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From the social revolt of October 2019 to the definitive text of the proposal for the Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile it exposed the paradoxical relationship between legality and legitimacy; notions that are articulated with the concepts of gobernability and gobernance particular history of our country. In this article we expose the question about how this conceptual relationship is embodied in the debt of recognition who leaves this process to those social movements that gave rise to it, especially with those positioned at the limit of these notions as they are crossed by violence as is the case of the so-called "front line". In the development of this hypothesis, we will dwell on the political importance of this group as well as a critical look at the constituent process and the proposed text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the process of construction of the feminist general strike of March 8, 2019 in Chile, from the "fee" workers of the University of Chile, i.e. workers without a labor contract, organized in a union. By analyzing this process from the perspective of precarious workers and feminist activists, the authors seek to highlight a thread that is woven in Chile between the feminist movement in May 2018, the 8M strike of 2019 and the social revolt of October 2019. The hypothesis is that from the struggles against precarious work and feminisms, a repertoire of struggle of social movements and wage workers is renewed and extended. From a situated and self-reflexive knowledge, the authors analyze their practices in the process of feminist general strike, from a self-narration and content analysis of social networks and public statements of the union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Presentation" from the magazine Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana focuses on collective action in Latin America and Chile. It invites young researchers and academics to reflect on this topic and its new perspectives. The article mentions theories of collective behavior and resource mobilization, as well as new social movements and their relationship with post-materialist values and the crisis of the States. It also highlights the importance of social networks in organizing collective action. The article presents ten studies that address collective action from different disciplines and trajectories, including the use of arpilleras as a tool for denunciation in Chile, the relationship between legality and legitimacy in the social movement of October 2019 in Chile, the collective action of the Mazatec indigenous communities in Mexico, the impact of alcoholism on the Mapuche community in Chile, and the crisis of utopia in Brazil. Book reviews on collective actions and insubordinate ecologies are also included. [Extracted from the article]

This writing addresses a theme that is that of organized peoples as collective subjects of resistance to neoliberal capitalism and at the same time as creators of new worlds. The living experience of the peoples is the compass for theoretical reflection and to project the type of transition that we are experiencing towards the other worlds that are being built and the ways in which each people is defending them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of agroecology was born as a response, by peasant and indigenous social movements, to the situation of planetary environmental devastation and increased poverty suffered by contemporary humanity. For un decade, a movement to institutionalize agroecology has been taking place, raising questions and opening debates. Since 2018, the government of Mexico (2018-2024) implemented, on a national scale, the Sembrando Vida agroecological program, aimed at mitigating rural poverty and the destruction of the environment. This essay aims to contribute to the construction of an axis of analysis of the program, which is comprehensive, critical and rests of its intrinsic rationality. Based on the identification of the main elements of the program, as well as the historical context of neoliberal devastation of the countryside from which it starts and its location within the current agrarian policy of the Mexican government, it is concluded that a pertinent axis of analysis of the Program would have to do with the scope, limits and tendencies of Sembrando Vida on the processes of de-peasantization in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes counter-hegemonic struggles in the face of the 21st century extractivism offensive in Latin America. First, it examines the emergence of a new generation of social movements against neoliberalism and subsequently against extractivism, shaped by the affected communities in alliance with a variety of subaltern groups that express the displacement of struggles towards the place for the reproduction and existence of life: the territory. In this context, the current Colombian scenario is presented, where one of the main banners of the new progressive government is the gradual de-escalation of the extractivist model within the framework of environmental justice, as an expression of an alternative hegemony. Finally, the paper highlights some of the main challenges of the struggle between capital and life in the face of the resurgence of extractivism in times of war, a socially and ecologically unsustainable model and one of the main obstacles in the construction of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the crisis of neoliberalism at a global level and its impact on Latin America, highlighting the need to reform the capital accumulation policy. It points out that current capitalist development has generated environmental devastation and degradation of population health. Additionally, it mentions the global environmental crisis and the relationship between capitalist production of environmental diseases and the complexification of epidemiological curves. It also addresses the importance of the struggle for wages in social movements, as well as the need for environmental awareness among the proletariat. The global environmentalist agenda is criticized and the vision of the UN's Agenda 2030 is questioned. The article also presents scientific studies on mining in Zacatecas and the environmental and social impacts of agribusiness in Jalisco. The effects on indigenous communities in the Northern, Central, and Costa Chica regions of Guerrero are highlighted. The objective of the article is to contribute to critical studies of conflicting socio-ecological systems and promote a more just and sustainable future. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses some elements proposed in the book "The Great Transformation of Sociology" (Torres, 2021), focusing on the link between social sciences and social change. For that purpose, I return to the concept of mediations elaborated by Marcuse (1993), as a key to thinking about connections between social sciences, subjects and socio political processes. I go deeper into this discussion by analyzing some features of feminist social sciences, particularly the way they relate to feminist social movements and the way they articulate theoretical development and the will of changing patriarchal relationships. As a corollary, I reflect on the possibilities of recovering some learnings from the feminist thinking in order to revitalize critical social sciences, pointing out the connection between academic development and political commitment as a prominent feature, based on the strong bonds it has with such an expanding social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article analyse the development of a sociological critical thinking in social movement in Chile during last decade. In the article I explore how this thought manage to mix some of the features of the four sociological trends in Latin America described by Torres. The article analyses the case of new think tanks that emerged from Chilean student movements in 2006 and 2011. These think tanks have a distinctive critical thinking that highlight the role of political economic analysis, the role of knowledge based on evidence, and incumbent vocation that connect intellectual projects with different political practices, closely related to social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to affirm that the autonomy of philosophy as a field of knowledge with its own requirements and procedures implies that there is a transitional space between the said field and the commitment with a specific social cause, a space occupy by a decision. Through a critical-philosophical methodology it is determined that in the case of public policies in favor of diversity and inclusion, they manifest as an institutional normative frame with which philosophical activity maintains a tense relationship that only gradually relaxes as the philosopher engages in any kind of social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A historical reflection of the social claim is made that accounted for the feeling of social discontent due to conditions of social exclusion, class segregation and precariousness in Colombia that led to the National Strike of April 28, 2021, which was a massive, massive and joyful mobilization. which was followed by a social, ethnic, peasant, labor mobilization of artistic groups, especially youth. It grew from local and reached over 600 cities. The systematic increase in genocidal and human rights violating practices by the Colombian government is described. It´s described how the different mobilized social sectors of the national social, popular and community "Minga" invited the construction of a pact towards a new country, which eventually allowed the opening of spaces for the creation of new type of social relations. Sectors that were previously separate and alien, found each other, showed solidarity and dynamized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rhizomatic deconstruction transmethod we analyze the fallacies of conceptions as continuous and disjoint time in modernist-postmodernist, transmodernist projects, this is the complex objective of the investigation. The inquiry is located in the line of research entitled: transepistemologies of knowledge-knowledge and transcomplex transmethodologies. In the reconstruction, we manifest the fallacies in the senses: discontinuity and time; the need to re-link transmodernity and decoloniality to more concrete meanings of liberation and, in a third fallacy, disassociate ourselves from the false attitudes that as planetary decolonials we must avoid, the fact is beyond a fallacy; alert to review constantly to avoid supporting actions and projects disguised as decolonial; it is peremptory and here we review ourselves in this regard to examine illusory decolonial named movements with hegemonic offers of circumvention by the hand of brothers, in the South and other regions they abound as defects of colonial mutation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of reflections on interculturality from an anthropological perspective proposed by the intercultural philosophy of the teacher Raúl Fornet-Betancourt, in which case it is deployed in the doctoral thesis “Pedagogy and interculturality in Latin America. A reading from the educational processes in four social movements ", where it seeks to propose a contextual framework to account for pedagogies in Latin America from an intercultural perspective, in a humanist key. Starting from intercultural hermeneutics, it was sought to understand the emergence of pedagogies, of other forms of education that affect the configuration of situated and contextualized pedagogies. Understandings are made that recognize the subject, the context, the cultures and the epistemes through their history, their struggle for social and political demand, which throughout the ages has prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the significance and the challenges of various decolonized practices in research and in social science training methods in Mexico and, particularly, in Chiapas, based on a Latin American approach to the field of studies conducted by intellectuals and activists involved in social movement struggles. We analyze different forms of intercultural dialogues used in decolonizing research in terms of social, ethnic and gender relationships, according to the contexts and the knowledge production of popular and indigenous movements facing politics, education and epistemic racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Franz Hinkelammert is one of the classic authors who in the line of stories that pronounced the resignation and fall of utopias, did not give up nor has he given up on continuing to reflect on it and, even more, contributing to show what these regulative ideas of practical reason are and what are its limits. One of these limits is precisely that of feasibility. For this reason, in Hinkelammertian literature utopia and feasibility go hand in hand. From this relationship between utopia and feasibility, a wide space for debate and discussion is opened that begins to be fruitful to think about the action of the practical subject, of social movements and struggles for liberation. And it is precisely in this space in which the present essay is placed, whose interest is to approach the category of feasibility specifically and contribute to place it in the contemporary debate of the theories of action and of social and popular movements, a space in which nowadays it has a marginal space if not forgotten or completely unknown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the democratic perspective of the new Latin American democracies which were preceded by new Authoritarian regimes in the southern tip of Latin America in the 1970s. Four proposition are analytically developed: 1. Democratic-authoritarian tensions are a constituent part of Latin American democratic identities; 2. The novelty of this new authoritarianism resides in its articulation as a total project from which we derive the totalitarian viewpoint, while it legitimizes itself under the title of democracy; 3. The novelty of the "new democracies" is basically found in that authoritarian component that traditionally identified Latin American democracies has been transformed into totalitarian; 4. The new social movements are new democratic constructs within the "new democracies". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]