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This article presents a list of books, related to sociology. Some of the books included in the article are "Trade Unionism," by J.A. Banks, "Caught in the Act: Children, Society and the Law," by M. Berlins and G. Wansell, "The International Urban Crisis," by T.L. Blair, "The Mafia of a Sicilian Village: A Study of Violent Peasant Entrepreneurs," by A. Blok, "Abandonment of Children in Jamaica," by E. Brodber, "On Community, Family and Delinquency," by E.W. Burgess, "Renewing Urban Teaching," by L.F. Claydon, "Greedy Institutions: Patterns of Undivided Commitment," by L.A. Coser, etc.

This article presents a list of books, related to sociology. Some of the books mentioned in the article are "The Idea of a Spiritual Power: Comte Memorial Lecture," by H.B. Acton, "Gypsy Politics and Social Change," by T. Action, "Women in America," by E.H. Altbach, "Human Behavior in the Social Environment," by R.E. Anderson and I.E. Carter, "The Essential Comte," edited by S. Anderski, "The Social Control of Drugs," by P. Bean, "Computers and the Social Sciences," by A. Brier and I. Robinson and "Knowledge, Education and Cultural Change," edited by R. Brown.

This article presents a list of books on sociology. Some of the books included in the list are, "Outreach: Extending Community Service in Urban Areas," by J.J. Banon; "The Coming of Post-Industrial Society," by D. Bell; "Emile Durkheim on Morality and Society," edited by R.N. Bellah; "Man and His Kind: An Introduction to Social Anthropology," by T. Crump; "The Resolution of Conflict and Destructive Processes," by M. Deutch; "Sociology: The Study of Man in Adaptation," by J.T. Doby; "The Economics of Residential Location," by A.W. Evans; "Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution: Early Industrial Capitalism in Three English Towns," by J. Foster; "Sexual Conduct: The Social Sources of Human Sexuality," by J.H. Gagnon and W. Simon; "Applied Volunteerism in Community Development," by R.E. Hardy and J.G. Cull; "Urbanisation and the Government of Migration: The Inter-Relation of Urban and Rural Life in Zambia," by H. Heisler; and "African Women in Towns: An Aspect of Africa's Social Revolution," by K. Little;

In this article, authors have attempted to understand the role, attitudes and behavior of shop stewards rather more clearly by reference to certain theoretical themes in industrial sociology, and in the wider discipline as a whole. They saw that both structural and orientational definitions of the role of the shop steward have certain major explanatory advantages by way of comparison with earlier approaches based on institutional or behavioral perspectives. The social class position of the steward was analyzed: first, in terms of its effect on management-shop steward relations; second, viewed in terms of a step in upward mobility within our stratification system; and finally, attention was drawn to the basic similarity, in class terms, of shop stewards and the workers whom they represent. The power of the shop steward was then outlined, again in a distinctively sociological manner, and its effects on procedural and substantive aspects of managements shop steward relationships were demonstrated in some detail.

This article seeks to explore the emergence of the founder of the Aetherius Society, George King, as a mystagogue. Of particular interest is the manner in which he was able to secure a monopoly of the means of revelation and to overcome the constraints on institutionalisation which typically face movements founded on the systematic manifestation of charismatic gifts. In May 1954, King received a disembodied command to "Prepare yourself, you are to become the voice of Interplanetary Parliament." A few days later, whilst in a meditative trance, he received a visit through his locked door, of an Indian Yoga Master who gave further instructions and secret logic practices and announced to him that he had been selected by the Cosmic Intelligences who man the space-craft, to act as their "Primary Terrestrial Channel" for the important portant messages they were shortly to transmit to earth.

In Great Britain the relationship between sociology and social work has been marked by a certain ambivalence. As Joan Abbott found amongst those graduating in sociology and anthropology in 1966, a desire for some sort of career in social work had prompted a majority of students to select a sociology degree course. In present study, a follow-up of those graduates contacted by Abbott has enabled author and his colleagues to abstract from the survey those who have become social workers and examine some of the features characterizing them five years after obtaining their degrees. Just over one-fifth of the graduates in their sample had entered social work, either after completing their undergraduate studies or else after a period of post-graduate professional training. As they might expect, the career attracted a higher proportion of female sociology graduates than male. This imbalance in recruitment to the profession seems to be compounded of a variety of factors. It appears that the importance attached to the subject by sociology graduates who entered social work is not necessarily matched by their employers.

The recent development of educational administration as a distinct field of study associated with the sociology of education has been accompanied by a growing concern with the nature of leadership in educational settings and particularly with the role of the headmaster. The point about such statements is that they are at least as much prescriptive as descriptive and consequently do not contribute to a sociological analysis of the headmaster's role. The of this article, therefore, is to present some preliminary findings relating to the social origins, educational and work experience of headmasters in the three major categories of secondary schools: grammar, comprehensive and secondary modern. The enquiry was conducted be means of a small sample of depth interviews and a mailed questionnaire sent to a large sample of secondary school headmasters. The choice of the large sample highlighted certain problems associated with this kind of research. Headmasters are, in general, reluctant to be exposed to the research methods of the social sciences.

