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The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and extent of interorganizational linkages between the partners involved in Canada's sport delivery system. Given tile changes in the economic context of the 1990s and the ensuing fiscal restraints exercised by both government mid the private sector, amateur spoil organizations are in a period of high uncertainty. in order to deal with this uncertainty, links between organizations like governments, nonprofit port organizations, and private sector organizations need to be established, fostered, and maintained. Organizations need to collaborate with each other in order to fulfill their objectives. Linkages between organizations will assist in the sharing of resources and in the coordination of work-related activities, in the paper, a number of examples of existing links between governments, nonprofit organizations, and private organizations are presented. Based on resource dependency theory, strategies such as contracts, joint ventures, and co-optation for establishing new interorganizational linkages are discussed. As well, related issues such us power struggles, loss of autonomy, asymmetrical relationships, and conflicting loyalties are addressed and discussed. Questions for future research also are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the digitization and enrichment of the Canadian House of Commons English Debates from 1901 to present. We start by laying out the general framework in which this project took place and then present the structure of the database and provide guidelines to prospective users. The paper concludes with the introduction of www.lipad.ca, an online platform designed as a hub for archiving Canadian political data, with the parliamentary proceedings at the centre of its architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the impact of medical inadmissibility provisions in Canada's immigration law on applicants with disabilities. The paper draws on key informant interviews, policy analysis, and Ministry of Immigration data on medical inadmissibility findings. We follow the lead of recent mobilities scholarship to examine how the immigration system is enacted, reproduced, and contested over time. From this perspective, we see that recent court challenges to the statutory provisions have created additional procedural space for applicants to contest findings of inadmissibility. However, the legitimacy of excessive demand as a basis for exclusion remains firmly in place, while recent immigration policy changes signal an intensification of measures to limit the social reproductive costs of immigration. Les personnes handicapées, l'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires et la politique d'immigration sélective Cet article s'intéresse aux effets des dispositions de la législation canadienne en matière d'immigration relatives à l'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires des candidats ayant une incapacité. L'article se fonde sur des entretiens auprès d'informateurs clés, des analyses politiques et des données du ministère sur les décisions d'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires. Les recherches récentes portant sur la mobilité forment le point de départ d'une exploration du mode de fonctionnement du système d'immigration, sa reproduction et sa remise en question au fil du temps. Vues sous cet angle, les contestations actuelles des dispositions légales devant les tribunaux ont permis de dégager un espace de procédure supplémentaire pour les candidats afin de contester les verdicts d'inadmissibilité. Cependant, la légitimité de la demande excessive en tant que motif d'interdiction perdure, tandis que les changements récents apportés à la politique d'immigration annoncent une intensification des mesures visant à limiter les coÛts sociaux de l'immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Canada has witnessed an increase in visibility of far‐right groups and activities. This phenomenon is particularly interesting as it contrasts with the broader Canadian context of acceptance of immigrants and support for multiculturalism. How do far‐right groups represent themselves and their claims to the public considering the dominant discursive environment in which they operate? Moreover, are far‐right groups' discourse and rhetoric marked by contextual differences? This paper analyzes the way the distinct Canadian and Quebec chapters of the vigilante group Soldiers of Odin (SOO) use their public Facebook pages, comparatively. This research demonstrates that both SOO chapters negotiate their self‐representation by employing cultural elements that are salient and meaningful in their respective sociopolitical contexts and that can be exploited to infer motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how democratic legislatures oversee the military, using Canada as a case. The paper argues that the tendency to engage in intrusive oversight versus reactive oversight is shaped by institutional structures and party preferences. Canadian institutional structures discourage parliamentary defence committees from engaging in intrusive oversight of the armed forces to achieve policy influence, and encourage opposition parties to focus on reactive oversight efforts that complement their vote-seeking preferences. Vote-seeking, the paper argues, incentivises opposition parties to be public critics of the government’s handling of military affairs, rather than informed but secretive monitors of the armed forces. The paper then addresses a key case where the opposition was able to use an exceptional constitutional power of the House of Commons to force the executive to disclose classified information regarding the military: detainee transfers by the Canadian Armed Forces in Afghanistan. This case highlights the trade-offs that parliamentarians face when they demand information to perform more intrusive oversight of the armed forces. This suggests that party preferences are a significant, yet understudied, aspect of how legislatures vary in their oversight of the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the authors discuss the importance of replication and reproduction studies to building an evidence base in policing research. This evidence base, they note, is important to the task of informing sound policy and practice in policing and in relation to community safety efforts more generally. Despite the recognized