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Though professors of academia for decades have engaged in the Platonic dialogue with their students, recent studies have demonstrated that between 50-90 percent of student recall depends upon their direct participation in the material in which they are being instructed (National Training Laboratories, 2003). Such instructional strategies estimate that students who participate in discussion group sessions recall over 50 percent of material which they learn, while ?practice by doing? contributes to about 75 percent retention. By far the most impressive retention statistic, however, is that students retain over 90 percent of the material to which they are exposed if they are required to use the material immediately or engage in teaching others. Perhaps no other discipline in the halls of academe changes as rapidly as international studies. Each day presents new information and new challenges. This paper suggests that professors of international studies must ?relearn? what they have learned. That is, teaching must become more active and interactive utilizing the new techniques and technologies available today. It can no longer be assumed that 150 minutes per week is adequate time to impart to students the complexities of an ever-changing world. E-mail and voice mail are fine to communicate with students, but discussions outside of class in interactive chat rooms and other outlets can capture the nuances of meaning which might otherwise be missed. In short, professors of international studies must constantly be engaged and encourage active learning on the part of their students.This paper provides a brief survey of the teaching technologies and strategies available to professors of international studies today. It will demonstrate that the use of active learning, in the form of simulations, student presentations, and problem-solving situations will better prepare students to understand the complexities of international studies. By utilizing the technological advances in teaching excellence, professors can more fully engage their students and provide them with the tools to face the challenges of their futures. As a discipline, international studies cannot assume that teaching facts and figures is adequate to an understanding of the world. International studies students must experience the world as closely as possible in the classroom before they, ultimately, will be forced to confront it for themselves. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition of International Relations from a descriptive discipline to a rigorous and consistent social science (like Economics), as well as the demand of the contemporary job market require substantial knowledge in the areas of mahematics, mathematical modeling and computer based analysis and simulation. The IR graduate of this century must be informed in these fields of knowledge to the same extent to which the 1950 IR graduate was familiar with economics, international law, history or psychology. Unfortunately, this requirement is not taken into consideration my many - if not by most - undergraduate and graduate American IR programs. As a result most IR graduates are unable to find appropriate jobs.On the bsis of these remarks and of my own education (I have a Ph.D. in International Relations, and a Ph.D. in Mathematical Economics), and my academic experience (in the United States and abroad) I discuss three topics in the first part of this paper:1. main mathematical sub-fields, and methods and techniques of data analysis that should be studied at the under-graduate level;2. principles of mathematical modeling, types of IR mathematical models, and specific IR mathematical models which should be studied at the graduate level; and3. computer based analysis and simulation in the field of international relations.In the next section of the paper I focus on the third topic explaining how should some IR courses be taught in a computer laboratory. I indicate that:1. during the first term the students should be familiarized with simple computer programs (software) that allow comparisons and analyses that use data-bases, but do not include advanced mathematical models (like CASCON);2. during the second term the students should study static (non-dynamic) IR mathematical models and simulate various scenarios by using the previously discussed models;3. during the third term the focus should be on dynamicsl models; and4.finally, the students must study, discuss, and work with optimal control and complex global models.In the last section of the paper I show how a considerable improvement in the mathematical modeling and computer simulation skills of IR graduates might considerably contribute to the development of our discipline, and the increase of graduates' ability to successfully compete on an extremely demanding job market. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that mainstream IPE continues to neglect feminist contributions, in spite of the extensive research produced regarding gender in recent decades. We review some of this literature, focusing on analytical/theoretical interventions and, in particular, how households are linked to mutliple dimensions of IPE in its current manifestations. It discusses gendered differentiations of power, authority and economic valorization across North and South positionalities and how problems might be better addressed in theory/practice. In the process, The paper introduces an alternative conceptualisation that includes the domestic, market and state spheres, suggesting two different ways in which the incorporation of the domestic into the international political economy might be theorised. In effect, this involves a schematic representation of how 'First World/North/Minority' and 'Third World/South/Majority' are differentially positioned in regard to today's global political economy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares neorealism, institutionalism and liberalism in terms of their competing conceptualisations of the composition and dynamics of the international system. It suggests that prominent institutionalists have mistakenly interpreted neorealism as a rationalist model of the international system to develop their own arguments countering its central propositions. Rather than relying on rational actor assumptions, neorealism instead adopts a reflexive logic focusing on processes of identity construction and socialisation arising from the generative consequences of anarchy. Thus whilst neorealism and liberalism differ fundamentally in terms of their assessment of the long term consequences of anarchy, they may actually be closer to each other in terms of their conceptualisation of system composition and dynamics than neorealism and institutionalism. The paper therefore rejects a ?linear? understanding of the relationship between neorealism, institutionalism and liberalism in which institutionalism is seen as providing the point of synthesis on a spectrum that runs between neorealism and liberalism. Instead, it proposes a ?triangular? understanding of the relationship between these three models of the international system in which the debates between neorealists and institutionalists constitute its rationalist leg, and debates between neorealists and liberals constitute its reflexivist leg. Understood in these terms, liberalism?s focus on the generative consequences of anarchy and the overall trajectory of identity construction and socialisation within the international system is likely to be more productive in the search for a general synthesis of competing theories than institutionalists? attempts to refine rationalist models. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is common to find the development of realism described as the 'long march towards science'. According to this interpretation, realism is a theory that privileges 'what is' (facts) over 'what ought to be' (values). In order to keep the two realms apart Realism is, or should be, a science. Successive developments within realism are said to have progressively pushed realism into a social science framework dominated by positivist principles. In this paper I suggest that the issue is more complicated than this dominant understanding allows. In the paper I explore the ambivalent, and sometimes antagonistic, attitude many realist thinker display towards science. I argue that contemporary advocates, and critics of realism, need to re-examine the kind of knowledge that realism can hope to produce. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that metageographical distinctions (Lewis and Wigen 1997) ? whether they are taken to refer to something actually existing, or are taken to be ideologically laden power tools ? serve as nodes in relational conceptual networks that form, allow, or authorize certain types of knowledge. Thus, North-South, the West, or the Orient, tie a range of other concepts such as civilization, globalization, universalism, and particularism together in a relational network of meaning. In other words, these concepts derive their meaning from their position in this network, and cannot stand alone. More concretely, why and how do social scientists and historians have the idea that the social world contains something called the West? I argue that it is because several domains of knowledge production ? in this paper I examine IR and anthropology ? cannot do without it. This is not a functionalist argument ? ?the West? does not exist because IR and anthropology needs it. Instead, these disciplines could develop precisely because the concept of the West was formed ? it became a node to which other concepts could be connected and given meaning. IR and anthropology have since been involved in reproducing the concept of the West as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for knowledge production in their respective fields. The knowledge that the concept of the West has thus allowed, or helped form, feeds into another conceptual network, formed around the metageographical distinction North-South. Using a historical sociology of concept formation, this paper seeks to critically understand the metageographical logic of knowledge production in IR and anthropology. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the transnational political role and activities of two new diasporas: the Acehnese and East Timorese in Australia, North America, Portugal and Scandinavia. It traces their South to North movement and long-distance influence on self-determination conflicts in their country of origin. Sociology and political science research theorizes that diasporas are international players with a capacity for political action in both the host state and the country of origin. This paper tests this hypothesis and examines how and why diaspora goals and strategies of political action as well as the repertoires of political action change over time and through a fusion of national identities and adopted transnationally-defined norms. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of how to define globalization has received surprisingly insufficient explicit attention in globalization theory. In popular (academic and political) usage, a simple definition of globalization can often be summed up as little more than that globalization is about ?the world becoming global?. In the globalization literature, many globalization scholars start with this simple definition and then add, mostly implicitly, some further elements to the definition. By and large, therefore, there is neither any agreement on a more meaningful and complex definition, nor any real explicit debate about how to precisely define globalization. This paper argues that part of the problem can be found in the way many social scientists define a definition. Looking at the philosophy of definitions, this paper thus tries, firstly, to arrive at a meaningful theory of social definitions, which then in turn, secondly, informs a discussion of how to define globalization by delineating three different meanings of ?global?. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on Pierre Bourdieu?s epistemological reflections, this paper argues that social scientific knowledge, especially theory, has an inherently metaphorical nature. Social science is a metaphor of reality. In the same way that a metaphor depicts something as if it were something else, any social theory necessarily portrays social life as if it had a logic it actually does not have in practice. In Bourdieu?s words, ?the logic of practice can only be grasped through constructs which destroy it as such.? This is the consequence of ?epistemocentrism,? the tendency of the scientist to construe the world as a spectacle rather than as a series of lived practices. Critically assessing the emerging notion of a ?globalization of threats? in contemporary security studies, this paper posits that in the business of developing knowledge about the social world, ?everything takes place as if.? The epistemological status of concepts such as ?global terrorism? is nothing more than a scholarly metaphor more or less aligned with the intersubjective realities experienced by social and political agents. Such epistemological vigilance against scientific reification rests on three methodological axioms that this paper will discuss. First, the currently emerging stream of metaphorical analysis should enlarge its scope beyond ontological issues of the linguistic construction of reality: metaphorical analysis must become an epistemological posture in the full sense of the term. Second, our methodologies should aim to combine objectivist and subjectivist hermeneutics so as to reconstruct, as much as possible, the socially constituted practical sense of agents. Third and related, postfoundationalism and its emphasis on induction should inform any analysis that takes the metaphorical nature of social science seriously. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The time-frame within which IR emerged as a discipline was not favourable to non-Anglo-American or call it non-western societies. The dominant theoretical prism which all no-western (non-European) peoples were perceived was evolutionary. In a way, non-European peoples and societies were seen as cocooned in ancient traditions, as living archeological specimens, surviving relics of the dim past of then modern world. The theme Power, hegemony and knowledge in IR Studies, is relevant to the question of marginalized knowledge? (call it peripheral perspectives!). It is a process of shaking off this time conception, of coming to see non-western peoples as contemporaries, living in the same period of history, occupying a different part of the world. This has been the big story of anthropological theory and practice in the past sixty years, to the extent that contributions to IR from non-western societies featured only via anthropological works or methods of investigation. Therefore, a central challenge to IR today, and still is to the social sciences worldwide, is to generate an on-going