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Throughout this paper a certain view of theology is assumed, and it seems desirable therefore to begin by an endeavor to state it clearly in a way, which it is hoped, will meet with very general agreement. It does not claim to be a complete view, but it endeavors to bring forward that aspect of theology, which makes a closer union between theologians and sociologists possible and indeed urgent. And in the first place it should be mentioned that by theology is meant Christian doctrine, any other religious philosophy being differently named. Theology, then, is taken to be! in the first place an interpretation of life by its highest and fullest perfection, unified as God. Theology postulates Christ as the perpetual image of God manifested in the world, but realized in fullness in "The Son of Man." In this way people have a working conception of the nature of God. This divine humanity summed up in Christ, is further exemplified by certain persons called the saints, more or less approximating to the ideal type. All Christians are "called to be saints."

An unusual type of paper is under the title "The Need for Asylum Reform." That title expresses the purpose that moved sociologist H.S. Liveing to write the paper and seek publicity for it. But the proper channels for such publicity were found to be closed. In printing here the larger part of Mrs. Liveing's paper, authors may possibly hope for some slight effect on the movement towards Asylum Reform. But for the sociologist, experiences, such as are here offered, have a theoretical value, as "pointer facts." These mental observations bear significantly on those problems of inner disharmonies, or "endo-psychic conflicts," which have been brought to the front, and are being pressed home by the psychoanalytic school. The suggestion is that the sociologist should read Liveing's paper as evidence of certain environmental factors apt to be minimized, or even overlooked, in a purely psychological analysis of mental disintegration. Accepting the psychoanalysis' account of inner conflict as failure of the mind to integrate its own experience of life, the sociologist pleads for a fuller social analysis of the milieu, which makes up and constitutes the external half of the inner process. In particular he demands a fuller investigation, and heavier weighting, of the part played by the distracting urban milieu in maintaining, aggravating, and even originating, the mental conflicts which psychological abstraction is perhaps too much disposed to trace backwards into infantile impressions within the family circle.

This article focuses on the writings of John S. Stuart-Glennie, a famous historian and sociologist. Stuart-Glennie was educated at the Grammar School and the University of Aberdeen and at the University of Bonn. After graduating, he traveled widely in Europe and America, was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple, and practised in the court of his kinsman, the Vice-Chancellor Sir John Stuart. A nearer way of understanding his work and aims is by taking some of his early books and papers. Of these one of the earliest, his "Arthurian Scotland: Topographical and Traditional Evidences of the Historical Origin of Arthurian Romance"-though often little considered by the specialists in Arthurian romance, owes this neglect not a little to their deficiency on the side on which he was so strong-the side, namely, of concrete geographical research, of utilization and interpretation of the local traditions. Another interesting presentment of his work, is afforded by such a paper as his "Roman Origins and History," in the Proceedings of the British and American Archaeological Society of Rome, 1907.

The article pays tribute to Scottish sociologist, professor and urban planner Sir Patrick Geddes. Modern events in Jewish life brought him confirmation of his general sociological principles. That the Jewish people in Palestine had turned to the soil as the foundation of the National Home made a tremendous appeal to him and that, at the moment when this effort was being successfully begun, the Jewish people should found their University on Mount Scopus, stirred his imagination, his realisation of that essential unity for which the Jewish people had striven throughout history. This idea dominated Geddes during these weeks of fecundation, and it was this idea that found expression in his design of the Great Hall that he planned for the University. In the first rough sketches that Geddes put on paper after the two weeks of seemingly sunless perambulation this concept at once took shape. Though Geddes modified it in detail in accordance with his detailed study of the building!land available and the nature of the site, the central idea--the University as an expression of the unity for which Israel had striven--remains the characteristic feature of his magnificent design for the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

The article focuses on sociologist Emile Durkheim. The death of Durkheim has a peculiarly melancholy interest for the Sociological Society. The second of two papers he promised at the inception of the society remains unwritten. The first appeared in the printed volume of the society's transactions in 1905. It was a paper dealing with "Method in the Social Sciences," and from that standpoint made a survey of the whole sociological field. As the years rolled on Durkheim's busy life became more and more filled with the activities, not only of the thinker and the teacher, but also with those of the active citizen.