Despite the seminal place that sociologist Robert Merton occupies in the development of sociological theory, the application of his theories to specific patterns of behavior does not seem to have attracted the attention of many of those engaged in empirical research. This is not to say that Mertonian theory has not been subject to searching criticism. The strain towards anomie created by the and means leads, he argues, to five types of which take the form of acceptance and/or goals and institutionalized means of attaining mismatch between goals adaptation to this strain, rejection of the cultural these goals. By examining career patterns of addicts and addiction as a career, it should be possible broadly to establish if and when failure occurs, particularly in relation to educational achievement. The sick role therefore provides a legitimate reason for not pursuing the goals of society without the subject having to abandon either the goals or the means of achieving these goals, and might therefore be described as a temporary retreatist adaptation. It is also possible that an attempt would be made by some to turn the sick role into an invalid or at least a chronic sick role, thereby permanently evading having to resolve any problems.

A mixture of wonder, contempt, fear and romanticism is evident in adult responses to the activities of young people. Sociologists have so far portrayed in varying degrees these attitudes. To discuss only some of the recent observations on youth as a factor in social change and to attempt some assessment of the contribution which these have made to the understanding of change in the third quarter of the twentieth century, is a very large subject. On the whole the influence of new generations in bringing about social change has not been as systematically analyzed as some other aspects of social development. An adequate theory of social change must be concerned with the existing structure of society, the specification of new, emerging forms and a realistic consideration of the forces capable of bringing these into being. There is a need for clarification of the level and kind of conceptual problems which this involves and a discussion of the meta theoretical models on which these are based.

The article focuses on the social theory. Far from depriving the sociologist of creativity, therefore, the precept of representativeness demands it of him. Indeed, it has already been suggested that if he succeeds in articulating a representative experience, the sociologist plays a part in shaping and extending the particular experiences upon which it is based. But the creativity involved in this is of a particular kind. It is emphatically not the kind which provides a warrant for any and every variety of nebulous, romantic, utopian subjectivism. This article has culminated in the proposition that sociology has been shaped and, in terms of its concepts and methodological principles, permeated by representative traditions of value which have articulated the representative experiences of its times and places. A second major purpose of the article, however, has been to attempt to provide a defence against the manifest dangers which follow from the inadequate ways in which propositions about these elements are all too frequently formulated.

Geographical mobility has the effect of breaking the control of the community over the individual. In a static society the individual is firmly embedded in the cultural tradition and institutional structure of the community. Religion in a Durkheimian sense both reflects and legitimates the socio-cultural system, and in such a society religion is to be seen as a communal activity; men participate in religious activities because these are prescribed by the community. mobile society. The geographically mobile on the other hand are removed from a community and from the social control that such a group can assert. Time is required for their integration into a new community and the 'frequent movers' may indeed never become fully integrated into a new community. With regard to belief, since there is a close relationship between belief and practices in the British socio-cultural environment, one should not be surprised to find that both dimensions are similarly related to geographical mobility.

The multidimensionality of variables suggests the use of factor analysis. In path analysis two such substantial and opposing effects will lead to a near zero path. The technique of path analysis represents a great step forward in sociology's methodology, since it encourages the overdue use of the general linear model rather than the repetitive application of the contingency table, as was previously common. Although the technique has been invested with almost mystical qualities in the testing of theories, and while, on the other hand, some might still dismiss it as mere estimation, it has had the effect of instituting the regression method in sociology. The procedure suggested then is first to obtain the correlation matrix and from this to derive the best estimates of the communalities.

Controversy over the nature of man and society, and in particular over the ability of the perspective of the natural sciences adequately to study these phenomena, has continued unabated in the social sciences. Whatever the case, many sociologists seem to find it difficult to theorize adequately and to conduct research incorporating such subjective factors as consciousness, social meanings, interpretations and so on, especially if they are concerned with macro-social phenomena and problems. The most basic assertion of this approach is that society is collectively constructed and maintained by those individuals and groups that it creates and sustains. Social structure, as conceived of here, is simply the sum total of these typifications and the recurrent patterns of interaction established by means of them. The problem of social order is essentially the problem of producing some sharedness of meanings and some co-ordination of the activities of the members of any society sufficient to allow them to achieve what they consider to be adequate gratification of their needs and desires through theft everyday lives.

