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Služba Božja prvi je list u nekadašnjoj Narodnoj Republici Hrvatakoj koji je objavljen nakon prekida diplomatskih odnosa između Jugoslavije i Svete Stolice (1953). Na temelju zakonodavstva i objavljenih povijesnih rasprava autor u kratkim crtama slijedi zaplet i rasplet tih odnosa i njihov odraz u životu Crkve u Hrvatskoj. Do prekida je dovelo sve veće ugrožavanje materijalnoga položaja Crkve oduzimanjem imovine, fizičko zlostavljanje i zatvaranja velikoga broja crkvenih osoba, gušenje religioznih sloboda, kao što su zabrana crkvenih glasila i tiska, dokidanje religiozne pouke u državnim š kolama, ometanje vjeronauka u crkvamapoticanje uspostave Društva katoličkih svećenika koji su trebali poslužiti državnoj svrsi. Nakon prekida odnosa stanje Crkve u Jugoslaviji kao da se pogoršalo. Krivnja za slabe odnose bacana je na emigrantsko svećenstvo, naročito ono okupljeno oko sv. Heronima u Rimu. Iz sjemeništa su izvlačeni kandiadti za svećeništvo. Zaatvarana su bogoslovna učilišta, a Zakonom o nacionalizaciji 1958. oduzimano je Crkvi od imovine koja joj je ostala nakon provedbe ranijih zakona. Upravo u vrijeme smrti kardinala Stepinca, simbola stradanja (1960.) počeli su pokušaji Svete Stolice za ublažavanjem teškoga stanja Crkve u Jugoslaviji. Stepinčeva smrt kao da je olakšala sporazumjevanje. U popuštanju zategnutosti otvorila se mogućnost i objavljivanju lista Služba Božja., Divine Service was the first journal published in former People’s Republic of Croatia after the break of diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and the Holy See (1953). On the basis of legislation and published historical disputes the author briefly follows the twists and turns of these relations as well as their reflection in the Church life in Croatia. The break was caused by ever greater jeopardizing of material position of the Church, seizure of properties, physical maltreatment and imprisonment of numerous church persons, suppression of religious freedom, like prohibition of church papers and editing, abolishing religious education in state schools, obstruction of religious education in churches, encouraging the institution of the Society of Catholic Priests who should have served the state purposes. After the relations break off the state of the Church in Yugoslavia deteriorated. The blame for poor relations was shifted on emigrant clergy, especially those gathered around St Jerome in Rome. The candidates for priests were being pulled out of seminaries. Theological schools were being closed, and the Nationalization Law (1958) was taking the Church property left after the enforcement of earlier laws. Just at the time of Cardinal Stepinac’s death, the symbol of suffering (1960), the Holy See started trying to alleviate the hard condition of the Church in Yugoslavia. The death of Stepinac seemed to have eased reaching the agreement. In easing the tensions a possibility of publishing the periodical Divine Service opened up.

U ovom radu analizirani su hrvatski i slovenski udžbenici povijesti koji su korišteni u osnovnim školama u razdoblju od 1997. do 2022. godine. Udžbenici su analizirani prema metodi komparativne analize, a takvom analizom utvrdit će se temeljne sličnosti i razlike između hrvatskih i slovenskih udžbenika, kao i udžbenika koji su se koristili u pojedinoj državi. Koristio sam pet hrvatskih i četiri slovenska udžbenika povijesti. Poglavlja koja su analizirana u diplomskom radu povezana su sa osnivanjem i ulogom partizanskog pokreta u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji tijekom razdoblja između 1941. i 1945. U radu će također biti prikazane političke osobe koje se spominju u udžbenicima povijesti s fokusom na djelovanje Josipa Broza Tita u partizanskom pokretu, a usporedno će biti prikazan i vizualni materijal unutar udžbenika povijesti. U radu ću se također osvrnuti na promjene u udžbenicima povijesti koje su tijekom tri desetljeća koristile različite generacije hrvatskih i slovenskih učenika. The subject of this paper is how is the partisan movement in Yugoslavia presented in Croatian and Slovenian history textbooks for eight and ninth grade of primary school. In my paper I have analysed history textbooks from the 1990s and 2000s. and I have also analysed newest textbooks which are currently in use in Croatian and Slovenian schools and are approved by the ministry. There are 5 Croatian and 4 Slovenian textbooks. The aim of this paper is to determine how is the partisan movement in Yugoslavia presented in Croatian and Slovenian history textbooks, what is similar and what is different between the different textbooks in each country, between the Croatian and Slovenian textbooks and between the older and newer generation of textbooks. The methodology of this paper is based on a comparative analysis of textbooks. The chapters analyzed in the thesis are related to the establishment and role of the partisan movement in Croatia and Slovenia during the period between 1941 and 1945. The paper will also present political figures mentioned in history textbooks with a focus on Josip Broz Tito's activities in the partisan movement. movement. Visual material from history textbooks will also be shown in comparison. In the paper, I will also look at the changes in the history textbooks used by different generations of Croatian and Slovenian students over the course of three decades.

Rad se bavi kolektivnim pamćenjem Rižarne San Sabba, nacističkog logora koji je djelovao u Trstu od 1943. do 1945. godine, i to kroz analizu dva suvremena romana: Obustaviti postupak Claudia Magrisa i Sonnenschein Daše Drndić. U prvom se dijelu iznose osnovni povijesni podaci te različite etape pamćenja, osobito s obzirom na proglašenje nacionalnog spomenika, sudski postupak za zločine počinjene u logoru, te na uspostavu muzeja. Posebna pažnja posvećuje se usporedbi Rižarne s partizanskim zločinima počinjenim prilikom oslobođenja Trsta u svibnju 1945., koja se, osobito od vremena sudskog procesa, pojavljuje u javnom prostoru i muzealizaciji spomenika Rižarne i fojbi. Iznosi se istraživanje Susanne C. Knittel, koja uz pomoć psihoanalitičkog pojma zazornog (njem. unheimlich) povezuje potisnuto pamćenje nacističkih eutanazijskih programa s onim slovenskih i hrvatskih žrtava Rižarne. U drugom dijelu rada ova će se saznanja primijeniti na analizu navedenih romana., The paper deals with the collective memory of the San Sabba Rice Mill, a Nazi concentration camp that operated in Trieste from 1943 to 1945, through the analysis of two contemporary novels: Blameless by Claudio Magris and Sonnenschein by Daša Drndić. The first part presents basic historical data and various stages of memory, especially with regard to the proclamation of the national monument, the legal process for crimes committed in the camp, and the establishment of a museum. Particular attention is paid to the comparison of the San Sabba Rice Mill with the crimes committed by Yugoslav partisans during the liberation of Trieste in May 1945. This comparison has appeared in public space and collective memory more frequently since the time of the trial. Susanne C. Knittel’s research is presented, which, using the psychoanalytic concept of the uncanny, connects the repressed memory of Nazi euthanasia programs with that of the Slovenian and Croatian victims of the San Sabba Rice Mill. In the second part of the paper, these insights will be applied to the analysis of the two novels.