understanding of the significance of non-western entities in the generation of knowledge. This should become the more imperative and a matter of urgency in this increasingly complex interdependent world. My paper calls for the problematization of specific concepts and problems common to the field of IR and its methodologies. I will examine how IR is studied, analysed and taught in the African context and content. This approach hopes to expose what I consider to be major contributions IR knowledge can benefit from Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pointing to the successes of modern natural science, naturalists recommend social scientific emulation of natural scientific research practices. Two properties of natural science suggest limitations, however. First, since Bacon, natural science has sought to control nature in order to promote human emancipation from nature’s ravages. Unreflective adoption of this conception in transcultural social sciences, such as international studies, can unintentionally produce oppressive outcomes. Second, the meaning conventions of natural science, when imported into social science, conform results to the world understandings from which inquiry proceeds. This circularity contributes to epistemic violence to the extent that such studies inform state policies. Naturalism would redeem itself if it could articulate unambiguous criteria for theory choice. But it cannot. Falsificationism’s contemporary defenders in international studies tacitly acknowledge this failure by appending to their descriptions of falsificationist criteria those of pragmatism. Falsificationist philosophers would recoil at this, believing that pragmatist criteria render theory choice irrational. If, in the end, we have no unambiguous criteria and must rely on the relatively vague coherence norms of pragmatism, how can international studies avoid the Scylla of irrationalism without steering into the Charybdis of epistemic violence? It can do so, this paper argues, only by advancing a program that promotes and extends diversity within the community of inquirers. As a byproduct, diversity would guard against research practices informed by non-emancipatory norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is global environmental politics? What are the core research questions and findings in this field of inquiry? Where do the disciplinary boundaries begin and end? This article maps out the history and current trends in the field of global environmental politics. To receive a copy of the paper, please email the author at dauvergne@politics.ubc.ca [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Africa failed states have become prevalent over the last ten years. The paper looks at the African cases from an international society perspective. The cases of failed states in Africa are reviewed with regard to the question to what extent external democratization pressures, in Africa, have contributed more to making than to mastering state failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, scholarly literature has recognized that the probability of conflict initiation, escalation, and termination is a function, in part, of the nature of issues in contention. Yet, the explanations provided to account for the empirical findings on the relationship between issue type and conflict behavior have not gone much beyond ex post justifications. This study is an attempt to address this lacuna and provide a theoretical framework for the relationship between issues and conflict escalation. The issue literature argues that the more salient the issue at stake for a state, the more likely the bargaining failure, i.e., war, is. My concurrence with this observation notwithstanding, this paper goes beyond this oft-asserted argument and raises two central questions: What are the sources of issue salience? How does issue salience manifest itself at the bargaining table? I argue that the sources of issue salience lie in domestic politics, and issue salience affects bargaining failures by increasing or decreasing the sensitivity to the cost of fighting. Therefore, it is the interests of the winning coalition on whom leaders rely to remain in office and mobilize resources that influence the probability of conflict. The more valuable the issue in contention for the domestic winning coalition, the more salient the issue is, and the smaller the bargaining range. I further argue that the salience of particular type of issues varies systematically across different domestic institutional designs (i.e., democracy versus autocracy) and over time. I subject my propositions to empirical testing using the updated MID3 dataset and discuss the implications of the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Computational social science investigates the emergence of complex human dynamics from individual, actor-level behavior and environments. This paper explores the application of new computational approaches specifically to the research agenda on world system history and long-term international relations research. Computational social science includes agent-based modeling, as well as a rich class of other computer-based approaches dealing with observation, recording, modeling and simulation of international dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme of violence in new religious movements and in religious cults has emerged in recent years following a series of tragedies and violent actions: collective suicides, acts of terrorism, murders and various other acts of violence. The coming of the third millennium has also ushered in the perception of a ?new threat? and has provoked the publication of various reports emanating from governmental agencies (Project Meggido, FBI, 1999; Mouvements Religieux Eschatologiques, Canadian Security Intelligence Service, 1999). These events have raised a number of questions on the dangers, real or supposed, of these groups, for individuals as well as for society. Opinions diverge however on these actions and numerous hypotheses have been put forward to explain them. If certain authors explain them by dysfunctions inherent to such groups, others prefer to say that we are dealing here with the social construction of a marginal problem. This paper examines the theoretical propositions put forward, and builds a critical evaluation of the present controversies in the light of the most recent data available on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When analysing the fall of the Berlin Wall, social scientists either point to shifting structural conditions that made the status quo untenable, or explain the revolution through shifting incentives of individuals.This paper will develop an alternative a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What do we mean by the concept of 'idol'? What are its roots and what isits history? This paper examines why the term is used in an ironicsense today (with shows like 'Pop Idol'). The absence of political idols in theWest is explored as a conseque ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two major objectives. First, it explores the extent of coverage given to the topic genocide in contemporary social science texts. This follows the previous work of Fein (1979) in which she found social science texts were giving inadequate ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the question of what is the nature of the ongoing systemic power transition in the region. However, it consciously challenges traditional power transition theory (PTT) by