The significance of the phenomenological revolution in sociological methodology lies in its injunction to examine the concepts and understandings of the common-sense world. A concept which first appears in one context may suddenly reappear in a different guise somewhere else and be put to purposes which contradict or even negate its function in the former context. Another characteristic of concepts is one they do share with people; they are the children of men and, like children, they contain the potential for dominating their parents. Concepts are social constructs: they are the products of social situations; and they are among the components of rationalisations and motivations produced to explain and justify actions which can be seen to be functional for one group in its interactions with other groups. The social, economic and political realities which lie beneath the surface of the educational arguments would come openly to the fore, the concept of intelligence would be revised yet again.

The article focuses on the exploration of the philosophical pedigree and legitimation of ethnomethodology. Sociology has been salvaged at the expense of splitting the pre-empirical transcendental inter-subjectivity into scores of empirically accessible subjectivities. The conduct of ethnomethodology toward existentialist philosophy, source of inspiration, is neither than its behaviour toward phenomenology. Existentialism struggles, in fact, to get rid of the dilemma itself; even of the vocabulary devised to make it utterable. The virtual existence consists in uncompromised liberty from both empirical and introspectional facts. Existentialism is again an invitation to a selfareflection over the residual, irreducible realm of freedom left when everything describable in the language of temporarily anchorable events has been thoroughly culled away. As a consistent system of ideas existentialism seems to be invulnerable unless one resents its voluntary aloofness and sets out to build bridges over the void between the existentialist stance and the empirical, scientific mind.

The theme of this article is that medicine is becoming a major institution of social control, nudging aside, if not incorporating, the more traditional institutions of religion and law. It is be- coming the new repository of truth, the place where absolute and often final judgments are made by supposedly morally neutral and objective experts. Although many have noted aspects of this process, by confining their concern to the field of psychiatry, these criticisms have been misplaced. The involvement of medicine in the management of society is not new. This interdependence is perhaps best seen in two branches of medicine which have had a built-in social emphasis from the very start--psychiatry and public health/preventive medicine. Public health was always committed to changing social aspects of life from sanitary to housing to working conditions--and often used the arm of the state to gain its ends. Psychiatry's involvement in society is a bit more difficult to trace, but taking the histories of psychiatry as data, then one notes the almost universal reference to one of the early pioneers, a physician named Johan Weyer. The assumption is thus readily made that such medical involvement in social problems leads to their removal from religious and legal scrutiny and thus from moral and punitive consequences.

The article focuses on the sociology of values. The pattern of references in social science literature on the various aspects of moral codes is both extensive and extremely diverse. It seemed useful, therefore, to try and obtain some overall descriptive account of the kind of material available. As a number of writers have observed, American sociology in particular, though not exclusively, has tended to stress the theoretical importance of social values, and most particularly of consensual values, for both the integration of social systems and also for the understanding of them. The sociology of values, therefore, has a potential analytic contribution to make to current problems of over population in developing countries. content analysis may now be restated. The most preparatory analysis of the literature indicated the central and pervasive place occupied by the concept of 'values' in sociological thought and enquiry.

The article focuses on the sociological investigation. On the one hand the investigator feels required to present as much detail about his workshop or community as possible so that his research can be subjected to the critical scrutiny of his colleagues; at the same time the presentation of such detail can only make it more likely that the precise location of the community under investigation can be discovered and named by an enterprising journalist. The role of the participant observer in the research situation has already received considerable attention. Yet, while the pursuit of sociological research has the exploitative element in it and involves the definition of the research 'others' as the 'objects' of research, this does not mean that these 'others' will necessarily respond in an undifferentiated way. The "British Association Scandal" was a social drama which enabled the actors to define or redefine themselves in relation to the department as a whole and in relation to each other.

One English industrial study found that the least successful firms in receiving, evaluating and assimilating fresh ideas were hierarchical, with sharply defined spheres of duty and a largely downward system of communication. The best were less hierarchical, had less sharply-defined spheres of responsibility, had plenty of opportunity for the lateral exchange of views and had communication systems that passed messages upward as well as downward. In 1963 the Bachelor of Education degree (B.Ed,) seemed to many lecturers in universities and colleges of education such an innovative idea. The university subject departments were represented on all groups except the Principals' Panel and the Subject Panels. Participation in policy-making seems to have been limited to the Principals' Panel, the Syllabus Committees and, to a much lesser degree, to the Professional Committee and the BEd. Board of Studies. Power in any organization is determined by possession of resources, and one of the most important of these is information.

The article focuses on secularization in the English context. The sociologists who concentrated on industrial society in their studies of religion of the question of how religion is to be defined. Social anthropologists, concerned with the definition of analytical concepts appropriate to a cross-cultural perspective, have in recent years considered carefully the question of religion, and, while differing in detail, their definitions of religion are remarkably similar when considering the key referent of the term. It is here argued that it is inappropriate to stretch, the definition of religion to incorporate orientations of this kind, Sociology already possesses terms such as 'ideology', 'value-orientation', 'belief-system', or, for, those of the functionalist persuasion, functional alternative, which are quite adequate to cover the commitments concerned. Dominant values are associated with dominant institutions, and the place of Christianity in the dominant value system is assured by state recognition.