This paper was originally planned as an abstract of the introduction to a book on the coordination of the social sciences. It was written out in its present form as a contribution to the discussions at the conference on the same topic, held at Oxford, England, in October 1922. Unfortunately it arrived just too late for use at the conference; but it was kept in hand. The task of preparing the paper for the printer has not been altogether easy; for the author is now in India, and it has been impossible to consult him on a number of points, some of them important. The author has not hesitated to make slight changes in choice and order of words, and arrangement of matter, where he seemed to see clearly that improvement was possible. In some other respects slight changes have been necessary to meet printing difficulties. The author trusts, however, that the ideas, which the author is earnest to place before his readers, have in no way been obscured by these changes. It is impossible to foretell how far a contribution on such original lines will have authority with the sociologists of to-day.

Anthropologists have begun to realize the importance of demographic data for their inquiries, especially in the study of primitive economics. But the knowledge of primitive population structures is most inadequate. In the case of Africa, official statistics are of little help. Thus anthropologists have had to be their own demographers, in however rough-and-ready a fashion. From the demographer's point of view such amateur investigations have serious defects. As sociologists Enid Charles and C. Daryll Forde point out in a paper analyzing some population data from the village of Umor in Southeastern Nigeria, an anthropologist's demographic data. are usually derived from an unofficial census limited to a single occasion. Their reliability is further, limited by the smallness of the samples and the difficulty of ascertaining exact ages, or birth and mortality rates. The data leave little doubt that the Tallensi have been maintaining their numbers during the past fifty years or so, and have probably been increasing moderately. The data show, also, that other things remaining equal, the provision of medical add hygienic services that would rapidly reduce the mortality rates would lead to a rapid increase of population on a considerable scale. Unless the present very low level of food production is simultaneously raised or other economic outlets than the native subsistence farming are provided, a rapid reduction in mortality rates in this area would soon produce a crisis of over-population.

The article presents the annual report of the Sociological Society for the year 1923-24. During this period a meeting of the society was held in the autumn term in 1923, that included a course of lectures on "The Bearing of Psycho-Analysis upon Sociological Problems." Also one ordinary meeting was held during the autumn term on October 31, 1923, at which sociologist Flinders Petrie delivered an address on "The Growth and Decay of Communities." A meeting was held on November 28, 1923 for which the secretary of the Sociological Society and the manager of Sociological Publications Ltd. were jointly responsible. Writer Huntly Carter read a paper to a large audience on "The New Theatre in Soviet Russia: Its Conception, Organisation and Work," illustrated by lantern slides. The Social Psychology Group of the Sociological Society has continued its work during the period under consideration. A short questionnaire, suitable for wide distribution, has now been drawn up, in addition to the longer one previously used for the more intensive study of family conditions.

Professor William I. Thomas, formerly of the University of Chicago, Illinois, is regarded by many as the most original and erudite of American psychological sociologists. Certainly no one excels him for mastery of the subject or for a firm command of the auxiliary sciences essential to the successful exploitation of the field of psychological sociology. It is generally conceded that no other American sociologist approaches him with respect to knowledge of the facts and literature of ethnography and primitive culture. Unfortunately, Thomas has confined his systematic exposition of psychological sociology to his university lectures, which have not yet been published. His written contributions to this subject are, then, few and relatively fragmentary. In a notable paper read before the Congress of Arts and Sciences at St. Louis, Missouri, in 1904, he presented his views on the province of social psychology, indicating its importance to the social scientist. He held that social psychology is "an extension of individual psychology to the phenomena of collective life," and suggested some of the chief problems with which it should concern itself.

The article presents information about the conference of the Regional Association which took place in the Easter Vacation, being organized in conjunction with the Outlook Tower in Edinburgh, Scotland. The association has for aim the promotion of the study of regions and their communities and the civic and educational application of the results of such study. Its conferences invites attention from the sociologist, as an endeavor to correlate the particular interests and researches of many students and workers by applying them to the study of one region after another, each region in which the conference is held being taken as the social unit for observation and study. That increasing numbers are seeking in these regional methods a way out of the growing complexity, multitude and confusion of educational and social problems, is clear from the nature and diversity-in-unity of the papers and lectures which in this Edinburgh meeting were successfully arranged, to quote the aims of the association, to yield a concrete and unified view of the interplay between man and his environment, as exemplified in a capital city, at once historic and modern.

This article discusses the concept of psychoanalysis and the study of political science. The study of political institutions and of political ethics is sometimes assumed to be the study of political science. Psycho-analytical research has as yet little influenced the study of history and while lip service is paid to it by sociologists and political thinkers, little effective work has been done by these persons to incorporate its discoveries in their work. The anthropologists have on the other hand obviously been more beholden to modern psychological work. Yet the psychoanalysts themselves have not been unaware of the importance of their work alike to historians, to sociologists, and to political thinkers. While the psychoanalysts have turned their attention to historical and sociological problems, it is difficult for workers in these fields to obtain an insight into psychoanalytical theory since so much of the material is scattered in collected papers, in journals, and in works written for practicing psychotherapists and doctors. Psychoanalysis is par excellence the science concerned with individuals and therefore the concern of sociologists and the historian, but above all of the political scientist.