Vilim Keilbach je bio teolog i filozof prepoznat u svjetskim razmjerima. Na hrvatskom govornom području o njemu je vrlo oskudna literatura, stoga ćemo u radu prikazati njegovu biografiju s naglaskom na razdoblje života u Hrvatskoj, a na osnovi arhivskoga gradiva pohranjene u arhivu Katoličkoga bogoslovnoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu i knjižnice Fakulteta koja čuva njegovu do sad neobrađenu ostavštinu. Prikazat ćemo dio Keilbachova znanstvenoga rada s naglaskom na njegovo nastojanje da poveže tomizam sa psihologijom religije., Vilim Keilbach was a theologian and a philosopher well known world-wide. Croatian speaking area lacks literature about him. Hence, this paper will show in detail his biography based on the archives stored in the archive of the Catholic Faculty of Theology, University of Zagreb, and the library of the Faculty that has been keeping his unprocessed legacy till now. The paper will show a part of Keilbach’s scientific work, emphasizing his endeavour to connect Thomism with Psychology of Religion.

Rad se bavi kolektivnim pamćenjem Rižarne San Sabba, nacističkog logora koji je djelovao u Trstu od 1943. do 1945. godine, i to kroz analizu dva suvremena romana: Obustaviti postupak Claudia Magrisa i Sonnenschein Daše Drnić. Nakon što su u prvom dijelu izneseni osnovni povijesni podaci te različite etape pamćenja, i nakon što je opisano istraživanje Susanne C. Knittel o potiskivanju pamćenja masovnog stradanja diskriminiranih skupina (osoba s invaliditetom, nacionalnih manjina), u ovom se (drugom i posljednjem) dijelu analiziraju spomenuti romani. Analiza pokazuje da oba romana holokaustu pristupaju iz univerzalne i kozmopolitske perspektive, zanemarujući lokalne specifičnosti i utvrđujući stereotipno pamćenje koje među žrtvama Rižarne vidi samo tzv. „nevine” žrtve (kako su definirane u sudskom postupku 1976.), te zaboravljajući one koji su u njoj skončali jer su bili pripadnici pokreta otpora, osobito njegove komunističke sastavnice, s velikim udjelom Slovenaca i Hrvata., The paper deals with the collective memory of the San Sabba Rice Mill, a Nazi concentration camp that operated in Trieste from 1943 to 1945, through the analysis of two contemporary novels: Blameless by Claudio Magris and Sonnenschein by Daša Drndić. While the first part of the paper (published in the previous issue) presents basic historical data and different stages of memory, including Susanne C. Knittel’s comparative research on the repression of the memory of mass suffering of discriminated groups (persons with disabilities, national minorities), this (second and last) part scrutinises the two novels from the memory studies’ perspective. The analysis shows that both novels approach the Holocaust from a universal and cosmopolitan stand, neglecting local specificities and perpetuating the stereotypical memory that sees only the so-called “innocent” victims (as they were defined in the 1976 trial), and forgets those who were killed as members of the resistance movement, especially its communist component, with a large share of Slovenes and Croats.

Ovaj rad se bavi analizom Ruskih revolucija u periodu od 1905. do 1917. godine, te njezinim utjecajem na područje današnje Hrvatske. Kako su marksističke socijalističke ideje utjecale na formiranje revolucionarnih umova i boljševizma, odnosno prve socijalističke radničke države, koja je nakon Oktobarske revolucije odjeknula svijetom. Kao uvodni dio fokusirati ću se na samu revoluciju i način na koji ona nastaje u primjeru Ruskih revolucija. Nakon čega ću analizirati utjecaj revolucije na područje današnje Hrvatske, na koji je način komunistička partija djelovala, te otpor Kraljevini SHS. Prikazati na koji način društveno-ekonomska nejednakost može stvoriti svojevrsni povijesni lom. Zadatak rada je prikazati moć revolucije i njezin utjecaj, odnosno kako je proletarijat jednini koji može sebe izbaviti iz eksploatacijske klasne pozicije. Drugi dio rada posvećen je Vladimiru Ćopiću kao jednom od najistaknutijih revolucionarnih figura početka dvadesetog stoljeća pa sve do njegove smrti 1939. godine. Naglasiti ću problematiku kulture sjećanja, odnosno percipiranja povijesti i načina sjećanja. Zašto se postavljaju spomenici, te iz kojeg razloga se ruše, te kako heroj jednog režima postaje žrtva drugog., This paper deals with the analysis of the Russian revolutions in the period from 1905 to 1917, and its influence on the territory of today's Croatia. How did Marxist socialist ideas influence the formation of revolutionary minds and Bolshevism, that is, the first socialist workers' state, which resonated with the world after the October Revolution. As an introductory part, I will focus on the revolution itself and the way in which it is created in the example of the Russian revolutions. After that, I will analyze the impact of the revolution on the territory of today's Croatia, the way in which the Communist Party operated, and the resistance to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. To show how socio-economic inequality can create a kind of historical rift. The task of the paper is to show the power of the revolution and its influence, that is, how the proletariat is the only one that can free itself from the exploitative class position. The second part of the work is dedicated to Vladimir Ćopić as one of the most prominent revolutionary figures of the early twentieth century until his death in 1939. I will emphasize the issue of the culture of memory, ie the perception of history and the way of memory. Why are monuments created, and what’s the reason for their demolition, as well as how the hero of one regime can become a victim of another.