proposing a new, variegated power transition framework, which ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of contemporary global human rights discourse within Foucault’s framework of substitutability and self-discipline of agents within discursive power structures. It argues that the global human rights discourse cannot be ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comprises a study of contemporary statecraft by Western actors. While the U.S. has been consumed in the application of an array of hard power instruments in two ongoing wars, the EU has quietly developed a panoply of softer instruments that it ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attends to the ways in which neoliberal governance orchestrates and depends upon the production of postcolonial desire. It specifically interrogates the aesthetic/life style regime of 'Korean Wave' (Hallyu) as an author of the new Korean citize ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the relevance of the everyday as the focus of an ‘analytique’ of technocratic practices in the sociology of bureaucratic organisations, drawing from the fieldwork conducted by the author among European Union bureaucracies. It builds on ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kadera and Morey report the first findings from their early major power events data project. The new dataset uses the New York Times news stories as its main source, and covers all major power events from the first daily paper until 1936. Each event was ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the majority of social constructivists, a new idea is selected when it fits with prevailing ideas. This “fit” thesis cannot account for the selection of a new idea which is inconsistent with prevailing ideas. This paper uses the selection of the R2P n ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has been written about the role of nonprofit, nongovernmental organizations (NPNGOs) in domestic and international policy making, they remain an undertheorized form of collective action. Questions such as why NPNGOs emerge and function, how they are structured, what strategies they employ to mitigate agency conflicts and ensure accountability, and under what conditions they influence politics, have not been systematically examined. This paper presents a synthesized perspective on these issues by drawing on three dominant literatures that study NPNGOs: political science approaches to NGO politics, social movement literature in sociology, and the multi-disciplinary nonprofit literature. We conclude that the NPNGO research program can be strengthened by active engagement with the theories of firm. As activities subsumed under the banner of corporate social responsibility increasingly drive firms' behavior, we also conclude that modeling firms as collective actors like NPNGOs is an important next step. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to establish the most effective way to measure academics’ influence on policy. It focuses on the cases of security policy modernization in the democratic transitions in Brazil and South Africa in the 1990s. Departing from the assumption that the onus of bridging the gap between the policy world and academe is on the latter, it outlines the six-step process by which security experts ultimately can leave a substantive mark on policy. In doing so, it incorporates literature from the realms of securitization (the “Copenhagen School”), civil-military relations, policy science and epistemic communities. In addition, it builds on the findings of the author’s previous doctoral analysis outlining the importance of three factors in determining the role of outside actors in policy processes: policymaker uncertainty; experts’ attributes such as specialized knowledge, institutionalized prestige and cogent, normative argumentation; and rigorously measured overlap between policymakers’ and experts’ normative commitments. Together with the effects of institutional structures on experts’ access, this construct is tested against two cases: the Military Research Group, an ANC-leaning grouping of academics who contributed to the development of that country’s frist democratic defence policy; and the Experts’ Commission established by the newly-created Brazilian Ministry of Defense in 1999 to assist in modernizing that country’s national defence policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a neo-classical realist model for explaining shifts and variations in US grand strategy. The model is based on a distinction between four ideal-type grand strategies or approaches to security according to the objectives and means of security policy: defensive and offensive realism, and defensive and offensive liberalism. While the four approaches are continually present in the US policy community, it is the combination of two systemic conditions, namely the distribution of capabilities and the balance of threat, that selects among the competing approaches and determines which grand strategy is likely to emerge as dominant in a given period. While great power parity is conducive to realist approaches, a situation of hegemony allows the liberal perspectives to emerge. In addition, a relative absence of external threat encourages defensive approaches, while a situation of high external threat gives rise to offensive strategies. Thus, various combinations of these systemic factors give rise to the emergence of various grand strategies. This model is tested in the case of the most recent shift in US grand strategy following 9/11. In accordance with the expectations of the model, a change in the distribution of capabilities with the end of Cold War made possible a change from realist to liberal strategies, while the change in the balance of threat after 9/11 gave rise to the grand strategy of offensive liberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper elaborates a simple idea: governments coordinate their policies and create international political order not only by negotiating, concluding, and implementing joint and legally binding decisions or by exercising force and wielding hegemonic power. We argue that governments furthermore coordinate their policies by voluntarily, i.e. in the absence of legal obligation or coercion, and unilaterally adjusting their policies to policies that have been communicated in the international system or implemented elsewhere. More precisely, governments coordinate their policies and create international political order by imitating and emulating or adapting to policy choices of other governments; by learning or drawing lessons from policies that other governments adopted; and by responding to the international promotion of ideas, norms, and policies through actors in the international system. At a higher level of abstraction, these processes constitute subordinate mechanisms of what we and other scholars circumscribe with the concept of diffusion. Our main argument is hence that diffusion is a distinguishable mechanism through which governments coordinate their policies and create international political order. We devise this argument in two steps. First, we develop a theoretical framework that integrates diffusion into the conceptualization of international policy coordination, which we understand as cross-national adjustments of governmental goals, policies, or actions that are based on interdependent or mutually related decision-making. In the framework we distinguish diffusion from two other ideal types of mechanisms that