There was a dramatic turning point in the sociological career of Leonard Hobhouse. It occurred about the close of the first decade of his tenure of the Martin White Chair. But before speaking of that, something must be said as to how Hobhouse came into the sociological movement. His passage from the Oxford tradition of political philosophy, and the somewhat arid field of Teutonic epistemology, marked by the publication in 1901 of the book "Mind in Evolution," was no doubt deflected in a more sociological direction during the following years, when preparations were being made for the public launching of the Sociological Society in 1903. A public meeting was held in June, 1903, for considering ways and means to launch the projected Society, Hobhouse warmly seconded a resolution, moved by sociologist Oscar Browning, for the appointment of a committee to formulate the scope and aims of the Society and to draft its constitution. Hobhouse became an active member of the formative committee whose Report, having been accepted without amendment at the first general meeting of members, may be taken as the substantive basis of the sociological movement in Great Britain.

This section highlights the seventh Congress of the German Sociologists held in September 27, 1930. The event was opened in the presence of two Ministers who addressed the assembly officially. Two professional sociologists are members of the Prussian Government: Doctor Grimme, Minister of Fine Arts and Science, a disciple of the late Max Scheler and a religious socialist, and Professor Waentig, the Home Secretary of Prussia, who is the editor of a German translation and glossary of Ricardo's Principles. Having honored the deceased members of the previous year in a short memorial speech, the Doyen of German Sociology, Ferdinand Tönnies, introduced the first speaker, Professor Brinkmann of the University of Heidelberg. The topic of the day was: Press and Public Opinion. In a sociological critique of the great power 'The Press,' Brinkmann examined the way in which big capital and the highly developed technique are influencing the particular purpose of the Press: the News Service. The importance of certain methods and techniques is obvious in the workings of the managing apparatus with its specific laws; they have a certain neutrality, which is dictated by the actual ruler of the Press: its reader. For the big papers find it necessary to obtain a big market among the masses, and in order to reach more and more classes of readers, who are not at all politically interested,all debatable subjects are gradually excluded from publication.

Sociologist C.H. Cooley's greatest contribution to sociological methodology is to be found in the article "The Roots of Social Knowledge," published in the July 1926 issue of the Journal of Sociology. In this research paper he shows definitely and once for all the great differences between the social and the physical sciences and the inadequacy of the method of the latter for the former; he also vindicates the right of the social sciences to be called sciences, even though their method is very different from that of the physical sciences. He points out that the distinctive trait of spatial knowledge is that it is mensurative, that of social knowledge is, that it is dramatic. As the former depends upon distinctions among our sensations of material objects, the latter is based ultimately upon perceptions of the intercommunicating behaviour of men and the experience of the processes of mind that go with it. Hence knowledge is both behaviouristic and sympathetic. Cooley believed, however, that fundamental agreement upon meanings in sociology can be made more precise by the careful use of language and thus transmission and accumulation of social knowledge exact enough for practical purposes is possible.

The article focuses on Scottish sociologist, professor and urban planner Patrick Geddes. The influence of Patrick Geddes on the early days of the Workers' Education Association (WEA) was not merely as a refreshing breeze, but as a wind of inspiration. The author remembers Geddes coming in and sketching on a large sheet of paper one of his wonderful diagrams, showing the inter-relation of things, much as branches are inter-related to the trunk of a tree. When he came to Ilford, England, to help inaugurate the W.E.A branch, he poured forth a stream of ideas in his eloquent manner, and the local reporter, who had great pride in his skill, was most indignant because the Professor raced, as it were, past him.

This article provides the author's view concerning the relation between sociology and psychology. I use the term psychology for the science which deals with mental phenomena, conscious and unconscious. Passing now to the meaning I attach to the term sociology, the first point to notice is that just as it is possible to describe any of our daily actions as individuals without any reference to the motives which prompt these actions, so is it possible to describe the actions of human beings as members of society without reference to motives. It will, I trust, have become evident that the distinction I seek to make between sociology and social psychology is essentially one of method. To me, as to most students of the subject, the final aim of the study of society is the explanation of social behaviour in terms of psychology. The other reason which justifies the sociologist in using psychological terms in his definitions is that the sociologist has taken into his vocabulary a number of terms in general use which have definite psychological implications. It is evident that the logical processes involved in this study of social behaviour as a step towards the discovery of psychological laws is far from simple.