value of such work, a scoping analysis of peer-reviewed Canadian policing research published over the past 10 years reveals that very few researchers engage in research aimed at replicating other studies. Potential remedies are suggested in the paper's conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines governmental policies surrounding issues of land and territory in the context of reconciliation between Indigenous peoples and the Canadian state. It traces not only a committed effort during Stephen Harper's tenure as Prime Minister to establish private property regimes on Aboriginal reserves, but also the creation of a policy framework surrounding land, energy infrastructure, and treaty rights which radiate with eliminatory rationalities. The paper argues that these logics not only undercut Indigenous jurisdictions and territorial claims in favour of existing constitutional structures and non-Aboriginal economic interests, but also serve to represent Aboriginal peoples as "Canadians" seeking forms of integration into the broader social and economic structures of settler society. Ultimately, this paper demonstrates that conservative discourses surrounding "marketization" and "reconciliation" have worked in tandem to dispossess Indigenous peoples and sustain the legal, social, and territorial boundaries of the Canadian state. It concludes by questioning the extent to which the newly elected Liberal government under Justin Trudeau will truly embrace Indigenous understandings of non-exploitative territorial relationships and responsibilities, or whether it will continue the policy trajectory strengthened by the Harper Conservatives of treating Indigenous territories as settler-colonial sites of unrealized economic potential for the benefit, and protection, of the larger "Canadian" nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether it's a big city or a small town, all Canadian municipalities have core issues that their elected politicians are concerned about. Regardless of size, the daily business of a municipality must be managed and policies determined about such bread-and-butter issues as garbage collection, snow removal, wastewater and sewage, fire protection, economic development and fixing potholes. However, when size increases, so do the layers of issues that engage municipal politicians. This paper examines the results of a cross-Canada survey of more than 1,000 mayors and councillors from communities ranging in population size from 5,000 to more than two million. With an increase in population size, the numbers and complexity of issues creep up as well. Tiny municipalities typically aren't concerned with issues such as immigrant settlement, homelessness and public transit. Those issues are much more pressing for larger municipalities. A focus on some types of issues, such as public transit, grows right alongside population growth. The physical size of large municipalities means they contain a population whose needs are naturally more diverse than they are in smaller cities, towns and villages, thus shifting politicians' concerns to such things as homelessness and climate change. However, issues such as relations with Indigenous people and climate change also tend to hold regional, not just municipal, importance. They may be extremely important to a small municipality because of its geographic location and less important in a larger municipality located elsewhere. For example, municipal politicians in British Columbia reflect regional concerns with their emphasis in the survey on the importance of tackling homelessness, affordable housing, climate change and Indigenous relations. Yet, next door in Alberta, Indigenous relations and climate change ranked in the survey as being of low importance, along with climate change, despite the presence of two cities in the province with populations hovering around the million mark. The number one issue for municipalities regardless of size is economic development, since job creation and attracting investment are key for a healthy municipality regardless of its location or size. And nearly every politician surveyed listed planning, water supply and transportation infrastructure (roads, highways and bridges) as being of deep importance to their communities. Of almost equal importance in the survey were a second slate of issues including emergency planning, parks and recreation, public health, solid waste removal and policing. The results of this survey are intended to lay the groundwork for future researchers who want to focus on specific problems in the area of urban policy-making. Those who want to study the bread-and-butter issues can do so among a wide range and size of municipalities, knowing that these issues are vital to all. Those with an interest in homelessness and immigrant populations can focus on the big cities while being assured they are not missing out on key points among smaller communities. This survey will be highly beneficial for researchers in urban policy issues as it will help them to decide where to look and exactly what to look for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate the phenomenon of party switchers in the Canadian House of Commons. With the most extensive dataset on party-switching MPs (1867–2015), we answer the following questions: What are the electoral trajectories of party switchers? Have their prospects changed over time? We assess whether the historical dynamics of the Canadian party system explain changes in the incidence and fate of party switchers since 1867, hypothesizing that both the rate of party switching and the electoral fortunes of floor crossers decline over time. The evidence accords with our second hypothesis more strongly than our first. Party switching has become slightly less common, but the electoral consequence has become much more severe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Canadian federal and cross-provincial higher education policy from 1960 to 1990, a critical time when provisions for vocational and adult training came under the auspices of governmental concern, justified under both an economic rationale and as a way to address persistent forms of inequality. The problematisation of skill during this period had particular gendered implications, as addressing inequality through education subsidies intersected with the perceived training needs of employers and the market. Employing Nancy Fraser's theory of a ‘triple movement’, the following paper ‘takes stock’ of how the three political forces of social movements, marketisation, and social protection have shaped gendered discourses of education and training, the implications for which are of continued relevance to those trying to understand the education and training within the contemporary neo-liberal state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Geospatial data is widely available and used by a broad range of users for a wide range of purposes-from government planning for service delivery to directions on how to get to a coffee shop. What, if any, duties and standards of care are owed to users of geospatial data by the provider? This is a question complicated by a growing trend toward volunteer geographic information (or VGI) that is itself part of the broader trend of user generated content whereby the users of data contribute geographic data and create a wide range of value-added products based on available data. This paper is a companion piece to the article authored by Katherine Plante and Marc Gervais entitled "Geospatial Data Quality Guarantee."2 Plante and Gervais provide an overview of geospatial data quality guarantees in the legal context of the Quebec Civil Code. This paper, in contrast, looks at similar concepts, but from the perspective of the common law in Canada and drawing at times from other common law jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of Canada's women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and among premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada's provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women's emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests three of eight women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. However, for half of the women premiers, evidence of their party's decline is partial or inconclusive. As a result of this exploration, more research is required to draw generalizations about the gendered opportunity structures that shape how women enter (and exit) the premier's office in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying the regime politics approach to the study of judicial behaviour, which regards the Supreme Court as largely operating to preserve the policy agenda of the existing lawmaking majority, this paper evaluates the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure. There is evidence to support the basic core of the regime politics thesis. The Court rarely invalidates laws passed by the sitting government. Nonetheless, the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure was distinctive. Incorporating a measure of issue salience—the relative importance of the policies affected—into the analysis demonstrates the Court's impact on the Conservatives' policy agenda stands in sharp contrast to previous governments. It is the only government of the Charter period to have policies in its election platforms blocked by judicial review and the only government in Canadian history to effectively lose all of the constitutional reference cases it posed to the Court. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Election studies must optimize on sample size, cost and data quality. The 2015 Canadian Election Study was the first CES to employ a full mixed-mode design, aiming to take advantage of the opportunities of each mode while preserving enough commonality to compare them. This paper examines the phone interviews conducted by ISR-York and the online questionnaires from panellists purchased from a sample provider. We compare data quality and representativeness. We conduct a comprehensive comparison of the distributions of responses across modes and a comparative analysis of inferences about voting. We find that the cost/power advantages of the online mode will likely make it the mode of choice for subsequent election studies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reconsiders whether federal and provincial parties are as independent and separate as the literature would suggest. Examining five different types of party personnel (party members, activists, riding presidents, candidates and legislators) this paper explores how federal parties and their counterparts in Ontario have responded to multi-level governance. Rather than embracing “two political worlds,” party personnel have responded to the federal nature of Canadian politics by engaging with parties at multiple levels. Additionally, the paper examines two competing explanations of party integration and seeks to uncover whether differences organizational design or ideological consistency best explain divergent levels of party integration. The experience of the Conservatives demonstrates that vertical integration is not a result of a party's organizational design alone and that a coherent ideology can help to offset a truncated organizational structure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reports on research exploring the contribution to social policy of social economy organizations (SEOs) in Atlantic Canada. Of particular interest is whether SEOs and government are engaged in what we have termed 'reciprocal relationships,' through inclusive, cross-sector alliances linked to improved policy planning and decision-making. Initial findings suggest that reciprocity of relationships between government and SEOs to enhance policy solutions and service provision is not yet fully realized and that SEOs remain structurally marginalized in the design and implementation of policy. The paper points to investment in appropriate support mechanisms to make government-SEO alliances meaningful and more durable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been well documented that forms of media help create new communities, such as the public sphere and the nation. However, the origin of one major political institution has rarely been considered in this light: the political party. This paper brings together the theory on early party formation in North America and the theory on mediated communities to argue that the first public political organizations in Canada, which resembled modern parties in many ways, should be seen as constituted by the media. The paper presents the case of Upper Canada (1820–1841) where newspaper distribution linked partisans into new communities, and editors and politicians ‘imagined’ new political communities in the pages of their newspapers. Modern political parties should thus be seen as essentially mediated communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How “historical” is Canadian political science? This paper sets out to answer this question through an analysis of historically oriented articles that have appeared in this journal from its first volume, in 1968, to 2015. We suggest that historical research in this journal is at once enduring and uneven, a pattern that we then explore in more detail in a case study, spanning forty years, of historical articles that focus on the interconnected themes of the constitution, courts, and federalism. The unevenness of this pattern suggests that the intellectual and methodological foundation of “historical” Canadian political science may not be as firm as it appears. We therefore conclude with a description of some methodological and conceptual tools, originally fashioned within the historically oriented subfield of American political development in the United States, that Canadian political scientists might deploy to probe important and enduring questions of Canadian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Political advisors in Canada are comparatively numerous and highly differentiated in role. Based on a recent survey, this article examines how senior ministerial policy advisors, a subset of the political staff community, perceive their support for ministers and their relationships with public servants. It finds that they increase ministers' policy capacity, encourage greater responsiveness from public servants, and generally feel that they enjoy good relations with officials and respect their role. Since much depends on advisors' personal maturity, however, the paper endorses the Trudeau government's release of a code of conduct for ministerial-exempt staff as a means of embedding accountability more deeply within political staff culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through its audits and recommendations, Canada's Office of the Auditor General (OAG) has promoted financial probity and good governance for over a century. While OAG recommendations may have inherent value, their full value is realized only when implemented by government. By investigating implementation rates and the OAG's interaction with Parliament, this paper evaluates whether OAG performance and interactions with Parliament have changed over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main issues in the long-form census controversy concerned the relationship between science and politics. Through analysis of the arguments and underlying assumptions of four influential and exemplary interventions that were made in the name of science, this paper outlines a normative account of this relationship. The paper nuances the science-protective ideals that critics invoked and argues that such conceptual resources are needed if science is to be protected from undue political encroachment. However, in their zeal to defend the rights of science critics claimed for it more than its due, eclipsing the value dimension of policy decisions and failing to respect the role of politics as the rightful locus of decision making for value issues. An adequate normative account of the relationship between science and politics in public policy must be capable not only of protecting science from politics but also of protecting politics from science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the assumption that historical institutionalism has much to offer in order to address important questions raised in the literature on comparative federalism. Historical institutionalism is a useful approach to enhancing our understanding of both the origins that drive federal system dynamics and the dynamic patterns which federal systems unfold over time. The paper conceptualizes federalism as a multi-layered political order, comprising an institutional and an ideational layer. It then introduces two models of political change, the model of path dependence and the process sequencing model, and asks how each model can contribute to explain the emergence of the federal order in Canada and Germany. I conclude that while the model of path dependence lends itself well to capturing federal system dynamics in Germany, the process sequencing model, in contrast, is better suited to explaining sources and patterns of change in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on climate change policy and politics has become increasingly focused on the actions and influence of subnational governments. In North America, this attention has been particularly focused on why subnational governments have taken action in the absence of national leadership, what effect action might have on future national climate policy, and whether the collective action of networks of municipal governments are reshaping and challenging the character of national and global climate governance. This paper examines Canadian municipal climate in light of the absence of a comprehensive and effective climate national strategy. The paper considers various reasons why local governments in Canada have not been central players in national plans, and why their actions have not been more influential nationally. The paper argues that the potential influence of Canadian municipalities on national climate policy is weak, given the loose nature of the network and the long-held structural view that municipalities are not significant units of political analysis in national political and policy debates. The paper concludes by considering the constraints and opportunities of subnational climate networks and municipal network analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of multiculturalism has become a fixture in Canadian society as part of a nation-building mechanism. In many ways, this suggests a perception that public policies promoting multicul-turalism are working. However, this perception is based on assumptions that there is a coherent and shared definition and understanding of the implementation of multiculturalism policies. This paper reports the findings of an exploratory study that examined how multiculturalism policies are actualized at the grassroots level through community organizations. This study involved key informant interviews and focus groups of government staff responsible for the delivery of multicultural-ism at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels, as well as discussions with service users and service providers of multiculturalism. Findings of this study show that, first, there is a difference in the