Sociologist Emile Durkheim's theory of politics and the state is undoubtedly the most neglected of his contributions to social theory. There are perhaps two main reasons why Durkheim's political sociology has not received the attention which it merits. One is that several of the standard expositions of his work were written before the publication of the series of lectures in which he most directly confronted the problems of political analysis. A second, although related, factor in this neglect derives from the "phases" through which the secondary interpretation of Durkheim's work has passed. The fundamental continuity between Durkheim's early and later works does not become fully apparent, however, unless considerable attention is given to his political theory. Far from being of peripheral significance to his sociology, Durkheim's political thought has an important role in his ideas. Durkheim's political liberalism and his sociological defence of republicanism played a major role in the promotion of his own academic career, and in facilitating the rise of sociology as a recognised discipline in the French academic system.

Although in general terms there is a close relationship between men's work and out-of-work life, the exact nature of this relationship varies enormously. A number of possible work/ leisure relationships have been suggested and described.' One recently described case occurs where people attempt to enforce a thorough separation of their work and leisure lives. An entirely different type of work/leisure relationship is represents ed by the occupational community, in which work relationships, activities, interests and values permeate people's out of -work lives. Instead of separating their work and leisure friends and activities, members of occupational communities display a remarkable fusion of their work and leisure lives. Because of limitations of time and finance it was not possible in the research to test rigorously the propositions set out in the earlier article. Rather the investigation should be seen as a large-scale pilot study into one type work/leisure relationship. The data on the components of these two communities will be set out under the three headings described in the previous article: self-image, values and associations.

In a study of the extent to which 'embourgeoisement' was taking place among affluent manual workers the conclusion was reached that their images of society rested predominantly on 'money models'. The answers given to a further question asked, however, give a somewhat different impression. The whole research area of occupational ranking and the perception of class structure is notorious for the extent to which marked differences are found between answers given to questions that, superficially, differ very little. In the study two questions were asked sample of affluent manual workers, and a of routine white-collar workers, perceived general and the relative standing of certain on the ways in which a small comparison group the class structure in particular occupations. The general principle adopted was that the answers should be classified in terms of the degree to which their rankings corresponded to an orthodox status ordering of the occupations; a financial ordering was by no means the only unorthodox one actually found.

This article examines current practices in sociology and anthropology concerned with analyzing social structures as meaningful human products, and will consider in particular the work of the phenomenologists and ethnoscientists. The human sciences are not purged of common-sense rationalities by virtue of their scientism. Models of man are to be found informing much theoretical work, and debates about appropriate assumptions still consume space in the journals. Further, as sociological models have generally neglected or assumed away common-sense situations of practical choice in everyday life, and the issue of how such situations are managed, they are all implicated in implicit reification. The search to break out of this reifying model-construction has taken two distinct directions. The first is concerned with seeking out definitive answers to the epistemologically posed 'problem of meaning', the second with focusing upon formal structures of practical actions. Clearly the notion that one can discern a realm that could be called a culture's or natives' cognitive system, is akin to the old idea that language has an existence 'out there', fundamentally independent of its myriad usages, contexts, and criteria of applicability, all of which are abused, debated and so on at some stage of the conduct of everyday life.

The first two sections of this paper deal with the teaching of sociology as an academic discipline in the United Arab Republic and with its place outside the universities; the third presents an impressionistic evaluation and offers some data about sociology in Egypt which are relatively unknown in the non-Arab world. While some Egyptian sociologists in their nationalistic zeal would maintain that Egypt is the first country in the world where sociology was ever taught, it is certain that it was taught and cultivated from the foundation of Cairo University at the beginning of this century. In addition there are sociology courses in the curricula of the Faculties of Agriculture, in the colleges of education, the intermediate and higher institutes for social work, and in a number of faculties in Al-Azhar University as well as in the girls' college. At Alexandria University sociology is taught in the Department of Philosophical and Sociological Studies, which offers a combined B.A. degree in philosophy and sociology. After the B.A. the students can choose to work for an MA. degree in one of these disciplines; and for students of sociology two roads are open.

The on "A Sociological Analysis of Students' Reasons for Becoming Teachers" is thought-provoking. It opens up a distant prospect of being able to construct a questionnaire from which a profile or profiles of some prognostic value might emerge to help us to select students on a more rigorous basis. The object of this note is not to pursue this particular theme, however, but to question certain suppositions made in the present enquiry. At this time there is much discussion about the future of Colleges of Education, whether they should remain monotechnic, whether they should broaden their range of activity to include preparation for other careers in the social services, whether they might become liberal arts colleges, and so on. It is at least worth asking whether this kind of thinking is present now in the minds of some of those applying for entry to the colleges and whether, perhaps, it has not been present for some years among those who enter the colleges having failed to gain a place at a university.