The article discusses the application of the concept of survival in the science of sociology. A custom is to be regarded as a survival if its nature cannot be explained by its present utility but only becomes intelligible through its best history. The idea of survival still holds good whether human institutions have come into existence by a simple process of evolution, whether they have been the outcome of the blending of peoples, or whether there has been a combination of the two processes. There must be psychological processes of some kind underlying the continuity of human activity shown in survivals, and chief among these is that mental disposition which is called conservatism. The proper task of the sociologist is the study of the correlation of social phenomena with other social antecedents, and only when this has been done, or at any rate when this process has made far greater advances than at present, will it be profitable to endeavor to explain the course of social life by psychological processes. This view of sociology may be expressed in another way by saying that sociology ought to be treated as one of the historical sciences in the sense in which geology is a historical science.

The article focuses on the life of the sociologist, Montagu David Eder. With the death of Eder on March 30, 1936 there has been a loss of its earliest and most distinguished members, social science thinker, investigator of rare gifts and a person with a breadth of vision. Of the great value of his contributions to psychopathology, the medical and psychological journals have borne witness. He was one of the first in England to practice psychoanalysis and he did heroic work in spreading the knowledge of this discipline not only among medical men, but among a wider public.

The article discusses activities of the Le Play House sociological society as of April 1932. The Institute of Sociology has been cooperating in the work of the British National Committee which is responsible for arrangements in Great Britain in connection with this important conference. The preliminary studies have been organized with the assistance of the Institute, which is also responsible for the travel and accommodation arrangements for the British delegation. On 1st February, at Le Play House, the first of the monthly discussion meetings was addressed by professor C.M. Skepper, London School of Economics, on the topic "The History of the Family in England." On March 4th, at Le Play House, Dr. Prynce Hopkins, University College, London, gave an address on the topic "Psychology of the Family." The article further gives a preview of the Second International Conference on Social Work, to be held in Frankfort and about the 1932 Easter Meeting for Field Study, which was held at Norwich.

The author's contribution to the Conference on the Correlation of the Social Sciences must be rather a supplement to a sociologists paper on Anthropology than an original contribution. There are, in the author's view, principles of human law as implicit in the manifestations of human consciousness as the principles formulated by Newton and Mendel are implicit respectively in the manifestations of all inorganic and organic matter. It is difficult to test the a "priori" laws of motion, test in any ultimate fashion. For most minds it is sufficient to see that in an apparently Euclidean space the Newtonian laws are apparently obeyed. It may be that those laws have not universal application. it may be that the space about which they are accustomed to reason is a mirage after all, a fleeting vision of some nobler non-Euclidean reality of which Time is the fourth dimension. Yet it would be idle to deny that already they are in a position to arrive at some approximate foundation of laws. The Law of Nature as it is called, has, through many centuries been detected, by jurists and judges as operating in the manifestations of human law. A dominant tendency of the individual man is to strive so to regulate the group to which he belongs as to afford to the group and therefore to the individual a maximum protection from the environment.

Presents the poem "Victor Branford."

This article provides information on the International Sociological Association's World Congress of Sociologists to be held in Zurich, Switzerland from September 4 to September 9, 1950. This is in cooperation with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Decision to hold this Congress was taken at a preliminary meeting in Oslo, Norway, in September 1949, at which the International Sociological Association was organized and in which representatives of twenty-two countries participated. The holding of the World Congress of Sociologists has been arranged to take place simultaneously with the meeting of the International Sociological Association. Whereas the program of the World Congress will be devoted primarily to scientific discussions of sociological problems of common concern, the meeting of the council and the executive committee of the International Sociological Association will be concerned in large part with the perfection of the organization established in Oslo, the election of an executive committee and officers to replace the provisional executive committee and officers elected at Oslo, the reports of committees and the consideration of a program. The general theme of the World Congress is Sociological Research in its Bearing on International relations. The aim of the Congress is to re-establish professional contacts among sociologists of various countries of the world and to explore and advance the potential contributions of sociology to the objectives of world understanding and world integration.

The article describes the works of sociologist Herbert Spencer. Spencer made a collection of facts which were so valuable, that he determined to add to them and publish them in the classified form in which he himself used them, in order that they might serve as raw material for other worker, in the sociological field. It is well known also, that after expending fourteen years' labour and losing 3,250 pounds on the "Descriptive Sociology," he was obliged to abandon this colossal undertaking. Unfortunately the fact that he left his fortune in trust for the continuance of the work is not so well known; and Volumes IX and X, which were brought out last year, escaped the notice of even well informed sociologists. And yet, prepared under the careful and efficient editorship of Spencer's friend and co-worker, Mr. Henry Tedder, they ought to have commanded attention through the length and breadth of the realm of sociological knowledge. Volume X, which treats of China, deserves both study and admiration.