understanding of the meaning of the policies among these research participants. Second, there has been a subtle shift of governmental interpretation of multiculturalism policies to an antiracist perspective. Third, although both federal and provincial governments have positioned community organizations as key partners in actualizing multiculturalism policies at the grassroots level, their relationship has been strained, i.e., in order to attain their goals for multiculturalism, community organizations have had to adapt to changing rules and to learn how to maneuver through the funding process. Some policy implications are suggested at the end of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how ethnoracial minorities fared in getting elected as MPs in the Canadian general elections of 2006 and 2008 -- an analysis guided by descriptive characterizations and interpretative themes discerned from studies of minority parliamentary representation over the 1993-2004 period. This paper also examines more specific categories that make up the minority population, thus allowing for perspectives on both inter-group differences and longitudinal effects. A key finding is that for minorities taken as a whole, as well as for the overall category of visible minorities, the 2006 and 2008 results fit an already-established pattern of quite modest increases in minority representation (as in 2006) interrupted by occasional decline (as in 2008). In addition, for both visible minorities as a group and for most of their constituent subcategories, the overwhelming evidence is of persisting representation deficits which are defined by MP percentages that are less than the corresponding population percentages. There is also evidence that the association of minority MPs with the Liberal party, observed as waning over the 1993-2004 period, continued to do so in 2006 and 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a geographical and historical overview of the Territory Nunavut (Canada) established in 1999 and inhabited by a majority of Inuit People. The author outlines the process that led to the conclusion of the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement and the current structure of the government of Nunavut, which can best be described as a form of Inuit self-government. Th e main objective of the paper consists in an overview and analysis of current socio-economic challenges faced by the government of Nunavut. Based on the visions of the Bathurst Mandate, the author attempts to assess the success of the ‘Nunavut Project’. The author concludes that because of Nunavut's weak economy and fi scal dependency on the central federal government of Canada, the numerous socio-economic challenges have not been resolved. The Nunavut experiment has not yet been proven a success. The prosperous vision, expressed through the Bathurst Mandate, of a viable Nunavut seems for now just an illusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RCMP executives and the Canadian government promoted community justice forums (family group conferences) in the late 1990s. They did so because CJFs offered a process consistent with the national community-policing strategy. When this strategy changed, executives cut their support for the program. This paper argues that this “rise” and “fall” was a function of the program's theoretical and procedural alignment with shifting strategies of national governance. This raises a question about the role of restorative forums in Canadian governance. If such programs remain desirable, multi-agency forums (police, public schools, child welfare, immigration) may well align with the nascent governmental framework of public safety interoperability. The paper also considers another possibility: non-state local peacemaking forums. The conclusion discusses potential benefits and limits of these possibilities. It also offers general theoretical observations on the role of alignment in governmental programming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Everyone familiar with the study of Canadian politics knows the joke about how a French national, an Englishman and a Canadian were asked to write an essay about an elephant: the French national wrote about the culinary uses of the elephant, the Englishman wrote about the elephant and imperialism, and the Canadian wrote a paper entitled. "Elephant: Federal or Provincial Responsibility?" Though simple, the joke conveys the essence of Canadian politics: always defined by jurisdictional disputes. The joke misses the boat, however, by ignoring the fact that indigenous people are now (as they always have been) engaging in jurisdictional debates in an attempt to challenge the Canadian constitutional order and to reaffirm their own constitutional order and autonomy. This paper examines one such dispute—the Mi'kmaw claim of rights and responsibilities for the salmon fishery—and presents it as a case of contested sovereignties and a resulting jurisdictional dispute. In so doing, I pose the question: Is salmon a federal, provincial or Mi'kmaq responsibility? In seeking an answer, this paper proceeds in an exploratory manner to map both constitutional orders, and the interrelation between these orders that results in the debate over responsibility for the salmon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are voters willing to punish a prime minister for calling an ‘unnecessary’ snap election for purely opportunistic reasons? This paper examines voters’ reactions to the Canadian prime minister's decision to call a snap election in November 2000. The decision provoked limited resentment, and that resentment was strongest among partisans of the opposition parties and among those who follow politics closely. Those who do not keep up with politics, it seems, either did not realize that the election was precipitous or simply did not care. The paper shows that resentment about the election call was a consideration in vote choice, but it was a decisive consideration for a very small group of voters. We estimate that the electoral cost to the incumbent Liberal Party was one percentage point. Some voters are prepared to punish prime ministers for opportunistically calling a snap election, but in this case the electoral penalty was small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a framework to measure parentage policy based on the legal barriers faced by intended parents, taking into account eligibility requirements, rules for genetic relationships, and