Human reproductive behaviour, like other types of social behaviour, is a complex of many factors. In order to reduce the bewilderment resulting from the complexity of human behaviour, the analyst often holds some of the factors constant or overlooks them, and in so doing he usually does not provide an account of what the real situation will be when all the diverse factors that have been excluded are simultaneously in play. In other words, although the exclusion of certain variables may be statistically expedient, it is not sociologically enlightening. For there are some seemingly minor and accidental factors which sometimes have far-reaching practical importance. It is, therefore, futile to attempt to find a particular social factor which can be labelled as the cause of any social phenomenon. The fact is that there is a two-way relationship between social factors. This is also true of the relationship between socio-cultural factors and population. Consequently, causal explanation on the basis of a single factor or a limited set of specific factors is often a hazardous undertaking.

This article presents information about various books on sociology. Some of the books include: "The Sociology of Art & Literature," edited by M.C. Albrecht, J.H. Barnett, and G. Mason, "People, Planning and Development Studies," edited by R. Apthorpe, "A New Approach to the Measurements of Urbanization," by E. Arriaga, "Embattled Reason: Essays on Social Knowledge," by R. Bendix, "American Bureaucracy," edited by W.G. Bennis, "Approaching Sociology," by M.A. Coulson and D.S. Riddell, "Mental Illness and Civil Liberty," by C. Greenland, "The Blood of a Britishman," by A. Glyn, "Blacks in the United States," edited by N.D. Glenn and C.M. Bonjean, "The Turning Point of Socialism," by M.R. Garaudy, and "The Leaves of Spring," by A. Esterson. Some other books include: "The Psychology of Superstition," by G. Jahoda, "Key Issues in Criminology," by R. Hood and R. Sparks, "Approaches to the Study of Organizational Behaviour," edited by G. Heald, and "Man and Men: Social Psychology As Social Science," by M. Grossack and H. Gardner.

This article is concerned with exploring and delineating a particular type of work/non-work relationship, a type of relationship which, though it has been well illustrated by many studies, has never been thoroughly analysed and discussed: the occupational community. An occupational community represents a particular relationship between men's work and the rest of their lives, a type of relationship which is probably increasingly rare in modern societies. Members of occupational communities are affected by their work in such a way that their non-work lives are permeated by their work relationships, interests and values. In this article an attempt is made, based on a review of many published studies of occupational communities, to list the components and determinants of occupational communities and to suggest a classification of types. It is of considerable interest and importance to investigate those workers who belong to occupational communities and who, by allowing a fusion of their work and non-work lives, present such a marked contrast with workers who separate the two spheres of life.

Sociologists who have turned their minds to the subject of crime have been in the business of invention. They have aimed to invent plausible explanations of the known facts. The greater proportion of the current sociological knowledge about criminal deviance was invented to explain certain known facts about the epidemiology of crime. The best known of these facts the one which has probably been uppermost in the minds of theorists, and hence the one which has been most influential in the development of their theories is that law-violating behavior is negatively related to social class. Since the theories invented by these sociologists have provided the most tenacious paradigms for interpreting criminal behavior, it is surely justifiable to take yet another look at the facts which they were designed to explain. One does this when there are growing doubts about the validity of claims based on inferences drawn from official statistics or from samples of apprehended offenders, and when several recent studies, designed to explore the relationship between social class and delinquency, but measuring the latter by the technique of self-reported infractions and not official apprehension, have produced findings at variance with official statistics.

This article proposes to raise for discussion several fundamental issues in sociological study and to suggest a point of view. The aim is to suggest that at least some radicals in sociology have gone astray on certain anti-sociological and methodological matters. There has been in the past decade an intellectually defensive effort on the part of radicals to justify one or several radical sociologies by adopting the counter-positions to those verbally espoused by orthodox or establishment sociologists in matters relative to the philosophy of social science or methodology. Several themes can be identified: objectivity, value-commitments, criticism, relevance, paradigms, and purposes. A popular argument of non-objectivists is that of various relativist positions: linguistic, cultural and in terms of the sociology of knowledge. The common element in all these positions is that they show correlations between reports of facts and the prior linguistic, cultural or social characteristics of those reporting. A further consideration comes from recent humanist writers often associating their positions with phenomenology. They begin from the subjective experience of freedom and choice, and argue that these experiences remain unaccounted for in an objectivist, causal analysis.