The article presents information on "The Times Survey Atlas of the World." Maps are essential to the sociologist. In their science they take the place occupied in biology by drawing of microscopic sections. The sociologist needs maps of many kinds. He must, like other students, have maps which give up-to-date political and economic facts. He must have maps containing as many place names as possible. Most of all, he needs maps showing the natural conditions which shape social life in every part of the world. The Times Survey Atlas of the World can help the sociologist in all these respects. It contains hundred and twelve new double page plates. These are based upon several hundred thousand original survey sheets of all parts of the world. For the first time in a World Atlas a uniform system of orographical coloring has been adopted for the representation of physical relief. Every map is printed in at least five colors, showing heights and depths with absolute precision. All the changes wrought by the War and the Peace Treaty are embodied, as well as the latest results of geographical discovery.

The article discusses various issues related to the progress and decay in ancient and modern civilization. Of all the changes that the 20th century has brought, none goes deeper than the disappearance of that unquestioning faith in the future and the absolute value of the civilization, which was the dominant note of the 19th century. That age was as full of war and revolution as any century has ever been, but reformers and rebels alike, from the time of the French Revolution, all had a robust faith in the inevitable victory of the forces of enlightenment and in the coming reign of the great abstractions: Humanity, Liberty and Progress. They were all of them good Europeans with an immense belief in the European idea. To their contemporaries they may have seemed dangerous and disquieting, but their ideas were of the same fundamental optimism, as those of the bourgeois Liberals. The essential need of the civilization is a recovery of these lost contacts, a return to the sources of life. A hundred years ago sociologist Auguste Comte realized the dangers of European disintegration and the need for the recreation of a positive social order, based on the European culture-tradition. The methods supplement one another since every society has two kinds of roots in place and time, in the natural life of the region, and in the tradition of the culture.

The article presents the annual report of the Sociological Society that was presented by the Council to the Annual General Meeting on July 10, 1923. The Council of the Sociological Society has to record that the year 1922-23 has witnessed a period of considerable activity. The usual number of meetings has been held, and have been well attended, a Conference on "The Correlation of the Social Sciences" was held in Oxford, England, last autumn, which attracted some attention in the U.S. and France, as well as in Great Britain. The Social Psychology Group has had a satisfactory year in pursuit of its investigation into the Modern Family.

In this article the author describes every man as his own sociologist. The books of sociology used to speak more of family, tribe, nation, empire, civilization. Nowadays they speak rather of groups, associations and the State. But in either case too many of their observations and records were and are made without definite reference to time and place. Thus the historic School of Montesquieu and Buckle, forgetting rustic labour (an easy omission of well-to-do townsmen), emphasize climate as the main determinant of race and civilization. The school of Karl Marx, forgetting the natural conditions of place (again an easy omission for readers in town libraries), insist on the all-importance of labor. Because it combines the two half-truths in these rival schools of thought, the tradition of Frederic Leplay is of first-rate aid in building up a social science at once objective, detached, verifiable. In short with Leplay, one enters in sociology in direct-continuity with the more established sciences.

This article aims to gather and express some of the underlying social conceptions which would seem, consciously or unconsciously, to have influenced the general design, arrangement and scope of the Arts and Crafts Exhibition. This exhibition definitely marks the passage of the movement into a more civic phase. The first place in the exhibition proper is occupied by the Retrospective Room. After the Textile Room the exhibition divides into two of different type. On the left is an exhibition of the old and passing type, on the right one of the new and coming type. The sociologist might, if consulted, venture to suggest that to attain such an end the craftsman should somewhat enlarge his training as at present understood. In the great times of craftsmanship the craftsmen had both the general education and the comprehensive technical training. The materialism of the recent past is tending to disappear and to make way for the desire that all the sacrifice of blood and treasure shall end only in some real gain to humanity, some steps towards the setting up of the Kingdom of Heaven on earth.

The article presents a historical interpretation of the war. The main source of the social heritage of the nations of Western Europe is that earlier civilization that grew up around the Mediterranean, and was carried beyond the Alps by the arms of Rome; and the first great distinction between these nations is derived from the completeness with which that conquest was carried out: whether in fact the barbarians found-as in Gaul, Spain or Italy-a completely Romanised province, on whose institutions and way of life their own was merely superimposed, or whether, as in Britain, they entered a province already abandoned by the Romans, or, as in North Germany, there existed a people that had never suffered the Roman yoke. From the time of Montesquieu there has been a general agreement among the best sociologists that the influence of the material environment decreases with the development of civilization. While in the earlier stages, the environment, especially as it controls the prevailing forms of industry, shapes the general character and the main institutions of society, in later stages the prevailing determinant is the social heritage.