Rad se bavi ekološkom problematikom i ekološkim pokretom na području Socijalističke Republike Hrvatske, i dijelom cijele Jugoslavije, u periodu od 1979. do 1990. godine. Analizom arhivske građe, periodike i dostupne literature nastoji prikazati ekološke probleme, društvena kretanja i ustvrditi razloge pojave ekološkog pokreta na području Hrvatske. Osim toga, u radu se iznosi kronologija ekološke misli u Hrvatskoj u navedenom periodu, koji je ključan u etabliranju ekologije u kontekstu razvoja civilnoga društva i pojave „novih društvenih pokreta“. U radu se iznose brojni zaključci koji stvaraju sliku „odozgo“ i „odozdo“, šaljući tako čitatelju antropološku sliku o percepciji ekološke problematike iz očišta pojedinaca i običnih ljudi, te države i njenih institucija u analiziranom periodu. The paper deals with environmental issues and the environmental movement in the territory of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, and part of the whole of Yugoslavia, in the period from 1979. to 1990. By analyzing archival material, periodicals and available literature, it seeks to present environmental problems, social trends and the reasons for the emergence of the environmental movement in Croatia. In addition, the paper presents the chronology of ecological thoughts in Croatia in this period, which is crucial in establishing ecology in the context of the development of civil society and the emergence of "new social movements". The paper presents numerous conclusions that create an image „from above“ and „from below“, thus sending a complete anthropological picture of the perception of environmental problems from the eyes of individuals and ordinary people and the state and its institutions in the analyzed period.

Rad zavisno od vremena i mjesta nastanka analizira historiografsku literaturu koja je nastala o Nijemcima (folksdojčerima) na teritoriju koji je obuhvaćala Jugoslavija posljednjih sto godina., The paper deals with the representation of the Ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche) in the historiography of the territory once comprising Yugoslavia. The author divides his subject matter according to regions (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina) and periods (inter-war, communist, and post-communist). During the first period, the Volksdeutsche were not a prominent topic in historiography of the three leading Yugoslav peoples, not even in Slovenia, which had the longest history of ethnic strife between the Slovenes and the Germans. It was the Ethnic German authors who published the most works on the Volksdeutsche in this period. Most of them appeared in the 1930s, as many Danube Swabian settlements celebrated the 150th or 200th anniversaries of the arrival of the Germans. After WWII, in which the Ethnic Germans had sided with the invaders and were afterwards collectively punished by the new communist authorities, they acquired the image of the “bad guys” of post-war historiography. During the first 15-odd years, works on them were scarce, although several official papers and memoranda enumerating their war crimes and treasonable activities before and during WWII were written soon after the end of the war. In the course of the 1960s, several important works appeared and set the trend for the 1970s and part of the 1980s. Most of them were published in Slovenia. These works also covered the longest time span. In other parts of Yugoslavia, works on the Volksdeutsche usually dealt with their colonization or with WWII. Works on WWII always insisted on German war crimes, persecution of Jews, and combat against the Partisans. Since the mid-1980s, the image of the Volksdeutsche has become more realistic and less biased. Slovene and Austrian historians organized a conference in 1984 (that engendered a collection of papers in 1986) on the Germans in Slovenia 1848–1941, which made the new trends plain to see. In other parts of the country, several works on the Volksdeutsche Partisan company appeared. During the second half of the 1980s, as the communist political and economic system started to dilapidate, historiography posed new questions, discovered new topics, and opened new approaches. The revision and questioning of decades-long myths and established truths began. This trend boomed after the break-up of Yugoslavia and collapse of the communist system. Communist crimes at the end of WWII – and the atrocities against the Volksdeutsche – became one of the best-researched topics. Gradually, other German-related topics were taken up and – although old views still persisted here and there – the German minority became part of national histories once again. This production has been very lively in Slovenia and especially in Croatia, whereas the number of works in Serbia, and especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina, has lagged behind.

U radu su prikazani sudski postupci protiv katoličkih novina Mali koncil, Glas Koncila i Glasnik sv. Antuna Padovanskoga (poslije Veritas) te njihovih urednika i autora Franje Kuharića, Živka Kustića i Ivona Ćuka šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina XX. stoljeća. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva i relevantne literature rekonstruirano je sedam različitih sudskih postupaka, od prekršajnih preko postupaka zabrane raspačavanja i zapljene pojedinih članaka (araka na kojima su tiskani) ili brojeva spomenutih listova, pa sve do dva kaznena postupka – protiv Ivona Ćuka i Živka Kustića – kojima su tadašnje vlasti nastojale ograničiti pisanje katoličkoga tiska, a posredno i djelovanje Katoličke crkve u društvu. Služeći se različitim znanstvenim metodama – od metode deskripcije i komparacije arhivskoga gradiva, preko analize tadašnjih zakonskih propisa i sudskih spisa te sadržaja službenih kontakata tadašnjih državnih i crkvenih predstavnika i sve do analize pojedinih objavljenih članaka u tadašnjem katoličkom tisku – autor ovim radom dodatno rasvjetljuje ne samo pravne aspekte tih postupaka nego i njihovu političku pozadinu i motivaciju., This paper examines and presents court proceedings against the Catholic newspapers Mali koncil (Little Council), Glas koncila (Voice of the Council), and Glasnik sv. Antuna Padovanskog (St Anthony of Padua’s Herald), later the Veritas, and their editors and authors Franjo Kuharić, Živko Kustić, and Ivon Ćuk during the 1960s and 1970s. Based on original archival material and relevant literature, seven court proceedings against Ivon Ćuk and Živko Kustić have been reconstructed. These include misdemeanour proceedings, the confiscation of or bans on the distribution of individual articles or issues of the mentioned papers, and two criminal proceedings, through which the communist authorities tried to limit the writing of the Catholic press and, indirectly, the activity of the Catholic Church in contemporaneous society. Using various research methods – analysis of contemporaneous legislation and court records, the contents of official correspondence between the then state and Church representatives, and individual articles published in the Catholic press – the author sheds further light on not only the legal aspects of these proceedings, but also their political background and motivation, placing them within the context of the contemporaneous relations between Church and state. The activities of the then Commission for Religious Matters of the Executive Committee of the Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Croatia regarding monitoring the contents of the Catholic press, resolving certain legal and political dilemmas related to initiating court proceedings, and its cooperation with the contemporaneous so-called “prosecution organs”, especially the District Public Prosecutor’s Office in Zagreb, are studied separately. Presenting certain reactions of Church representatives, especially through the diary entries of then Zagreb (arch)bishop Franjo Kuharić, the author has shown the way in which the mentioned court proceedings were experienced and “read” by the contemporaneous Church leadership in Croatia. It can be concluded that the then Catholic press – despite being faced with court proceedings – primarily fought for the freedom of the Catholic Church in contemporaneous society. However, in doing so the Catholic media and authors also indirectly broadened the freedom of the press and public speech in the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, especially after 1971, when the Catholic Church remained the sole organised “opposition” force to the country’s regime.