It is the argument of this paper that the sort of sociology that one practises is based upon the nature of the ontological assumptions that one makes implicitly or explicitly. In other words, one's presuppositions as to the essential nature of man's being-in-the-world are utterly crucial to the sociological enterprise in which one is engaged. It can be maintained that contemporary sociology has made one or other of two mistakes. The first alternative has been to operate with a notion of the society-actor relationship in which society is postulated as a superior entity, standing apart, beyond and above the individual actor. The individual experiences his role as pre-given by the environing society and it is one within which he performs, per- haps non-reflectively, in accordance with its prescriptions. Language thus arises out of particular intersubjective processes rather than being simply the outcome of inter- individual imitation. Action is constructed by the individual who is an active interpreter within each social situation. Such construction of action occurs intersubjectively: it arises within and through communication with others.

The role of archival journals in the communication system of science has been recognized as important by many writers.' The nature of the scientific reward system and the ideology of pure science ensures that public communication is central to the social system of science. The two journals considered here were in a sample of thirty-two British social science journals whose editors and referee organizations were discussed in an earlier paper. Their submission and rejection rates were similar to the median rates for the journals, but their age was less than that of the majority. They were both founded within five years of the year whose submissions were studied; such young journals constituted about a third of the journals in the sample. The differences in research area and autonomy affected the nature of the journals' referee systems. The pure discipline journal sent most of its submissions to a regular panel of editorial referees for evaluation and the editor usually accepted their recommendations.

This article describes a study' by a participant observer carried out in 1966 in a new airport in Great Britain. The object was to observe the behavior of the general hands at the airport in relation to the emergence of a social organization. The author worked for a period of twelve weeks as a general hand at a new municipal airport. The old airport serving this particular area had needed replacing and accordingly a new one was planned and developed. The change-over occurred smoothly with the new airport beaconing operational just as the old airport closed down. The system of 'general hands' was a particularly interesting aspect of the new airport's organization. Various methods of municipal airport staffing had been studied by the Airport Director who was responsible for the planning and implementation of a staffing structure. The system adopted meant that the manual workers were organized on the basis that there would be no specific categories of workers; rather that everyone would be utilized in all job categories.

This article describes an attempt to use a sociological framework in the analysis of students' reasons for becoming teachers. In an earlier study,' the student-teachers undergoing training in the Edinburgh area were asked to give their reasons for becoming teachers. The question was open-ended and the students were asked to give as many reasons as they liked. In order to arrive at a more coherent picture of the student-teacher's reasons for becoming a teacher we wished to make a systematic classification of the 58 statements. The approach used in this model can equally well be used for the analysis of sub-system within the social system. The situation the student-teacher faces is seen as such a sub-system; viz, the teaching system. Students differ in many ways in the importance which they attach to their various reasons for becoming teachers. It is likely that, underlying these individual differences for specific reasons, there are general patterns of emphasis. Using this model, the 58 reasons given by the student-teachers in the previous study were examined and an attempt was made to classify them in terms of the four functions.

This article reports a portion of an ongoing study of the social implications attributed by British architects to their work, and attempts to sketch some relevant aspects of the education of recruits to the profession. An analysis of this type presents two major problems: how is the vast body of professional literature to be sampled, and what method of analysis is suited to the material selected and the aims of the study? Although the analysis did not reveal explicitly bow architectural education could convey values to students, it did indicate a consensus about one feature of socialization for this purpose. Tuition in the social sciences-primarily sociology, social anthropology and social psychology-was thought the most likely means of clarifying the methods of reaching the profession's social responsibilities, and of delineating the extent to which this could be done. In addition to regarding social science instruction as a vehicle for formalizing student expectations about the profession's socially orientated goals, architectural educationists appear to consider it necessary to reinforce this process by informal measures.

The article presents a list of books on sociology received by book review editors of the periodical "Sociology Review," as of November 1969. Some of the books are: "Police, Politics and Race," by D.W. Abbort, "Social Interaction," by M. Argyle, "Elements of Sociology," by V. Aubert, "Sociology of Law," edited by V. Aubert, "The Impact of Supreme Court Decisions," edited by T.L. Becker, "Social Change in a Hostile Environment," by A. Ben-Ami, "The Social Reality of Religion," by P.L. Berger, "Social Inequality," edited by A. Beteille, "The Anti-Slavery Movement and Reconstruction, Institute of Race Relation," by C. Bolt, "New Lands and Old Traditions," by W.E. Carter, "Settlement Schemes in Tropical Africa," by R. Chambers, "South-East Asian Journal of Sociology," edited by Choo Thim Heng, "The Negro in Reconstruction," by R. Cruden, "School and Family," by K. Cullen, "The Making of an American Community," by M. Curti, "Land Use and The Constitution of Property," by D.R. Denman and "Biology and Ethics," edited by F.J. Ebling.