The article presents reply from the author on the discussion on his article related to Scientific Management. Various sociologists agree with the author that Scientific Management is bound to become general in time, and that it is the business "to study how to turn it to the best use of the community." They also agree that specialization will be carried much further than it has been in the past, and one result will be that the work that skilled men used to do will be given over to semi-skilled or unskilled men. On the other hand, the skilled men tend to be absorbed in the ranks of inspectors, machine-setters and time-study men. One must remember that the trained skill and initiative, which distinguishes an artisan from an unskilled laborer, has a money value, and under Scientific Management this capital passes away from the workman to the management. Other sociologists emphasize another important point that must be kept in mind. Excessive labor and other damages to workers may in some cases be profitable to employers.

An interesting and significant feature in the discussion of Scientific Management is the contrast in the conclusions arrived at by the four types of men who have taken part in the discussion. While acknowledging its obvious social advantages, Mr. Hobson's habit of thought leads him to forecast its probable or possible future developments as they affect society, with reference to which he raises two important questions: First, is the social benefit sufficient to outweigh the possible disadvantages of increased specialization? Second, are the methods of Scientific Management compatible with collective bargaining, and therefore with trade unionism? Sociologist Edward Cadbury, a practical and highly successful manufacturer, with a humanistic point of view, is bound to admit the industrial advantages of Scientific Management, but tends to the belief that the system at work in his own plant, developed by him through years of experiment, has all the advantages and none of what seem to him to be the disadvantages of the F.W. Taylor system.

This article recounts the effort of Pierre Guillaume Frederic Le Play in organizing an industrial product exhibition in Paris, France in 1854 and 1855. An Imperial Commission was appointed by the French government to make the necessary arrangements and Le Play occupied a seat upon it. In August, 1854, only a few months before the date fixed for the opening of the industrial product exhibition, the Imperial Commission was superseded. The preparations were pushed on with vigor and Le Play himself worked with untiring energy. The threatened fiasco was averted, and the second Great Exhibition was triumphantly opened early in May 1855. The Exhibition which had come so near to failure proved a brilliant success.

This article focuses on the works of French sociologist Pierre Guillaume Frédéric Le Play. In 1855, Le Play published the first edition of "Les Ouvriers Européens," a set of family studies, including budgets showing the receipts and expenditure of a large number of typical working-class families of different nationalities. It represented the result of twenty-five years of study and travel. The second edition, published between 1877 and 1879, brought out more clearly the significance of his observations, by applying the principle of evolution to human societies.

This article focuses on the life of sociologist Frederic William Maitland. Frederic the grandson of Samuel Maitland, a historian of the Dark Ages who was famous a hundred years ago, was born in 1850 and died at the end of 1906. Educated at Eton and at Trinity College, Cambridge, he was called to the bar in 1876; but devoting himself to the study of law rather than its practice, he came back to Cambridge in 1884 as Reader of English Law, and in 1888 he was elected Downing Professor of the Laws of England. In the twenty-two years of his teaching and writing in Cambridge, from the age of 34 to the age of 56, he achieved a volume of work, and accumulated a store of influence, which made him one of the great forces of his generation, and indeed a great force today. He was primarily a lawyer, or, more exactly, a legal historian. But he interpreted law in that broad and generous sense which makes it the general framework of social life. The author thanks Frederic Maitland, with a deep gratitude, for the light he has shed on the social growth of people.

The article defines the scope and relation of a sociological approach to art. The pure historian of art endeavors to treat various manifestations of art in such a way that they can be understood from within. There is a distinction between the artist, the art object and the observer. The kind of society to which an artist belongs determine to some extent the nature of the works of art he comes into contact with. The art-object regarded even independently of its producer is clearly dependent to some extent on the technological development of the society in which it is produced; and serves the social function of a medium of communication or expression. The observer on the other hand, in again a member of society or society as a whole. The task of the sociologist of art is to attempt to discover the principles or laws which underlie the relations of types and variations in the arts with other social manifestation; at a more advanced stage than we have reached at present, to attempt to measure correlations between the arts and other social variables.