Sućut se nalazi u srcu religioznih, duhovnih i etičkih tradicija i poziva nas da se prema drugima ophodimo onako kako bismo htjeli da se oni ophode prema nama. To nazivamo zlatnim pravilom. Ima ljudi koji na osebujan i jedinstven način svojim životom utjelove princip sućuti. Takva je bila Simone Weil. Ovaj rad istražuje mjesta na kojima se u njezinu životu susreće supatnja: odijevanje, glad drugog čovjeka, novac, izručenost radnika mehanizmima ugnjetavanja. Potom se usmjeruje na tri razdoblja mišljenja u životu Simone Weil: marksizam i materijalizam, kršćanstvo i duhovnost te pravedno društvo. Za cijelo vrijeme S. Weil je iznimno snažno obilježena supatnjom. Rad namjerava pokazati mjesta na kojima supatnja prožima život i mišljenje Simone Weil., Compassion is at the heart of religious, spiritual and ethical traditions and invites us to treat others as we would like others to treat ourselves.We call this the golden rule. There are people who embody the principle of compassion in a peculiar and unique way in their life. Such was Simone Weil. This paper explores the places where she experiences mutual suffering in her life: clothing, another person's hunger, money, extradition of workers to the mechanisms of oppression. It then focuses on three periods of thought in the life of Simone Weil: Marxism and materialism, Christianity and spirituality, and opinions on a just society. Throughout her time, S. Weil is extremely strongly marked by mutual suffering. The paper intends to show the places where mutual suffering pervades Simone Weil's life and opinion.

Rad se bavi ulogom omladinskih organizacija u strukturi komunističke vlasti u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Te su organizacije bile pomladak Komunističke partije te su djelovale kao njezine transmisije u zadacima koje je trebalo provesti. Rad ne prati sve procese u koje su omladinske organizacije bile uključene, nego se fokusira na obračun s protivnicima režima u borbi za prevlast nad mladima, ponajprije s Katoličkom crkvom, kao i na djelovanje prema nositeljima oporbenih ideja među mladima u školama i na Sveučilištu. Savez komunističke omladine Jugoslavije i Ujedinjeni savez antifašističke omladine Jugoslavije/Hrvatske, posljednji od 1946. pod nazivom Narodna omladina Jugoslavije/Hrvatske, nastojali su u što većoj mjeri umanjiti utjecaj Katoličke crkve, a Katolička ga je crkva s druge strane nastojala raznim metodama zadržati. Prema nositeljima oporbenih ideja u školama i na Sveučilištu Savez komunističke omladine Jugoslavije i Narodna omladina Hrvatske djelovali su oštro, što je često rezultiralo izbacivanjem učenika i studenata iz obrazovnih ustanova. Takvo je djelovanje ostavljalo teške posljedice za budućnost mladih nesklonih režimu., The topic of this paper is the role of youth organisations, the League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia (Savez komunističke omladine Jugoslavije – SKOJ) and the United League of Anti-Fascist Youth of Croatia (Ujedinjeni savez antifašističke omladine Hrvatske – USAOH), from 1946 known as the People’s Youth of Croatia (Narodna omladina Hrvatske – NOH), in the communist power structure of the Federal State (later People’s Republic) of Croatia during the first few years after the end of World War II. These organisations represented the youth wing of the Communist Party (Komunistička partija – KP) and acted as its transmitters in various tasks that needed to be carried out. The SKOJ was the Communist Party’s main ally and support when it came to organising the new order in the country; their modes of operation and organisation were almost identical in the period immediately after the war. Just like the KP, the SKOJ was a closed and relatively tight organisation. It operated simultaneously with the USAOJ (from 1946 the NOJ), a much broader organisation that was under its control. Due to the similarities in their programmes and tasks – both were responsible for fulfilling the KP’s directives – the two organisations were merged following a decision by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in 1948. The resulting organisation was named the People’s Youth of Croatia. This paper doesn’t follow all the processes in which the youth organisations were involved, instead focusing on their efforts to suppress the regime’s opponents in its goal to win over the youth – primarily the Catholic Church – as well as their actions against opposition among the school and university youth. The SKOJ and NOH put particular emphasis on reducing the influence of the Catholic Church, the strongest opponent of the regime, on the country’s youth, while the Church sought to preserve this influence through various means. The Church gathered the youth at religious services and ceremonies, religious education classes, Catholic organisations, and various educational and entertainment activities, which the NOH opposed through ideological upbringing. This took the form of debate clubs in school, science groups, studies involving subjects that directly negate religion, setting up work organisations in rural areas, and especially youth work actions. The SKOJ and NOH acted harshly against anyone at schools or the University who openly opposed the ruling elite – such students were often expelled from their institutions. Upon taking control of the University, the Party and state leadership mandated the “purging” of the regime’s opponents and the forming of the University as the centre of higher education for new “people’s” professionals – the new socialist intelligentsia. The purges were conducted by the youth organisations under the supervision of the KP and had a strong negative effect on the future of those youths who weren’t supportive towards the regime.