The article comments on exchange theory and power in structural analysis. It provides a point of convergence between the competing models and suggests that each is concerned with different aspects of the same phenomenon rather than with differently conceived phenomena. Through consideration of all three models, discussed in the article, therefore, it should be possible to construct a genuine synthesis which places the distinctive contribution of each in its appropriate context. Exchange theory shares some of the concerns of both consensus and conflict models. With the former it is interested in value consensus and exchange between equals, with the latter it is interested in power structures and exchange between unequals. Unfortunately, it is least articulated and elaborated at the macro level and its distinctive contributions to a synthesis are thus hidden. Furthermore, exchange theory has neglected the sources of power and the nature of social structure in its concern with exchange and social process. Power is a generic term for the ability of a given social actor to attain its goals even in the face of opposition from other actors.

The article focuses on sociology and the study of psychiatric disorder. Anyone who seeks to present the case for a sociological approach to the study of psychiatric disorder may be excused for confessing to a certain amount of diffidence on entering on his task. Because psychiatry emerged and developed as a substantive branch of conventional medicine, work in this area has been dominated by models of personality and mental functioning which closely reflect the concepts and practice of physical medicine. Any attempt to apply sociology to the study of psychiatric illness properly demands prior consideration of two related sets of problems. First is the basic and somewhat neglected problem of what conception sociologists hold of human nature and the framework one should adopt for viewing the relationship between the individual and society. The second is an issue stemming from methodological considerations: the development of sociological theory shows a recurring preoccupation with the subject of verification, which demonstrates the difficulty of developing a theory which is both sociologically relevant and at the same time amenable to empirical testing, a fact discernible in the long-standing ambivalence of the relationship between sociology and positivism.

This article provides a theoretical basis for a case study of the production of a particular television series. Social scientists working in the field of mass communication have been almost exclusively preoccupied with questions about the audience of the media. This article is based on the premise that this type of investigation should be complemented with an analysis of the structure and process of media production itself, so as to establish how it is that the audience is provided with one type of media output rather than another. Much work in the field of the sociology of art has analyzed the artistic and cultural production of an age to demonstrate a relationship between artistic expression and the structure and dynamics of the contemporary society. Television production is distinguishable from other forms of production, artistic and technological, not only in terms of the systems of organization and types of technology but also in the way in which individuals are involved in the production process and its technical requirements. In the course of the production of a single programme or a programme series a variety of individuals will become involved. Some will be involved quite briefly and peripherally while others will be working on the programme throughout the process.

Presents an introduction to the March 1, 1969 issue of the journal "The Sociological Review."

The article focuses on the sociological movement at the turn of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, founding and early history of "The Sociological Society" and with the beginnings of sociology as an academic subject. Certainly the sociological movement had something very close to a common working doctrine. Put in its simplest form, this doctrine held sociological investigation to require a prior or parallel examination of man's biological evolution. Emphases were differently placed, but very few sociologists could avoid a concern with the historical evolution of human nature, with man's adaptation to the conditions of existence and with the role of natural laws and biological mechanisms in social activities. The Sociological Society, at least for some of its founding members, was an institution to emancipate sociological science from the over-sight of academic economists and British anthropologists. In the language of the day, both eugenics and civics had become conflicting and dispersive specialisms. It had simply not been possible to create a unified sociology to be taught at University. Most courses in sociology founded at this time were intended to train people for social work.

Present a list of book received by the editorial staff of the British journal “The Sociological Review,” as of publication of the July 1968 issue. “Studies in Sociology,” edited by M. C. Albrecht; “Magazines Teenagers Read,” by C. Alderson.

The writings of Talcott Parsons have excited great admiration among many of his fellow academics, and aroused the intense hostility of many others; but even his adversaries admit his remarkable pre-eminence in contemporary sociological theory. On the other hand, his admirers do not deny that his thought is extremely complex and its expression often highly obscure. Parsons, then, has produced a body of work which is important, difficult, and controversial; a body of work which therefore calls for sustained and rigorous analysis. The present essay is an attempt to come to grips with the crucial theoretical problems of the Parsonian system. It focuses on one of the key elements of Parsons' conceptual scheme, the four so-called system-problems, or functional prerequisites of social systems, and the four functional sub-systems associated with these prerequisites.

The sociology of knowledge suffers from a discrepancy between profound theoretical significance and inadequate empirical exploration. An understanding of the development of British management thought demands reference to the theoretical perspective of the sociology of knowledge. At the same time, despite the problems of handling historical data, the progress of this system of thought provides a useful empirical case-study in the light of which certain theoretical questions might be reviewed. These considerations determine the broad purpose and framework of this paper. Its first main section briefly reviews the overall developmental cycle of British management thought. The second analyzed the social functions of the content of management thought, and examines factors influencing that content at different points in time. The final section considers the acceptance enjoyed by management thought among those it was intended to assist and represent. Throughout the paper, emphasis is on the social context of British management thought rather than on its epistemological status, although these two facets are not entirely separable.