surrogacy contract enforceability. It then applies this framework to the Canadian provinces. While parentage policy in Canada is undoubtedly a patchwork, policy change has moved in an increasingly permissive direction, often as a result of litigation. Moreover, this study provides an opportunity to develop broader research project for comparative scholars of parentage policy. Future studies of parentage policy, building from the framework developed here, should qualitatively examine the role of policy implementers other than legislatures and determine how policy learning and transfer affect parentage policy change. Because parentage policy can provide legal certainty for parents and prevent legal disputes, understanding the factors behind policy change is an endeavour with both theoretical and practical significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, neoliberal governments embarked on austerity programs that include reducing public services, imposing public sector wage restraint, and reorganizing public sector working conditions and labour relations. In this context of economic crisis and austerity, populism has risen across North America and Europe on both the right and left of the political spectrum. The rise of right populism in particular confronts unions with key organizational and strategic challenges as neoliberal governments seek to mobilize right populist discourses in their efforts to restructure work and labour relations. Using a socio-geographic framework, and based on an examination of post-2008 legislative and policy measures undertaken at the federal, provincial, municipal levels in Canada, this paper explores the nexus between 'uneven austerity', rising populism, and union strategic capacities. We examine this intersection of austerity and populism at multiple scales to reveal the implications for organized labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Satisfaction with the workings of democracy seems to have declined in Canada, as it has in other established democracies. Political scandals are one frequently invoked explanation for that shift. But there is substantial scholarly disagreement about whether political scandals undermine democratic satisfaction. This paper uses evidence from a conveniently timed round of the CES (Canadian Election Study) from 2004, as well as the CES panel from 2004 and 2006, to explore this relationship more definitively than is usually possible. The results indicate that the scandal eroded satisfaction with the way democracy works but did not undermine support for democracy more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The origins and implications of partisan identification are well-studied, but negative partisan attitudes--dislike for a particular party--have escaped such scrutiny, even as the politics of negativity enjoys sustained popularity, especially come election time. In this paper we build upon the comparatively modest negative partisanship literature to consider the effects of negative partisan attitudes on a range of political behaviours. There are reasons to suspect that negative and positive partisanship may have different effects; thus, accounting for the unique influence of negative attitudes is important for understanding the full effect of partisanship on political behaviour. Our results, based upon Canadian Election Study data from 2008 and 2011, reveal that, in addition to vote choice, negative partisanship influences voter turnout and a range of political activities, both related and unrelated to parties. These findings provide evidence of the power of the "dark side" of partisanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across Canada, governments of all level have increasingly embraced public-private partnerships (PPPs) as their preferred approach to deliver large-scale public infrastructure. After twenty years of practice, this paper examines the evolving rationales, governance structures and partnership models that have been used to deliver PPPs in Canada. In particular, the analysis highlights common deal structures, types of risks and responsibilities that are transferred to the private sector, and the significant role that public funding continues to have. Outstanding issues facing Canadian PPPs relate to their high upfront costs, limitations placed on meaningful community consultations, and a procurement process that can inhibit design or architectural excellence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that the issue of whether Canada should develop a greater foreign intelligence capability has been broached numerous times, in various guises, over more than a century, those who have followed the development of the country's intelligence architecture will know it has never had a foreign intelligence service like its close allies. They will also be aware that on each occasion on which the issue has been raised, the Canadian government has declined to proceed. If history is any guide, there is a strong likelihood that the idea of Canada developing a more robust capability will again engage politicians, former intelligence officials, academics, the media, and think tanks in the not too distant future. The view adopted in this paper is that the public discourse has become sterile, and that if it is to advance, aspects of the counterfactual case – why has a foreign Humint capability not been developed? – may prove more fruitful. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In-depth interviews with government officials are a critical research method for the study of government. Historical and institutional factors, and particularly the informal internal dynamics that influence policy, require a depth of understanding that is often best investigated through such interview methods. At the federal level in Canada we see many trends that point to the increasing centralization and control of government information. There has been political interference in Access to Information Requests; the outcomes of scientific research have been suppressed; and media access to politicians has become highly constrained. This led us to ask whether tightening controls on information have also affected access to research interviews with government officials. This paper explores this issue by interviewing both academics and public servants in the Canadian federal government. We ask is there evidence of a tightening grip on access to governmental research interviews and, if so, is this affecting how and what we research? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A governmental regulation prescribing a minimum amount of money to be possessed by "Asiatic" immigrants at point of entry to Canada became part of an assemblage of instruments and procedures established by the Canadian state in the early twentieth century to restrict immigration from Asia. Among the "Asiatic" immigrants who were especially affected by the regulation were the Syrians. In 1911-1912, the Syrians in Canada mounted a challenge against the control measure. This represented a momentous turn in the Syrian group's political agency and in the terms of its power relationship with the state. Yet, this oppositional agency was seriously limited. It challenged the mode of deployment of the "prescribed amount" regulation as well as some of its operational assumptions about Syrians. However, it also manifested compliance with the general mode of thinking about populations, "race" and "desirable" immigrants that gave justificatory ground to the state's power practices. This paper examines this episode of tension and contention in relations between the state and Syrians in Canada with a view to deepening understanding of power relations in the immigration domain in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the changing nature of regulation making with a special emphasis on the role that economists should play. It focuses specifically on the processes used to develop regulations. It argues that the traditional process for regulation making is breaking down and that the quality of regulation will decline if processes do not adapt to the changing environment. In addition to their traditional work of comparing regulatory instruments and calculating their benefits and costs, economists can play an important role by serving as strategists to help the public interest win in the strategic game of regulation making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Complex environment and resource policy issues such as wind energy planning can benefit greatly from public input but may also be challenging for the public to understand. This paper examines informational barriers to public engagement with policy, using a case study of wind energy planning in Saskatchewan, Canada. A document review showed four types of barriers to effective policy-public communication in the case study: non-intuitive information, misreported information, obsolete information, and absent information. We provide some intuitive solutions for these difficulties but also suggest that they may be strongly rooted in the inherent political incentives of policy-makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catholicism defined the private life and public career of Paul Martin Sr. (1903-92), one of Canada's leading Liberal politicians in the decades after World War Two. His youthful Catholicism shaped his approach to political life and sanctified his ambition. As a young man, he rejected the classical conservatism of a junior seminary in Québec, embracing instead the more tolerant version of Catholicism he encountered during the 1920s at the University of St. Michael's College within the Protestant University of Toronto. This paper explores Martin's early faith experiences, and examines the resulting philosophy of social justice and political change that drove this young Catholic to challenge the status quo in Depression Canada, and to help erect the contemporary welfare state in the 1940s and 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a conflict between the principles of representation by population and the representation of communities of interest? In Canada, the legal requirement to design electoral districts based on pre-existing regions and communities of interest has produced large discrepancies in district populations. Several authors claim that this situation has a deleterious effect on the representational experiences of those citizens living in more populous districts. This paper examines whether the population of an electoral district affects the quality of political representation in that district. We first present survey data characterizing the relationship between constituency population and citizens' reported satisfaction with democracy and contact with politicians and parties. We then present audit experimental evidence from Canada demonstrating that the helpfulness of politicians towards citizens is not conditioned on constituency population. Our data indicate that constituency population has no clear impact on the quality of representational experiences in Canada, suggesting that it is possible to ensure the effective representation of communities of interest without harming the overall quality of Canadian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Official participation in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences has long been exclusive to federal and provincial first ministers. In March 1992, however, the membership of this intergovernmental arena was expanded permanently to include territorial premiers. Using the tools of historical institutionalism and drawing upon relevant literature and eleven elite interviews with former first ministers and senior civil servants, this paper seeks to explain why this instance of incremental institutional change occurred. It finds that significant friction between the institutional and ideational layers of the Canadian federation during a period of mega-constitutional reform allowed federal, provincial and territorial actors to draw upon ideas about democracy and the political and constitutional maturation of the territorial North to expand permanently the membership of First Ministers' Conferences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 2010 arrival of the MVSun Seaon the BC coast sparked a wave of heated anti-migrant sentiment in Canadian popular media which cast the 492 Sri Lankan Tamils on board as ‘illegitimate’ refugee claimants. While Canada has historically seen itself as the safe haven and protector of human rights for those with ‘legitimate’ claims, theSun Searesponse reflects a shift in attitudes about refugees and immigration in popular discourse and Canadian public policy. This paper examines the construction of Tamil migrants in online news comments, blog posts and message boards and considers how such media images reinforce and legitimise public and political opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]