Antifašistička fronta žena Jugoslavije/Hrvatske prva je masovna organizacija žena na ovim prostorima. AFŽ je sustavno pomagala vojnike kroz rat, a njena djelatnost nastavila se je i nakon rata. Međutim, organizacija je počela poprimati oblike samostalnosti, što se nije svidjelo Komunističkoj partiji pa dolazi do ukidanja AFŽ-a 1953. godine. Uspostavom socijalističke države, riješeno je i žensko pitanje, koje nije postojalo zasebno, nego u okvirima radničkog pitanja. Socijalizam je žene zakonski izjednačio s muškarcima, u svim poljima života. Temeljni istraživački problem kojim se bavi ovaj rad jest da li su žene u socijalizmu doista bile emancipirane. Socijalistiĉka praksa nije omogućila ženama proklamiranu rodnu jednakost, koja je u nekim sferama ostvarena samo djelomično, a najvažnije je shvatiti da je ravnopravnost muškaraca i žena uvedena „odozgo“, kroz komunističku ideologiju, a ne kao rezultat borbe žena. The Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Yugoslavia / Croatia was the first mass organization of women in this area. AFŽ systematically assisted soldiers through the war, and its activities continued after the war. However, the organization began to take the form of independence, which the Communist Party did not like, so the AFŽ was abolished in 1953. With the establishment of the socialist state, the women's issue was resolved, which did not exist separately, but within the framework of the workers' issue. Socialism legally equated women with men, in all spheres of life. The fundamental research problem addressed in this paper is whether women in socialism were really emancipated. Socialist practice did not enable women to proclaim gender equality, which in some spheres was only partially achieved, and the most important thing is to understand that equality between men and women was introduced "from above", through communist ideology, and not as a result of women's struggle.

Bez opraštanja i dijaloga u istini i miru, a koji se temelji na uvažavanju pravde i ljubavi nema iskrenog suživota dojučerašnjih protivnika. Ako se zločinac ne pokaje i izrazi žaljenje uz traženje oprosta za svoja nedjela, a ako žrtva ne oprosti svome krvniku, nema kraja podijeljenosti mržnji i zlu. A pomirenje je stvarnost te ono u Crkvi ima vidljiv znak Božje milosti, putem sakramenta pomirenja. Dar pomirenja je upravo suočavanje s istinom, za kajanje za vlastite grijehe, na priznavanje zločina, a ono sa sobom donosi zadovoljštinu žrtvama, a isto tako i dar oproštenja i onima koji su počinili zlo. Upravo u ovom radu u kojem govorimo o sustavu zla i tamnici naroda koji se je događao u komunizmu, kao i o žrtvama toga zla, naglasak stavljamo na opraštanje kao jedinu paradigmu svega onoga što se je događalo u jednom vremenu jednoumlja, isključivosti, zatiranja ljudskog dostojanstva, vremenu patnje, progona i smrti. Kada opraštamo slobodno i iskreno, opraštajući sebi opraštamo i drugima, ozdravljamo svoju dušu i savjest i tako postajemo „Djeca Božja“. Iznoseći činjenice na svjetlo dana, nije nam namjera osuđivati i prokazivati pojedince koji su učinili tolika zla, a sada su mrtvi, već potaknuti mlađi naraštaj da iščitavajući ove stranice ne zaborave ova jeziva svjedočanstva onih ljudi, svećenika, koji su prošli „crveni teror“, teror smrti. Namjera nam je da kao kršćani opraštamo, ali ne zaboravimo zbog istine, što se je u jednom povijesnom vremenu događalo dvojici svećenika koji su živjeli i prenosili svoju vjeru za spasenje svome narodu, svojim župljanima, a zato ih je ondašnja komunistička vlast nagradila progonom i robijanjem u kazamatima bivše komunističke Jugoslavije i okrutnom smrću. Without forgiveness and dialogue in truth and peace, which is based on respect for justice and love, there is no sincere coexistence of the opponents of the day before yesterday. If the perpetrator does not repent and express regret while seeking forgiveness for his misdeeds, and if the victim does not forgive his executioner, there is no end to the division of hatred and evil. And reconciliation is a reality, and in the Church it has a visible sign of God's grace, through the sacrament of reconciliation. The gift of reconciliation is precisely the confrontation with the truth, for repentance for one's own sins, for the confession of crimes, and it brings with it satisfaction to the victims, as well as the gift of forgiveness to those who have committed evil. It is in this paper that we talk about the system of evil and the dungeon of the people that took place under communism, as well as the victims of that evil, we emphasize forgiveness as the only paradigm of everything that happened in a time of unanimity, exclusivity, eradication of human dignity. a time of suffering, persecution and death. When we forgive freely and sincerely, by forgiving ourselves we forgive others, we heal our soul and conscience and thus we become "Children of God". By bringing the facts to light, we do not intend to condemn and denounce individuals who have done so much harm and are now dead, but to encourage the younger generation not to forget these horrific testimonies of those people, priests, who went through the "red terror", terror of death. Our intention is as Christians to forgive, but not forget for the truth, what happened in one historical time to two priests who lived and passed on their faith for salvation to their people, their parishioners, and therefore the then communist government rewarded them with persecution and imprisonment. in the casemates of the former communist Yugoslavia and the cruel death.

