement, with an emphasis on why Hazare failed to win the support of the liberal and left sections of society, particularly the intelligentsia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Boundary work is important in all social movements, but the instability of bodily-based categories makes boundary work particularly complicated in movements where bodily attributes are key to identity formation. Many Anglo-American fat acceptance groups have attempted to draw boundaries on the basis of two ‘ideal fat subjects’: one with a stable, unitary ‘resisting’ consciousness and/or one based on excluding those who are not ‘really’ fat or fat ‘enough.’ The former excludes members who display ambiguity or ambivalence in relation to accepting their bodies, while the latter excludes members seen as not fat enough to participate. In contrast, the Israeli fat acceptance community establishes its boundaries based on shared negative social reactions to body size. This increases its ability to tolerate ambiguity and contradictions among members, and to accept members who do not fit into fixed bodily identity categories. Simultaneously, this collective identity poses other problems, like reducing members to their identity as fat and encouraging constant preoccupation with weight or social oppression based on body size. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The world witnessed a startling phenomenon in the spring of 2011. Citizens across a set of countries were acting in similar ways to initiate negotiations with their governments for political change. Rapidly they learnt from each other. They shared a new understanding on how power should be organized and how national wealth should be used for the good of the public, putting forth a new political arrangement that spread, quickly across international borders. Nowhere else was this phenomenon more distinct than in the cities, usually centre points of cross-border flows of people, money and ideas, and that nurtured a certain section of citizenry exposed to external influences. This Profile illustrates that globalization facilitates the establishment of conditions for citizens to be able to compare themselves to other groups and perceive themselves as being relatively deprived. Globalization also broadens the range of factors and events that may trigger a social movement in a society, and allows actors across social movements in different countries to exchange notes, watch out for successful strategies and adapt those of others' into their own towards effective results. In this way, this Profile examines the transferability of recent urban social movements across international borders, particularly focusing on the factors leading to the transfer of certain elements from the pro-democracy movement of the spring of 2011 in Egypt to an anti-corruption movement in India that also took place at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study of the genetic engineering resistance movement in New Zealand, I utilize social network analysis and framing analysis to demonstrate how meaning-making occurs among a network of core activists. This theoretical and methodological framework enables us to explore the contours of collective identity within the movement, given in particular the diversity of actor grievances, relationships and strategies. While I argue that there is a shared collective identity in the movement, the primary purpose of this work is to show how this approach can be used empirically to demonstrate the relationship between collective identity and movement diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on extensive data gained from activist interviews, questionnaires and ‘sociological interventions’, this article sets out the conflicting dimensions of the alterglobal (global justice) movement in three countries (France, Italy and Great Britain). Proceeding from the various interpretations given by movement actors to the relationships of domination engendered by contemporary globalisation processes, we aim to construct an interpretative framework of the alterglobal movement and its different components. We argue that the internal identity of the movement can be plotted within a series of contrasting ideological, symbolic, and organisational relationships, and – despite the considerable diversity of the movement – movement actors share a common construction of their own alterglobal subjectivity across three specific dimensions: a resistance to domination, the importance of the elaboration of alternative worldviews and the practical steps taken in the pursuit of these alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Several recent studies have shown an increase in political consumerism (boycott and buycott) and a tendency towards a new 'politics in the supermarket'. These developments are usually seen as a transformation of forms of political action towards more individualized participation forms. Little attention has focused on the role of social movement activity in this transformation. In this contribution, which is based on a case study of political consumerism in the clothing sector in Switzerland, I fill this gap by analysing the ways in which political agency and mobilization shape political consumerism. I suggest taking into account the role of campaigning - that is, intentional and coordinated collective action and framing activities - as an incentive, if not a determinant, of individual political consumption. I show how different contentious performances mobilize citizens and consumers and make the consumption and production of clothing a public and political issue. I analyse the mobilizing strategies of a campaign regarding action repertoires and framing activities and ask how they contribute to provide political content to consumer products, creating a