prevail the conceptualization of international policy coordination in political science, namely international cooperation, i.e. the multilateral negotiation and implementation of joint and legally binding decisions, and coercion, i.e. the imposition of policies through hegemonic actors. Second, we illustrate and substantiate our argument empirically by reviewing empirical observations of studies that analyzed effects of diffusion on the creation of international political order in economic, trade, social, and environmental policy-making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between national governments and financial systems is nowhere more intertwined than in markets for public debt. In an era of global finance, government debt markets are a barometer of the financial and economic well-being of a respective country. However, these markets have come to play a broader role, for instance, in monetary policy linking together disparate parts of the financial system. As well, government securities provide secure assets needed to offset risk and provide liquidity. Beyond simply the fiscal balance of the state, the structure, regulation and governance of public debt markets greatly shapes the wider domestic financial system and the way in which this domestic system fits into the global financial order. Using a comparison of public debt markets, this paper explores the way in which financial practices and governance developed within the US Treasury market have shaped global norms and examines how this relates to US structural power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recently intensified transfers of migrant labourers from developing societies to the highly industrialized areas, who are predominantly engaged in the so-called “unskilled” and “unprotected” work, have been investigated in vast academic literature as researchers have made efforts to evaluate their extent, delineate their dominant characteristics and assess their contribution to socioeconomic development. Here, this paper will begin by reviewing several efforts to resolve the theoretical impasse that has been created by the two dominantâ€"functionalist and structuralistâ€"approaches to global labour migrations while highlighting their common failure to coherently articulate the dialectic interplay of agency and structure within their theorizations. In this regard it will illustrate how the neo-Gramscian social ontology of historical structures helps to transcend the agential/structural conception of globalizing labour migration by exploring the reciprocal interactions between rapidly intensified flows of migrant workers and the restructuring in the social relations of (re)production, forms of state and configuration of power dynamics among various social forces. Through critically engaging with neo-Gramscian perspectives, this essay endeavours: 1) to establish conceptual framework that allows for the examination of the dialectical relationships between global labour migration and the global political economy; and, 2) to contribute toward debates within IR and IPE theory, more specially, both the illustration of global politics as social relations produced by various actors in multiple spheres and the emergent critical efforts to pursue the possibilities for an emancipatory project and political resistance in thinking and acting beyond neoliberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent experience of postcolonial states poses some intriguing questions for the field of international political economy (IPE). Long conceptualized as exceptions to the norm, the study of many of these states (e.g. India, China) was confined to the field of development studies, a field defined by various inadequacies in relation to the normative horizons of IPE. But, in recent years, it is precisely these postcolonial states that have come to be representative of many of the features of a rapidly globalizing economy. How does IPE resolve the resultant divide between development studies and the studies of globalization? What narratives does it produce to explain the abrupt and sudden change in the economies of postcolonial states? This paper proposes that IPE’s attempts to account for the new identity of postcolonial states reveals a variety of colonial strategies. These are strategies that, in seeking to seamlessly bridge the divides between development studies, IPE and the studies of the global economy, are aimed predominantly at shoring up its increasingly problematic normativity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reports the results of experimental research on gender differences in individual reactions to simulated terrorist attacks. Subjects were University of Colorado undergraduates who were given priming vignettes about terrorist situations, followed by reports of terrorist attacks. They were then given questionnaires probing multiple different personality dimensions. Unsurprisingly, men scored higher on masculinity measures. They also tended to be more angry, dominant, experimenting, vengeful, disagreeable, and malevolent. Men reacted more conflictually when responding to terrorist attacks. Counter-intuitively, men were also more forgiving. Women, on the other hand, were generally more feminine, fearful, submissive, conservative, agreeable, and benevolent. They generally reacted less conflictually when responding to terrorist attacks, but they also tended to be less forgiving than men. There were also some interesting gender-related interactions. One of our experiments involved prior priming for forgiveness and retaliation. Women primed for forgiveness, but being less forgiving, responded more conflictually to terrorist attacks on cultural/educational targets than men in either priming condition responded to attacks on such targets. Conversely, women primed for forgiveness also responded less conflictually to terrorist attacks on military targets than men in either priming condition responded to attacks on such targets. The observed gender difference profiles mostly fit in with cultural stereotypes, but they are complex and controversial; they need much further investigation. While there appear to be general tendencies, our findings suggest that public responses to terrorist attacks vary. The purpose of terrorism may be terror, but responses need not be uniform or stereotypical. Terrorist acts unfold as a discontinuous series of events that are reported by news media in real time. As this process occurs, it differentially stimulates predispositions of individuals who feel that they are being attacked. Terrorist attacks and media reports, in turn, have complex direct and indirect effects on a heterogeneous network linking individual political leaders and citizens. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper sets out to present a (rationalist) theoretical model, which predicts and explains behavioral changes that different institutional designs of CSR-PPPs in weak states cause on participating companies. It asks: Which institutional design of CSR-PPPs causes what behav-ioral changes on participating companies? The model focuses on three independent variables: Institutional design of CSR-PPPs, the pre-ference structure of companies that participate in CSR-PPPs, and the strategic environment (consisting of competitors, NGOs and business associations; their preferences and action al-ternatives) within which companies make decisions. A set of hypotheses is generated â€" each focusing on the effects of one variable while the other two are held constant â€", which define minimum requirements for, as well as conditions for more and less, behavioral changes of participating companies. To illustrate how constellations of these variables translate into hy-potheses, consider:H1: If companies face a cooperative collective action problem with respect to CSR-policies, a necessary condition for the institutional design of a CSR-PPP for behavioral change is â€" in case that no other relevant actors like NGOs and business associations are present â€" that it entails CSR-standards which are formulated with high degrees of precision and obligation and that it employs monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms.H2: If participating companies can achieve competitive advantages through a CSR-policy (e.g. in certain cases of HIV-treatment programs), CSR-PPPs need to offer "legitimate" benchmarks or managerial support (e.g. management systems) to have an impact.The applicability of the model will be demonstrated by illustrating examples. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of (global) governmentality have made a significant critical contribution by elucidating the multi-sided character of political liberalism as a critique of (excessive) government as well as a method of government; as driven by concerns with security and economy as much as by liberty and rights; and as in fact governing through freedom as well as through unfreedom. While acknowledging instances of this multi-sided character of liberalism in the canon of liberal political theory, governmentality studies have displayed a tendency to oppose the “real liberalism” (Colin Gordon) of governmentality to its more one-sided and fanciful (ideological or normative) counterpart in political theory. Further developing Hindess’s contributions and drawing on recent postcolonial and critical scholarship in political theory, this paper shows that variants of “real liberalism” are as apparent in the liberal-cosmopolitan (and even, in a different form, the republican-communitarian) canon of political and international thought as in contemporary practices of global governmentality. “Real liberalism” in political and international theory highlights both the originality and limitations of the governmentality approach. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the literature on security studies uses the concept of “transnational organized crime” to deal with a threat they don’t deem necessary to define. Nonetheless, the evolution of organized crime has lead a majority of academics to acknowledge that it has become a threat to our society instead of being viewed as an integral part of it. Such an evolution has had many consequences on the different policies that seek to confront this problem. In fact, there are not one but many concepts behind the one of “organized crime”. From the first use of “Mafia” in the end of the 19th century in Italy to the very American concept of “Transnational organized crime” that United Nations have made its own, the social construction of organized crime has (re)produced it as an external enemy to the society, the State and its institutions. Such a view is not without some ambiguities as it marginalises many important dynamics that characterise organized crime. Drawing mainly upon the work of Michel Foucault and on the theoretical approaches in international political sociology that have integrated his writings (e.g. the “Paris School” and several poststructuralist authors in IR), this paper argues that the dominant narratives about organized crime in the policymaking and strategic circles at the international level don’t represent the entire portray of the phenomena. In the first part, I elaborate a genealogy of the concept of “transnational organized crime”. In the second part, I underline that the subjectivity elaborated around this concept limits the scope of a political and diplomatic apprehension of that “threat” which excludes its co-constitutive nature. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration discourse in contemporary liberal democratic states is arguably characterised by a securitising nationalism, in which a territorial conception of political community is constructed as the natural foundation of a socially, culturally, economically and politically secure way of life. However, social movements based on a forging of links between citizens and non-citizens of various types increasingly challenge this territorial conception of political community. This paper draws attention to the ways in which an emphasis on citizenship and migration can foster a debate between analysts of securitisation and analysts of social movements, in order that traditional methodological and disciplinary divides can be traversed. More specifically, it argues that such a debate can contribute to the ‘bridging of divides’ in at least two ways. First, it suggests that such engagement can bridge the methodological divide between top-down and bottom-up analyses, through drawing attention to the ways in which political community is variously constructed in both ‘directions’. Second, it suggests that such engagement can bridge the disciplinary divide between sociological and political analyses, through cross-referencing socio-political practices of securitisation and socio-political practices of mobilisation. In cross-referencing our own research into citizenship and migration in the contemporary European context, we suggest that such engagement facilitates both a re-conceptualisation of citizenship as well as a problematisation of the territorial conception of political community through which a securitising nationalism thrives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michael Doyle is only the most astute of recent critical commentators on the work of Hans J. Morgenthau to claim that "Morgenthau finds moral considerations unfit for the necessities that characterize politics, particularly international politics" (Ways of War and Peace, p. 106). Unfortunately, this commonplace interpretation of Morgenthau --according to which he gets pigeonholed as a "classical realist" --distorts the nuances of his complex and oftentimes tension-ridden ideas about the intersection between politics and morality. The proposed paper uses Morgenthau's POWER POLITICS VS. SCIENTIFIC MAN (1946) as a starting point for challenging conventional readings of Morgenthau's political ethics, underscoring the many reasons Morgenthau himself resisted the label "realist" as an accurate way to describe his work. The dominant reading of Morgenthau not only obscures the nuances of his political ethics, in which moral reasoning plays a significant role, but it conveniently downplays numerous ways in which Morgenthau's legacy presents a powerful challenge to contemporary Realist theory, which too often drops the profound moral concerns which motivated Morgenthau's thinking. In particular, Morgenthau's understanding of the growing dangers of interstate warfare --and especially the possibility of nuclear war-- gave his theory a deeeply moral tenor arguably lacking from the ideas of many of his theoretical offspring. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Levels of analysis have been discussed in international relations for over fifty years and are an indispensable concept in scholarly efforts to describe social phenomena. Many scholars have engaged in theoretical discussions of them in efforts to clarify their relationship to the agent-structure debate. In this paper I enter this dialogue by offering a conceptualization of levels of analysis from the perspective of the social theory of Niklas Luhmann. Luhmann’s version of complexity theory is based on a radically constructivist epistemology and associated anti-realist ontology. He conceptualizes society as made up of various systems, such as psychic systems (individual human consciousness), the legal system, the political system, the economic system, etc. States, in this analysis, are subsets of the political system which can be seen as systems themselves, and which exhibit similarities that do not cut across other systems. A level of analysis, then, can be conceptualized as a system which is examined for its influence on another system. Systems appear in each other’s environments, but each system also constructs its environment in a contingent way which often does not perfectly overlap with the subjective constructions of other systems. The result is that the causal effect of a particular system on another is describable, yet inherently unpredictable. In engaging with scientific realists, who do much of the theorizing about levels of analysis and agency and structure, I underscore the pitfalls of agent-structure language and the benefits of instead thinking in terms of system and environment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we avoid bringing in the ethical when theorizing the ontological in IR? This paper argues that the ontological discourses about IR theory remain seriously flawed because they fail to bring in a notion of The Ethical in their theoretical apparatuses. The project makes two arguments. First, The Ethical constitutes the unspoken, taken-for-granted, onto-political presuppositions that underpin the theoretic-discourse about ontology in IR theory. Second, we need to theorize this Ethical without succumbing to essentialism, universalism, particularism, or relativism for that matter. Drawing on Derrida’s deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence and Levinas’ notions of the Ethical in terms of the Said and Saying, the project hence offers a theorization of the role that The Ethical plays at the level of the onto-political in the discourses of IR theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the responsibilities of political science to the "public"? What topics should be pursued and which deserve to be put aside, at least until higher-order priorities are adequately addressed?A simple response would be to argue that a "well-ordered" social science satisfies the preferences of a majority of the citizens in a given society. But insofar as individual preferences may be based on impulse or ignorance, a simple appeal to the masses won't do. Social science cannot be held hostage to the "tyranny of the ignorant," pursuing politically "hot topics" at the expense of epistemically valuable inquiry. Yet it is also true, that when social science is divorced from the pressing issues of the day and the concerns of "real people" it risks losing its warrant. A "tyranny of the learned" is certainly no better than the subjugation of scientific inquiry to the fads and fashions of the masses. Related to these general questions is the question of research funding. To whom should governments and international organizations turn in an effort to decide which projects to underwrite?This paper seeks to establish the conditions of a "well ordered" political science. It examines the question of representation in the establishment of research agendas and asks how the scientific enterprise can insure maximum representation so that important questions or issues do not go unaddressed. It also asks the obverse: are there certain questions that should not be pursued in a well-ordered social science?Establishing an ideal type of the "well-ordered social science" allows for the evaluation of contemporary social scientific practice. To what degree and in which direction does contemporary practice deviate from the ideal type? Which remedial actions should be considered in an effort to more closely link the discipline with the needs and interests of the citizens who make it possible? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a plea for theoretical pluralism in how we study international institutions and, in particular, their socializing abilities. It operationalizes this eclectic stance through a focus on social mechanisms. Considering the case of European regional organizations (EU, NATO, OSCE, Council of Europe), the essay demonstrates the empirical payoff of such pluralism, while at the same time arguing for renewed attention to domestic politics if we are to understand better how institutions matter in global and regional settings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper would focus on the manner in which Elshtain's recent work seems to offer a rather different reading of politics from that disclosed in her earlier writing. I locate this in the context of the relationship - powerful but, I suggest, ambiguous - between her general ideas about politics and her interpretation of Augustine. I then offer some thoughts as to what is at stake in the ambiguity, for Elshtain herself, and for politics in general. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the question how the application of the ICC's ordering principles of complementarity and moral accountability will impact the composition of what Rawls has called ´decent hierarchical societies´. In answering this question, I propose that Rawls's minimalist threshold of justice explains the social obstacles of (state) cooperation regarding the ICC and establishes an important starting point for evaluating its evolving dynamics. Rawls's "Law of Peoples" thus moves us beyond a strictly realpolitik interpretation of the ICC - which reflects the pessimism underlying the ICC's enforcement powers or its future efficacy. It does so by offering us an important means of balancing the ICC's universal morality against state politics and the challenges posed by the lack of a reliable (global) enforcement mechanism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Criminal Court can be seen as an institutional spearhead in the paradigmatic clash between legal universalism and political power structures. The question arises as to whether the normative quality of the Court depends too heavily on its contextual authority. In this paper I will use the complementarity principle as formulated in the Rome Statute as a mirror, and as an analytic tool to assess the role of the Court as an international institution in a move towards global justice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global policy processes have emerged via the increasingly dense interactions of international commissions, multilateral initiatives, international organization and trans-nationalized public sector agencies. In such arenas, professional associations, think tanks, social science oriented foundations, university institutes and their knowledge-based networks can become players in the formulation, legitimation and evaluation of policy. In the weak institutional context of global and regional level governance, they are arguably more influential in shaping the parameters of policy making than within the confines of the nation-state in that they are constitutive in the construction of such new policy spaces.The Evian Group is a transnational research network, think tank, policy advocate and dialogue group. It is a private associate that conducts trade-related research and convenes high-level dialogues on the future role of the