Jugoslavija se 1980-tih nalazila u brojnim problemima od kojih su najznačajniji bili veliki vanjski dug, nezaposlenost i kriza komunističkoga sistema. Godine 1980. Jugoslavija je ostala bez Josipa Broza Tita, čija je karizma i međunarodni ugled drzao Jugoslaviju na okupu. U ovom radu fokusirao sam se na „nacionalističke incidente“ koji su se događali u Splitu 1980-tih i na način na koji je komunistička partija objašnjavala te incidente. Nacionalističke incidente sam stavio u navodne znakove, jer smatram da se jedino radi o nacionalističkim incidentima ako ih promatramo iz perspektive komunističke vlasti. Većina opisanih događaja su bili male iskrice i izolirani incidenti koji nisu bili organizirani od nikakvog „unutraćšnjeg neprijatelja“, već su uglavnom bili rezultat mladenačkog bunta i pijanstva ili pak frustriranosti što se određeni politički stavovi nisu mogli iznijeti u javnome prostoru. U prva dva poglavlja sam objasnio prvo socijalističku ideologiju i ideologiju hrvatskoga nacionalizma, koji su mi poslužili kao teorijski okvir za objašnjavanje „nacionalističkih incidenata“ koji su se događali u Splitu 1980-tih. U zadnjem poglavlju sam pisao o sukobima komunističke partije i Katoličke crkve na području splitsko-makarske nadbiskupije, u kojima su određeni svećenici bili optuženi za nacionalizam i protudržavno djelovanje., In the 1980s communist Yugoslavia was going trough major economic and social problems. In the year 1980. Josip Broz Tito, communist leader and the most powerfull figure in the country, died and left the country in deep debt and problems. In this paper I focused on „nationalistic incidents“ wich i put in quotation marks because i think those were not real nationalistic incidents, but only incidents from communist party point of view. Most of these „nationalistic incidents“ were result of teen rebellion, drinking, and lack of democracy in socialist Yugoslavia. In the first two chapters I described socialist ideology and ideology of Croatian nationalism, and then I went on to talk about „nationalistic incidents“ in Split in the 1980s. In the last chapter I focused on Chatolic Church and their problems with communist party, and the fact that communist party viewed them as Croatian nationalists.

Ovaj rad s područja intelektualne povijesti i povijesti ideja istra- žuje katoličkoga intelektualca Bogdana Radicu, pobornika ideja demokracije i parlamentarizma te zasigurno jednoga od najista- knutijih predstavnika hrvatske političke emigracije nakon 1945. godine. Dosljedan antifašizmu i antikomunizmu, zahvaljujući općenitomu antitotalitarnom stavu, čvrsto je zastupao potrebu obrane liberalne demokracije, građanskih i nacionalnih sloboda pred nasrtajima totalitarnih ideologija, kao i u skladu s tim pravo hrvatskoga naroda na samoodređenje i na samostalnu hrvatsku državu. Takvi će njegovi stavovi biti osobito vidljivi u nedovolj- no tematiziranome razdoblju njegova života kada je bio zaposlen kao sveučilišni profesor povijesti kao i u njegovim čestim kontak- tima s intelektualcima, što će potaknuti optužbe kako je pripa- dao nekoj slobodnozidarskoj loži. Primjer Bogdana Radice, kao liberalno-demokratski opredijeljena hrvatskog političkog emigran- ta, osobito je aktualan u današnje vrijeme ponovnih napada na vrijednosti demokratskoga društva i hrvatske nacionalne države., This paper, from the point of view of intellectual history and history of ideas, explores catholic in- tellectual Bogdan Radica, supporter of ideas of democracy and parliamentarism and certainly one of the most prominent representatives of the Croatian political emigration after 1945. Consequen- tial about anti-fascism and anti-communism, because of his general anti-totalitarian attitude, he firmly advocated the need to defend liberal democracy, civil and national freedom from the onslaught of totalitarian ideologies, as well as the right of the Croatian people to self-determination and the independent Croatian state, in accordance with anti-totalitarian attitude. Such views on that matter will be particularly visible in the so far insufficiently themed period of his life as a university professor of history, as well as in his frequent contacts with intellectuals, which will prompt accusations that he belonged to some Masonic lodge. The example of Bogdan Radica, as a liberal-democratically committed Croatian political emigrant, is especially relevant today in the time of repeated attacks on the values of a democratic society and the Croatian nation state.

Diplomski rad, temeljen na induktivno-istraživačkom pristupu, analizira razvoj komunističke ideologije u kontekstu međuratnog razdoblja na području Pule kao dijela Julijske Krajine. Radi boljeg razumijevanja ideologije, prati se raniji povijesni razvoj socijalizma, prvo teorijski među intelektualcima-ideolozima, a kasnije praktički među radničkom klasom, sve do rascjepa zbog neslaganja između liberalnog i ekstremnog krila partije. Vrlo brz industrijski razvoj grada na kraju 19. stoljeća drastično mijenja ekonomski identitet grada. Odredbe konferencija u St. Germainu i Trianonu na kraju Prvog svjetskog rata predstavljaju drugu veliku promjenu za Pulu, ovaj put političkoteritorijalnu. Naizgled, socijalizam prevladava u prvim godinama međuraća, što je vidljivo u takozvanom „Biennio Rosso“. Međutim, brzi rast kroz terorističke aktivnosti fašizma retorikom objedinjenom u sintagmi „vittoria mutilata“ i pasivnost socijalista, dovode prvo do slabljenja i rascjepa komunista a na koncu do komadanja preostalih socijalista na području Pule u sklopu Italije. Dok su socijalisti u krizi, fašisti jačaju iz dana u dan. Podržani od strane kraljevske vlasti, zasljepljenje mržnjom prema socijalistima, fašisti uspijevaju prvo kroz teror, potom i zauzimanjem vlasti pa na koncu tranzicijom iz parlamentarne monarhije u diktatorski režim 1926. godine kroz takozvani paket zakona „Leggi fascistissime“ ostvariti svoje zacrtane ciljeve. Od 1927. godine komunisti ilegalno djeluju i pokušavaju uzdići radničke mase ali i ruralno seljaštvo te ih motivirati na borbu protiv režima. Komunisti Pule uporno se bore sve do kraja 1937. godine, kada je uhićen cijeli tadašnji partijski kadar. Prvi dio istraživanja obuhvaća povijesni kontekst i opisuje povijesno-političke promjene značajne za Pulu. Drugi dio prati razvoj ekstremnog krila socijalista u prvim godinama međuratnog razdoblja kroz tri razine; nacionalno-internacionalnu, regionalnu te naposljetku gradsku, koja je u stanovitom smislu središnji dio ovoga rada. Treći dio oslanja se na na isti model te prikazuje prve godine KPI, od početka 1922. do kraja parlamentarizma 1926. godine. Četvrti dio nastavlja sa najbitnijim događajima u režimskom razdoblju sve do 1938. godine. Zaključno poglavlje pokazuje kako je čitav kontekst borbe veći od samog rodnog kraja, spominjući sudjelovanje Puljana u Španjolskom građanskom ratu u borbi protiv "falangista". The thesis, based on an inductive research approach, analyses the development of communist ideology in the context of the interwar period in the area of Pula as part of the Julian Region. For a better understanding of the ideology, the earlier historical development of socialism is followed first theoretically among intellectuals and later practically among the working class, all the way to the rift due to disagreements between the liberal and extreme wing of the party. The very rapid industrial development of the city at the end of the 19th century drastically changed the economic identity of the city. Provisions of the conferences in St. Germain and Triannon at the end of the First World War represent another major change for Pula, this time in a political-territorial way. While the socialists are in crisis, the fascists are getting stronger by the day. Supported by the royal government, blinded by hatred of the Socialists, the fascists succeeded first through terror, then by seizing power and finally by transitioning Italy from a parliamentary monarchy to a dictatorial regime in 1926 through the so-called “Leggi fascistissime” law package. From 1927 onwards, the Communists acted illegally and tried to uplift the bourgeois working masses but also the rural peasantry against the regime. The communists of Pula fought persistently until the end of 1937, when the entire party cadre was arrested. The first part of the research covers the development, i.e. a kind of introduction, describes the historical context and the already mentioned changes for Pula. The second part follows the development of the extreme wing of the Socialists in the first years of the interwar period through three levels, national-international of Italy, regional of Julian Region and urban of Pula, which is the central part of this paper. Furthermore, the third part goes on the same model and shows the first years of the CPI, from the beginning of 1922 until the end of parliamentarism in 1926. The fourth part continues with the events in the regime period until 1938. The last chapter shows that the context of the struggle is larger than the one of homeland itself, that is, the participation of some communists from Pula in the Spanish Civil War fighting against the Falangists.