venue for political participation in the marketplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pervasive force in the relationship between the nation-state and Australian Indigenous peoples during the 1990s and 2000s was, and is, neoliberalism. Free market ideals became the dominant political philosophy and Indigenous people were coerced into a political 'experimental' cutting of a neoliberal template into the fabric of Indigenous life. The pairing of market ideology with concerted efforts to de-power Indigenous groups and people align, at least thematically, the Indigenous experience of neoliberalism with that of a social movement. This article details the entwined story of explicit Indigenous resistance and activism and the how and what of the infiltration of market forces into Aboriginal territory. Empirically, it demonstrates the neoliberal infrastructure and ideological rationale for the explicit undermining of Indigenous rights and presence within Australian society and the Indigenous parameters of resistance that emerged to confront and defy the re-confining and redefining pressures of neoliberalism: an Indigenous resistance paradigm. Theoretically, these facets are analysed through the frame of the 'domain of Aboriginality' to articulate the broader contours of the reach of neoliberalism into Indigenous lives and the resistance to the developing hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements contain structures of beliefs and values that guide critical action and aid activists' understandings. These are worthy of interrogation, not least because they contain points of articulation with ideational formations found in both mainstream politics and academia. They offer an alternative view of society, economy and polity that is grounded in protagonists' experience and struggle. However, the ideational content of social movements is often obscured by a focus on particular, immediate goals; by their orientation to certain forms of action; and by the mediated, simplified nature of their communication. Additionally, recent social movements display a tendency to coalition action, bringing a diverse set of political understandings in concert on highly specific campaigns. This conceptual article seeks an approach to identifying the messages within social movements that remains sensitive to their complexity, dynamism and heterogeneity. Through a critique of the concept of 'interpretative frames' as developed in social movement studies, I describe the novel concept 'orientational frame'. In contrast to social movement scholars' tendency to focus on instrumental claim-making by movement organizations, I emphasize deeply held, relatively stable sets of ideas that allow activists to justify contentious political action. Through an engagement with Michael Freeden's morphological approach to understanding ideologies I attempt to draw frame analysis away from the positivistic attempt to delineate general processes into a hermeneutic endeavour more suitable to understanding the richly detailed, context dependent ideas of particular social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developments around the globe - from organization into forums such as the World Social Forum to smaller protests - have necessitated a review of the notion of movements/mobilizations. There is an enhanced focus on 'mobilizing/organizing' masses. The character of mobilizations is radically transformed and is in a constant flux leading to explorations of newer 'experiments'. Central to such a conceptualization, given the state of mobilizations worldwide, is the need to grapple with the causal factors and the dialectics of systemic dynamics and mobilizations. This paper seeks to comprehend the dynamics of mobilizations, their rise and fall in the light of contemporary developments of rampant consumerism and individualization resulting in shrinking collective spaces. It argues that in the transformed setting, when liberalism coexists with mounting coercion of private capital through state as well as non-state institutions, mobilizations of changed character will be ultimate expressions of resistance leading in due course to a macro-assertion. Such a debate has not been taken up seriously in India with the same intensity as in the Latin American context or in Western sociology. The arguments made in the paper are based on interviews with activists, interaction with activists and their experiences in different meetings as well as research based on secondary material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how journalistic framing of the democratic globalization movement evolved in the five years after its 1999 emergence in Seattle. It takes a longitudinal approach to analyzing social movement coverage by looking for changes in news reporting over time. Protests against the World Trade Organization put this movement on The New York Times' map, with 'Seattle' enduring as a symbolic reference connoting the threat of civic disorder. We found signs of both resilience and change in the newspaper's coverage, which demonstrates complex interactions between reporters, activist groups and real-world events. Delegitimizing language was constant over time, evoking the protest paradigm and riot, confrontation and circus frames as templates. However, this analysis also found evidence of frame dynamism, suggestive of a possible evolving sympathy through which movement members improve access to reporters and get their issues across to the public. Journalists increasingly used movement members as sources, described the movement with fewer marginalizing terms and framed protests more favorably. Our findings about the increased presence of celebrities over other sources and of photographs over text - a phenomenon we call the tabloidization of protest - could have important strategic consequences for social movements. We argue, based on news values relevant to this activism, that mainstream spokespeople and tabloid-like coverage - which may indeed oversimplify and trivialize issues - also have the potential to publicize and popularize social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholars have long studied actors' mobilization into and continued involvement in social movement organizations. A more recent trend in social movement literature concerns cultural activism that takes place primarily outside of social movement organizations. Here I use the vegan movement to explore modes of participation in such diffuse cultural movements. As with many cultural movements, there are more practicing vegans than there are members of vegan movement organizations. Using data from ethnographic interviews with vegans, this article focuses on vegans who are unaffiliated with a vegan movement organization. The sample contains two distinctive groups of vegans – those in the punk subculture and those who were not – and investigates how they defined and practiced veganism differently. Taking a relational approach to the data, I analyze the social networks of these punk and non-punk vegans. Focusing on discourse, support, and network embeddedness, I argue that maintaining participation in the vegan movement depends more upon having supportive social networks than having willpower, motivation, or a collective vegan identity. This study demonstrates how culture and social networks function to provide support for cultural movement participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of global citizen action has been widely recognized as having become part of the discourse and practice of democratic politics and social change. Jubilee 2000 was a remarkable example of global citizen action, campaigning against unpayable Third World debt. Whilst Jubilee 2000 had novel features, however, the conclusion that ‘the world will never be the same again’ invites further exploration, both in relation to the implications for theoretical debates and in relation to social movements as these have been developing globally, in practice. This paper starts by summarizing key features of differing approaches to the study of social movements in general and global social movements more specifically. This provides the context for exploring their relevance to the analysis of the experiences and achievements of Jubilee 2000. The evidence comes from published sources and discussion papers and from interviews with particular individuals involved, as staff and activists, in Jubilee 2000 itself and its constituent organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article combines an historical and a sociological approach. Historically, it distinguishes three main moments in the history of social movements since the 1960s. After working-class movements, which corresponded to industrial societies, came the so-called new social movements, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and these were followed by a third generation of actors deserving a new denomination as alter-globalization activists. Sociologically, this articles analyses the differences between these three figures from the point of view of the identity of the actors, of their relationship to culture, to their adversary, to their subjectivity, or to their framework for action (national or otherwise). The article introduces the concept of anti-movement, which is illustrated with the contemporary cases of 'global' anti-movements such as global terrorism or global anti-Semitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies on social movements have highlighted the importance of cultural and ideational factors. Concepts such as collective identity, cognitive praxis, and framing have been used to better understand the emergence, development, and political and cultural impact of social movements. In this article I draw on different schools of thought in order to develop a new use of the concept of cognitive practice. I suggest the relevance of analysing collective identities and cognitive practices at the organizational level (which does not, per se, exclude analysis at other levels). This emphasis also leads to a perspective that suggest a relational and interaction-oriented way in which to understand how movement organizations try to influence other actors through their cognitive practices. This kind of analysis helps to question the implicit notion of unity in the concept of social movement. The analytical focal points are also useful for discussing possibilities and dilemmas for movement organizations with regard to aspects such as how frames become effective and make frame resonance possible; how compromises and delimitations are built into frames; and how cognitive autonomy may be decreased or preserved. The empirical focus in this article is the Swedish environmental movement, and the identities and cognitive practices of some its organizations in the 1990s. I also discuss the relevance of my findings for the study of movement organizations within other fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the issue of social movement abeyance in relation to contemporary British feminism. It argues that currently British feminism is a social movement in abeyance that is not actively confronting the social system, and is largely preoccupied with maintaining itself through service providing voluntary organizations, educational and intellectual activities and incorporation into elite politics. The analysis of abeyance is also developed at the conceptual level by adding further detail to how we might theorize abeyance by contrasting it with the insurgent phase of social movement activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]