In this article the author discusses a more realistic approach to the social synthesis. As an organized body of knowledge with its specialized means of research, sociology has been the latest of the master-sciences to emerge. Of necessity this was so; and for a double reason. In the first place, social phenomena, being the most complex of all, are hardest to arrange and classify in such a way as to distinguish the general and the symptomatic from the particular and the incidental. In the second place, there are the pre-occupations and consequent bias, of interests associated with self, group, class, nation, empire; all of them inimical to the detached observation and verifiability of generalization which science demands. But there is a commonsense method in the gathering, ordering and accumulating of knowledge, which anticipates the substance of science and forecasts the refinements of scientific method. To speak thus, empirically, one may say that sociology is not the youngest of the master-sciences, but perhaps the oldest.

Thorstein Veblen, whose death in California occurred last August, will rightly rank as the most considerable thinker in the field of economics that America has yet produced. His most important work has consisted in rescuing economics from the detached position to which several generations of the classical tradition had relegated it, and treating it in the light of modern psychology and biology, as a section of the science and art of human conduct. For this task he enjoyed two qualifications of particular importance. Born of Norwegian emigrant stock, and reared on a Minnesota farm, when the West was young, he brought that naive curiosity of the intelligent farm-lad to bear upon the rapidly improvised artificialities of city life and work, which has inspired so much of the best thought in American sociology. Veblen is perhaps better regarded as sociologist than as economist. For all his books, from his "Theory of the Leisure Class," in 1899, to his "Absentee Ownership," are based upon an interpretation of history, which, though in a sense dominantly economic, gives an important co-operative place to all the other instincts, interests and activities which go to make up the total life of individuals and societies.

The article presents information on the death of various sociologists. By the death of professor C.H. Cooley, of the University of Michigan, America loses one of its earliest and ablest teachers of sociology. The writer of this note when himself delivering a course at the University of Michigan some twenty years ago, took the opportunity of attending some of Cooley's lectures; and thereby came to appreciate something not only of the penetrative doctrine but also of the reserved, yet vivid personality which made Cooley a source of inspiration to those of his pupils who became teachers of sociology in American Universities. Cooley finds that the primary social values and social attitudes of all men are required in their primary group life, and that much that has been supposed to be hereditary in human behavior is the result of this primary group life. Cooley singled out the family, the neighborhood, and the play group as the primary groups which perhaps have been most significant for human social development.

Students of economic history, following the works of sociologists Gustav Schmoller and Karl Bucher, divide the historic development of economic organization into the three principal successive stages of village, town, and national economy. This genetic interpretation is based upon the growth of the marketing center, the village, the town, and finally the nation being regarded as the nucleus of human life and organization at progressive stages of economic development. Viewed in this light, however, it will be obvious that the term "national economy" implies a misconception. The true marketing nucleus of modern economic life is an outgrowth of the town. The modern large city, which, invested with a great variety of functions of a commercial, cultural and administrative character, is the focal point for the activities and organization of an extensive tributary area, and the medium through which the latter is brought into contact with the world of commerce and ideas. A city of this category has been termed an economic metropolis. The area which is dependent upon it, its metropolitan area, and the type of organization, which sustains it, metropolitan economy.

It seems that the optimism of the nineteenth century in regard to human progress has in this century been giving way to doubts as to whether the world does progress quite steadily as was thought. Sociologist Maria Montessori has made a valuable contribution to the study of freedom. Her discoveries seem to reveal two aspects: firstly, freedom of method. The child, as stated, is free to move about and to choose, or not choose, amongst the objects provided in an environment prepared to suit his needs and to work "in accordance with the natural wants of the inner life." Liberty is bestowed on him, that is to say, that his calm and peaceful expansion should not be disturbed by the intervention of an untimely and disturbing influence; just as the body of the new born infant should be left in peace to assimilate its nourishment and grow properly. Second is the freedom of achievement when the individual has achieved internal order and control of his powers.

The article discusses the transformation from paleotechnic phase of the industrial age to the neotechnic age. It is opined that one of the major hypotheses on which the civic sociologist works is that of the present as a transition. But this idea of transition, in its definite historic sense, is not altogether easy to grasp, still less to apply. It is observed that the essential change that took place during the industrialization process may be indicated as from a comparatively crude and wasteful technic age, characterised by coal, steam, and cheap machine products, towards a finer civilisation, characterised by the wider command, yet greater economy, of natural energies, and by the predominance of electricity, and by the increasing, victory of an idea of qualitative progress, expressed in terms of better skill, better hygiene and better education. Further it makes observation that neotechnic order has had its central impulse in paleotechnic improvement and scientific advances; in short, in invention and discovery.