Karl Marx jedan je od najutjecajnijih osoba u povijesti, ali i današnjice. Razmišljao je za dobrobit cjelokupne populacije. Napisao je brojne radove kako bi društvo težilo prema boljitku i jednakosti. Njegov najznačajniji pokret je Komunistički manifest u kojem je glavni cilj jednakost cjelokupne populacije. U ovom je radu detaljno analizirana njegova biografija, djela koja je stvarao niz godina, doprinos koji je dobila ekonomija, te osvrt na današnji jaz između bogatih i siromašnih. Također, njegov doprinos vrlo je značajan za današnje i buduće vrijeme. Obrađena su tri povijesna razdoblja komunizam, socijalizam i kapitalizam u kojima je Marx djelovao. Veliku pažnju obraća prema radnicima i populaciji. Oni su bili glavni cilj njegova stvaranja. Stoga, razradio je pojam otuđenja u kojemu tvrdi kako se radnik otuđuje od svoga rada i od samoga sebe jer ne može pronaći zadovoljstvo na radnom mjestu, od proizvoda koje proizvodi. Nadovezao se je na radnu teoriju vrijednosti, te rad i kapital kao bitne čimbenike pri obavljanju posla. Brojni znanstvenici proširuju i nadopunjuju njegove teorije, kako bi se mogle primjenjivati za široki aspekt mogućnosti. U konačnici, Marxove ideje je dobro poznavati jer bez obzira što ih je iznosio u daljnjoj povijesti, danas se veći dio može primijeniti. Također, koriste se u različitim poljima što je velika prednost jer su visoko rasprostranjene. Unatoč njegovim idejama, koristan je i u osobnom životu upravo zbog njegovog načina razmišljanja. Karl Marx is one of the most influential people both historically and in the present. His thinking process benefited the entire population. Marx wrote numerous works aimed at bettering the society and achieving equality. The Communist Manifesto is the most meaningful movement he has started and its main goal was to achieve equality of the entire population. This paper contains a detailed analysis of Marx's biography, the works he had spent many years developing, his contribution to the field of economics, as well as a review of the gap between the wealthy and the poor in the modern world. Marx's contribution is very significant for the present and the future. Communism, socialism and capitalism, the three historical periods in which Marx acted, are analyzed. Karl Marx has given great attention to the working class and population. They were the main cause for his work, which led him to developing the concept of alienation in which he claimed that a worker is alienated from his work, as well as himself and the products he is producing because he is unable to find satisfaction within the workplace. Marx considered the labor theory of value, labor and capital to be key factors in performing work. Numerous scientists are expanding and complementing his theories, so that they could be applied to a wide spectrum of possibilities. Finally, it is desireable to be familiar with Marx's ideas even though they were thought up in the distant past because most of those ideas are still applicable today. Additionally, his ideas are used in various areas and their wide spread is a major advantage. Marx's ways of thinking are also useful and applicable in personal life.