The article presents the list of the books on the sociology. Some of the names of the books are "The Development of British Industry and Foreign Competition," edited by D.H. Aldcroft, "Philosophy and Politics," by A.J. Ayer, "The Penal Press," by R.N. Baird, "Race Relations," by M. Banton, "Sex Slavery: A Documentary Report on the International Scene Today," by S. Barley, "Stochastic Models for Social Processes," by D.J. Bartholomew, "The Political Context of Sociology," by L. Bramson, "Thinking about Young People," by J. Brennan, "Housing on Trial: A Study of Immigrants and Local Government," by E. Burney, Student Residence: A New Approach at the University of Essex, Society for Research into Higher Education," by M. Clossick, "The Enforcement of Morals," by P. Devlin, "Comparative Political Development," by G. L. Field, "Studies in Philosophy Politics and Economics," by F.A. Hayek, and "Systems of Organization: The Control of Task and Sentient Boundaries," by E.J. Miller and A.K. Rice.

The article focuses on the November 1967 edition of the Sociological Review, in which there appeared two papers on occupational choice. One was a criticism of this article's author, and the other by sociologists J. Ford and S. Box contained the formulation of a specific theory backed by empirical work. The aim of this article is to answer the main arguments of the critique and thus make possible the synthesis of Ford and Box's work. Their approach to the problem of the choice of occupation is through exchange theory, concentrating on the actual choice situation. They specifically believe that the individual is seen as attempting to realize occupational values in his choice of employment location. For a general theory of occupational choice in their view it is sufficient to take occupational values as given. In one sense this is true, but for many reasons an explanation may be wanted of how these values were learnt. For example, a sociologist of education or a schoolteacher may be concerned with the links between the family or educational institutions and the economy.

The article presents a list of books on sociology, received by book review editors of the journal The Sociology Review, as of November 1967. Some of the books included in the list are: "The Industrial Society: Three Essays on Ideology and Development," by R. Aron, "The Political Organization of Unyamwezi," by R.G. Abrahams, "Return Migration to Puerto Rico," by J.H. Alvarez, "Trade Union Growth and Recognition," by G.S. bain, "Winchester and the Public School Elite: A Statistical Analysis," by T.J.H. Bishop and R. Wilkinson, "Parental Control, Delayed Marriage, and Population Policy," by J. Blake, "The Trade Union and the Common Weal," by H.P. Brown, "Patients and their Doctors: A Study of General Practice," by A. Cartwright, "Pressure Groups and Political Culture: A Comparative Study," by F.G. Castles, "Scientific Principles and Moral Conduct," by J.B. Conant, "Marital Tensions: Clinical Studies towards a Psychological Theory of Interaction," by H.V. Dicks, "The Hicksite Separation: A Sociological Analysis of Religious Schism in Early Nineteenth Century America," by R.W. Doherty.

The article presents a list of books on sociology. Some of the books included in the list are, "Social Development," by A. Arnon and B.F. Hoselitz; "The Protestant Establishment: Aristocracy & Caste in America," by E.D. Baltzell; "Roles: An Introduction to the Study of Social Relations," by M. Banton; "Saints and Fireworks: Religion and Politics in Rural Malta," by J. Boissevan; "The Family Economy of the Working Classes in the Cotton Industry, 1784-1833," by F. Collier; "Analytical Philosophy of History," by A.C. Danto; " "Models of Change and Response Uncertainty," by J.S. Coleman; "An Introduction to Russian for Social Studies," by A. Dressler; "Changing the Lawbreaker: The Treatment of Delinquents and Criminals," by D.C. Gibbons; "Criminology in Transition, Essays in Honour of Hermann Mannheim," edited by T. Grygier, H. Jones and J.C. Spencer; "Government Planning versus Economic Growth," by H. Hazlitt; "The Sociology of Film Art," by G.A. Huaco; and "The Ideas in Barotse Jurisprudence," by M. Gluckman.

The article focuses on membership composition of the British Humanist Association. In 1962 a study was commenced of that section of the population of Great Britain which consciously identifies itself as non-religious. The initial aim of this article was to discover the salient features of the membership composition of the organizations. A further stage of the project is concerned with an investigation into the beliefs and attitudes of the memberships. The article presents the results of the first stage of this project as they concern the British Humanist Association. The British Humanist Association was formed in May 1963 and represents the common front of two older organizations, the Rationalist Press Association Limited, founded in 1899 and the Ethical Union, founded in 1896. The British Humanist Association automatically entitles one to full membership of both the sponsoring bodies. The majority experienced secondary education at a grammar or public school and stayed on after the statutory school leaving age. The majority also received further education, just under half having attended either a university or teacher-training college.