The article pays tribute to Scottish sociologist, professor and urban planner Patrick Geddes. Now that Geddes has gone from this world his thought seems, somehow, to take on a new vitality, inspiring many kinds of people to activity in his name, or else without his name, impelled towards putting his teaching into active life and practice. Some, the more serious students and friends, still feel that the enormous scope of his thinking and the diversity of his approaches needs yet further study before anything definite can take shape as a result of his work, and these people await the publication of his posthumous manuscripts before daring to give final form to what they perhaps dimly know to have been behind all he said and wrote and did. Another set of newer friends, on the other hand, feel that now is the time to utilize what they can glean of his meanings, for fear that his work may be forgotten if not at once laid hold of and put into some sort of political reform an active nature.

The article focuses on Scottish sociologist, professor and urban planner Patrick Geddes. Recent researches have shown that not only is there no complete list of his unpublished manuscripts, but that the present location of many of these manuscripts has still to be traced. And no attempt has yet been made to present a record of his practical activities, either in themselves or as concrete expressions of his manifold thought. The presented brief notes on Geddes as a man of action are to be regarded merely as an indication of the wide field which he covered in that capacity, and as suggestions for further and detailed investigation.

The article pays tribute to Scottish sociologist, professor and urban planner Patrick Geddes. Patrick Geddes was a keen observer and a rapid and original thinker. His mastery of history, of the classics, and of the biological sciences, and his knowledge of geology and other natural sciences, gave him an outstanding position as a sociologist. He was not interested in primitive tribes. To him sociology was the study of the social phenomena of civilised mankind in the mass. He was pit-eminently a naturalist; and it was with the outlook and method of the naturalist that he approached the study of man. The author's debt to Geddes includes all that he knows about the evolution of cities, illustrated as his lectures and talks were by examples from Indian cities. In town planning and housing reform the author and Geddes had a common interest, and he learned much from Geddes, especially by his criticism of his own efforts at town planning. And the author admired his extraordinary patience and thoroughness in devising ways of relieving slum congestion at low cost, in comparison with the extravagant Improvement Trust schemes which he vigorously denounced, sometimes to the detriment of his own interests.

This article presents information on a letter concerning a future co-operation between English and Nordic sociologists. It is informed that the periodical Scandinavian Scientific Review was originally intended to be a psychological publication. It is opined that sociology is not well organized in the Scandinavian countries. The author doubts whether Northern scientists, for the present, will have much to add to the results obtained by Anglo-Saxon and Continental sociologists. The Scandinavian countries have now economists of high international reputation. It must also be remembered that modern economists try to emancipate that science from those series of abstractions which once upon a time made political economy a dismal science. The above mentioned periodical also published articles on the bearings of the theory of relativity upon epistemology. It is reported that next to philosophy comes biology. The field covered by this science is a very wide one. It is opined that the theory of heredity, and much that is related to it, can also be discussed in the periodical.

The article pays tribute to Scottish sociologist, professor and urban planner Patrick Geddes. The author's first meeting with Patrick Geddes was at the Paris Exhibition of 1900, when he addressed a body of Positivists who had met to celebrate the erection of a monument to Auguste Comte. He made a deep impression, continually strengthened by later contacts. His lectures on Cities at London University showed how sociology could gain life and reality by study in the concrete, and those same lectures revealed the personality of the greatest teacher the author has ever known. Meeting only at rare intervals, although corresponding more frequently in later years, it has been a source of deep regret to the author that he found so little opportunity of giving him active help. Traces of his influence are to be found everywhere where constructive work is being done, but the body of organized disciples who could have hastened the putting of his ideas into practice never took actual shape, and he accomplished only a tithe of what he was capable of doing.

The article presents the editor's views on the ways to reconstruct coal in order to avert the coal crisis with the help of references taken from the preface of July, 1926 edition of "The Sociological Review." It is opined that various ways of reconstruction of coal suggested in the previous issue are not only complementary but convergent. Furthermore, it is perceived that reconstructive work can be successful only if there is a well-adjusted scheme of collaboration between practicing planners and theoretical sociologist.

This article reports that the late Emile Waxweiler is remembered by sociologists in a double capacity. As a thinker and writer he held to and developed the organic theory of social evolution. But it was in his capacity of first director of the Institut de Sociologie that he did his most notable work. To preserve his memory there has been established an Emile Waxweiler Endowment for promoting sociological research. The income accruing from the fund will be employed to further scientific travels, investigations or researchers in universities, libraries, archives and museums in Belgium or in foreign countries. The fund will also be used to promote prize competitions and to encourage any activity that would contribute to answer the purpose of the endowment.