World Trade Organization (WTO). However, by comparison to similar trans-national groups like the World Economic Forum in Davos, Third World Network or the Trans Atlantic Business Dialogue, the Evian Group is not well known. Notwithstanding its public activities such as meetings and conferences, capacity building and training, its web-site and guide to trade experts, the Group is relatively exclusive and club like. Additionally, Evian is informally connected to powerful social forces within the WTO, the EU and leading corporations. Yet, proximity and affinity to power do not, by necessity, translate into policy influence. Although sometimes a powerful force, (social) science is not inherently or automatically persuasive in policy debates. The neo-liberal orthodoxy on free markets and trade integration ? such as that propounded by most members of the Evian Group ? is founded upon neo-classical economic theories that are dominant in the economics discipline and within international financial and trade institutions. However, this world view is contested by NGOs, social movements and other intellectual communities. The Evian Group secretariat finds it an on-going necessity to challenge the discourses of ?protectionist forces?. The contribution of private research groups to global and regional governance poses theoretical questions about power and how, when and if at all it is exercised through advocacy, education and policy research. Operating as a network itself, and via strategic interaction in other kinds of academic and policy networks, allows Evian to act as an ?informal diplomat? and ?reputational intermediary? in policy debate. Such trans-national networks present new pressures for accountability, representation and deliberation. Newspapers and the electronic media do not regard bodies like the Evian Group as newsworthy. Combined with its technocratic character, publics are excluded and political responsibility is undermined. As a consequence of the lack of transparency and mechanisms for public representation, and lack of knowledge about them, these networks act with relative autonomy and in some anonymity. They are more able to thwart challenges to their activities or calls for transparency by emphasizing their non-state, private status.The paper is part of a larger project on the role of Non Governmental Public Action. This project builds theory through a critique of pluralist and neo-corporatist writing on global networks. Alternative perspectives - transnational discourse coalitions and neo-Gramscian ideas - illuminate the technocratic and exclusive domains of global governance. NGPA via transnational networks cannot be assumed to be progressive public action; networks are also mechanism for privatizing policy spaces and restricting public access. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe European Union as a critic of the international order: the power of a normative powerKari Mottola, MFA, HelsinkiThe footprint of the European Union on the structure and functioning of the international order originates from strategies of change that fall, respectively, under the principal theoretical categories: management of multilateral institutions (liberalism); coercion of behaviour through political-diplomatic-military actions (realism); and construction of normative regimes by socialisation and conditionality (traditional or liberal-constructivism); change of power structures and normative circumstances through persuasion, reflecting criticism of the international order (post-structural or realist-constructivism).The survey, combining action and theory, brings forth the juxtaposition of norms and power in the strategic profile of the EU. In addition to its role as a proponent of effective multilateralism, the EU performs as a normative power par excellence, a driver of rules adoption, and a prosecutor of non-compliance, while as a wielder of structural power in the realist sense it is a novice. On the other hand, while the liberal institutional and constitutive strategies are predicated on the idea that structural power can be transcended by progressive normative policies, persuasion aims at distributing roles and benefits by the use of ideational power and occurs in a recurrent or indefinite pattern. Analysing the interaction of power and norms as driving factors in strategic behaviour, the paper evaluates the liberal and realistic forms of the normative power of the European Union, both measuring its credibility as a critic in the international order. The emergence of the EU as a global normative actor sui generis with a dualistic character is challenged by the adversity of the democratic peace project, caused by governance failures and cultural relativism, on the normative side and the reconfiguration of power politics, together with weakening of multilateral institutions, on the structural side.Of the four strategies of the European Union, tackling the complexity of governance and the transformation of structure as forms of change in international order, construction and persuasion, representing constructivist theory, wield the greatest and smallest impact, respectively, indicating the volatility of normative and ideational politics. Persuasion may be a growth strategy, however. Note: Statements of fact and opinion are those the author and do not imply endorsement by the Government of Finland. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often said that no two countries are ever alike. The planet´s 190 plus countries are arguably different in each and every aspect of their phyical, demographic, economic and military existence and capabilities. The diversity in the countries´ comparative and competitive advantages places them into an almost predetermined hierarchical order, be it regional or international. The so-called pecking order of countries is by no means a casual product of their mere existence and/or location, but rather of their performance, especially in the economic-technological-industrial realm. In the 21st century´s highly complex and globalized community of states, each country faces a host of challenges to secure the diverse resources its needs to achieve its national goals. Parting from a specifically regional standpoint, this paper seeks to examine the specific spectrum of national capabilities that lend countries their particular brand of national power and thus secures their competitive advantages vis-a-vis other countries, be they neighbors or not. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we investigate the process of carrying out ethnographic studies of organised resistance to neoliberal globalisation. We do so by drawing upon the critical and public social science of Bourdieu and Santos, two highly influential opponents of neoliberalism, and by utilising Burawoy's 'extended case method' (ECM) for the investigation of two instances of resistance. The first is of a trade union, Sintraemcali that has been engaged in a longstanding struggle over the introduction of neoliberal policies in the city of Cali in South West Colombia. The second is of 'The European Marches against Unemployment, Job Insecurity and Social Exclusion' (EM Network). We then reflect upon our approach to researching this resistance and conclude by identifying two key elements of engaged ethnography: solidarity and praxis that in combination assist in the production of new insights into the strategies and practices of social movement resistance to neoliberal globalisation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]