Rad predstavlja interpretaciju, analizu i kategorizaciju zapisa Mare Matočec nastalih nakon Drugoga svjetskoga rata pa sve do njezine smrti, koji nisu bili objavljivani u periodici, i kada nije javno djelovala zbog nepodržavanja komunističkoga režima u zemlji i pripadnosti tzv. „sredinskomu dijelu“ Hrvatske seljačke stranke. Pridaje se pažnja njihovoj važnosti kao povijesnim izvorima za hrvatsku političku i kulturnu povijest, ali i metodama i oblicima pučkoga odgoja prve polovice XX. stoljeća u hrvatskom selu. Donose se neke nove spoznaje bitne za biografiju Mare Matočec, posebice u idejno-političkim odnosima i stajalištima. Osim analize njezinih zapisa kao izvora, za izradu rada korištena je usmena predaja kao metoda historiografskoga istraživanja u nedostatku kvalitetnoga tumačenja pisanih izvora., The paper presents the interpretation, analysis and categorization of the unpublished records of Mara Matočec created after the Second World War until her death, when she did not act publicly because of her failure to support the communist regime in the country and its affiliation with the so-called „in the middle part“ of the Croatian Peasant Party. Attention is paid to their importance as historical sources important for Croatian political and cultural history, as well as to the methods and forms of folk education of the first half of the 20th century in the Croatian village. Some new insights relevant to the biography of Matočec, especially in ideologicalpolitical relations and positions, are brought. In addition to analysing her writings as sources, oral history was used as a method of historiographic research in the absence of a quality interpretation of written sources. Her themes are historically and politically current; it sees both social anomie and confusion in moral consciousness in World War I and World War II. That is why the motives of her records are mostly sad, tragic, warlike, suffering, and poverty, old age, loneliness and antagonism between town and country, youth and old age are the backbone of almost every piece. This is especially evident through the disruption of educational values - from changes in children’s games to neglect of parents and families. For her, the undeniable vertical is Christ, in whom he sees all the good of this world and recalls his teaching. When she contemplates spirituality and religiosity, she thus avoids thoughts from everyday suffering and finds peace and calm. The fidelity she promised to her missing husband also promised the Radić brothers’ science - she remained consistent and remembered and thought with great joy. For him, Stjepan Radić is “blessed” with his thoughts on tolerance, peacemaking and political appreciation of the heritage for the rest of his life. From the perspective of historical sources, the records bring us new insights: the relationship with Jalžabetić is presented in a completely different light from sources from periodicals, and some biographical elements such as the husband’s mobilization, the tragic death of her father and son, the communist nationalization of property, or the relationship with Đuro Basariček and Mihovil Pavlek Miškina further shed light on the importance of her role in the political and cultural circle of interwar Croatia. The fundamental values that we can read from the lines and poems represent, in general political matters, the doctrine of democratic agrarianism, anti-communism and anti-fascism; conservatism in religious and cultural matters of society and the family; In matters of civil and natural liberties, she takes a rather liberal stance, while looking at the emancipation and problematization of women’s suffrage primarily through educational motives: literacy, general education accessible to all, and gradual involvement in political life.

Rad ukratko prikazuje djelovanje omladinskih organizacija na dalmatinskim otocima i njihov utjecaj na život mladih u neposrednom poraću. Proučavano je nekoliko različitih aspekata: broj mladih na otocima u odnosu na broj članova omladinskih organizacija, ustroj i djelovanje omladinskih organizacija SKOJ-a i USAOH/NOH-a, ideološko usmjeravanje mladih, odnos mladih i omladinskih organizacija prema Katoličkoj crkvi, odaziv mladih na radne akcije, socijalistička preobrazba sela, reakcije mladih na sukob oko Rezolucije Informbiroa, bijeg mladih u inozemstvo, kulturna i prosvjetna aktivnost na otocima te sport i predvojnička obuka., The objective of the research, the result of which is this article, was to study and present the operation of communist youth organisations (SKOJ and USAOH/NOH) on Dalmatian islands in the first after-war period 1945–1954, and their impact on the life of the domestic population – the youth. In her research, the author primarily used archival sources – the funds of the Croatian State Archives, followed by published sources and relevant literature. The author studied several aspects of the operation of youth organisations in relation to the life of the youth on the islands: their number in comparison to the number of members of youth organisations; organisation and operation of youth organisations SKOJ and USAOH/NOH; ideological directing of the youth; the relationship of the youth and youth organisations towards the Catholic Church; response of the youth to work actions; socialist transformation of the rural parts; reaction of the youth to the conflict in relation to the Resolution of the Informbureau; exodus of the youth; cultural and historical activity on the islands; sports and military training. By analysing the sources and comparing the existing data, the author reached the following conclusions she presented in the paper: though youth organisations on Dalmatians islands were entrusted with the same tasks as the organisations in other parts of Croatia, the former had more difficulties in the implementation than the latter. SKOJ and NOH did not succeed in materialising the directives received from their leaderships and the Communist Party on the islands, or they did only to a certain extent. The reason thereof was seemingly lack of interest or capability of youth leaderships on the islands in carrying out the entrusted tasks, as well as lack of interest of the wider circle of youth in getting actively involved in the work of communist youth organisations. They joined these organisations only formally, as they actually had no wish to engage in politics. They were more strongly interested in sports and entertainment. Furthermore, it should be reminded of the fact that the Catholic Church, which was traditionally strong in these parts, exercised powerful influence on the youth, who were inclined to it and gathered around it. This represented a major problem for youth organisations.

Sukob, razlike i tenzije između Demokratske Narodne Republike Koreje i Republike Koreje potječu iz Korejskog rata. Autor će detaljno analizirati i utvrditi koji su faktori oblikovali trenutni izgled Korejskog poluotoka. U radu će se obratiti velika pozornost na sile koje su utjecale na Koreju i stvorile velike razlike između nekada jednog naroda, kao i na posljedice koje je Korejski rat ostavio na Koreju i regiju, a posebno ćemo obratiti pozornost na utjecaj hladnog rata., War, differences and tensions between Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea have origins in Korean War. Paper will analyze and determine what are the factors that shaped the current look of Korean peninsula. It will also review what are the external forces that have influenced developments in Korean peninsula and created divisions between same people. Also what kind of consequences did Korean War left on the region and focus on the influence of the Cold War?

Na temelju arhivskoga gradiva i literature autor istražuje opseg i narav nadziranja Amerikanaca hrvatskoga podrijetla od Federal Bureau of Investigation i drugih vladinih organizacija u vrijeme Drugoga svjetskog rata. Autor ujedno oslikava posljedice srpske propagande i američkoga nadzora na komunističku infiltraciju hrvatskih organizacija u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i na priklanjanje američkih Hrvata ideji obnove Jugoslavije i podrške partizanima., Using the archival sources and the existing literature the paper presents how Federal Bureau of Investigation surveilled Croatian community in the United States during World War II. The existing archival documents show that Serb who worked as FBI informers often presented Croats as a threat to Western allies. FBI obviously accepted such Serb propaganda as a real threat to American national security and began the surveillance of all distinguished persons from the Croat community. Croatian journalists and various organizations of American Croats were also put under observation. At the same time American Croat community and its organizations were infiltrated by persons who supported communist ideas. Communist influence resulted in widespread support of American Croat community for Yugoslav partisans. Croatian catholic priests in the United States warned of a growing communist influence in the American Croat community. Their warning was rejected because they were often considered to be friendly to Axis powers and the Independent State of Croatia.