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In response to the high unemployment rates of university graduates, Asian governments are encouraging their universities to develop a more practice-oriented curriculum. The aim is to provide better-qualified graduates, who will meet the needs of industry. The Duale Hochschule Baden-Wuerttemberg (DHBW) supports this development, through internationalizing cooperative education programs at Asian universities, based on its successful study model. This paper focuses on comparing the DHBW with two Asian universities: Walailak University in Thailand and Southeast University in China. Descriptive case studies for the two universities, using a multiple case design, were mapped to the key success factors of the DHBW, in particular achieving practical experience and the role of industry. The data for the case studies originated from semi-structured interviews in a focus group setting with 36 academics, government officials, cooperative education bodies and industry representatives. The aim was to assess the opportunities and limitations for implementing the DHBW model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to determine which country has technological superiority in the field of industry by analysing the strategic approaches to the industrial development of three leading industrial countries (Germany, China, and the US), as well as selected indicators of industrial development. The results of the research show that China has the most ambitious approach and pretension to take a leading position in a large number of high-tech industries. Since 2014, China has become the second-largest industrial power, right after Germany, while the US has been in fourth place since 2017. China leads in terms of the share of industrial products in global trade and the share of manufacturing value added in the total world gross domestic product. Since 2015, China and Germany have developed intensive cooperation in the area of hi-tech industrial production, while bilateral relations between China and the US are tight due to the trade war. While the US, as the third-largest bilateral trading partner of Germany (after China and the Netherlands), is generating a trade deficit, China is making a breakthrough towards the European market, which is in line with the strategy of taking the position of a global leader in high technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reprint of the article "Myths of the Great War" by Timothy Garton, which appeared in Working Paper number 188 of the periodical "Vox" is presented. It presents an analysis on the possibility of China to follow the footsteps of Germany during the Great War. Moreover, ways on how the Great War began in 1913 are also stated.

This article explores how racial prejudice in the West forms at least part of the ideational foundation in how the rise of China has been perceived, and how such racial prejudices to some extent inflate people's threat perception and hinders acceptance of any future Chinese hegemony. The article focuses on the leading European power, Germany, and provide a discourse analysis of the contemporary German popular media's portrayal of China, China's rise and how the vestiges of racial prejudice continue to define the German public's view of China. It focuses on an analysis of a small yet representative sample of mainstream media and expert literature in Germany, so as to discern how 'the rise of China' is discussed in the German public sphere and the persistence of the 'Yellow Peril' trope. This article contests that all the elements that make up the perception of the 'Yellow Peril' have persisted, albeit in subtler ways. It argues that the more the literature adheres to the idea of a 'Yellow Peril,' the more it tends to perceive the international order in terms of a quasi-natural competition between nations. The article argues that as a non-Western non-White nation, China's rise has been heavily racialised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter offers and in-depth examination of the origins and the development of EU-China relations, in the context of the EU-China 'Strategic Partnership'. The chapter looks at how contemporary, bilateral, Member State relations have formed the background to the emergence of EU policies with regard to the PRC. It places a particular focus on offering a contribution which can help in our understanding of how the actors in the EU and in China view each other. The chapter examines how perceptions which shape the contemporary EU-China relationship have been influenced by the legacies of past encounters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Meeting lateness—that is, meetings starting past the pre-scheduled time—can be viewed as a disruption to the temporal pacing of work. Previous research in the United States indicates that late meetings produce less optimal outcomes, but empirical insights concerning the extent to which experiences of meeting lateness are similar or different across different cultures remain sparse. While prior work suggests differences in how individuals from different cultures experience time-related phenomena, globalization trends suggest increasing similarities in employees' work experiences, and potentially similar experiences of meeting lateness across different cultural settings. We explore this idea in a cross-cultural study of meeting lateness in China, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United States. We empirically establish the cross-cultural relevance of meeting lateness and their generally negative outcome. We show how meeting lateness relates to perceptions of impaired meeting processes, meeting outcomes, and group-related attitudes across cultures. We discuss these findings in light of extending meeting science to different cultures as well as contributions to the debate between cross-cultural differences versus globalization tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research collaboration is promoted by governments and research funders, but if the relative prevalence and merits of collaboration vary internationally then different national and disciplinary strategies may be needed to promote it. This study compares the team size and field normalized citation impact of research across all 27 Scopus broad fields in the 10 countries with the most journal articles indexed in Scopus 2008–2012. The results show that team size varies substantially by discipline and country, with Japan (4.2) having two‐thirds more authors per article than the United Kingdom (2.5). Solo authorship is rare in China (4%) but common in the United Kingdom (27%). While increasing team size associates with higher citation impact in almost all countries and fields, this association is much weaker in China than elsewhere. There are also field differences in the association between citation impact and collaboration. For example, larger team sizes in the Business, Management & Accounting category do not seem to associate with greater research impact, and for China and India, solo authorship associates with higher citation impact in this field. Overall, there are substantial international and field differences in the extent to which researchers collaborate and the extent to which collaboration associates with higher citation impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the challenge of Chinese communism in East Germany in the 1960s. It shows how the Sino–Soviet Split and the Chinese Cultural Revolution endangered the public transcripts of East German state socialism by undermining its organizing metaphors and principles. Chinese cadres used their East Berlin embassy as a stage, showcase and megaphone for their dissenting vision of communism throughout the decade, winning some support from elderly communists, young anti-authoritarians and students from the Global South. Studying the East German campaign against what was known as ‘Mao Zedong Thought' sheds light on the transnational traffic of actors and ideas within the Second World in the turbulent decade of the 1960s. The official and vernacular response to the Maoist challenge suggests that East German ideology was constituted by a double demarcation in the 1960s, against Western social democracy and capitalism to its right and Chinese communism to its left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to rapid economic development and population growth, China is facing severe water problems that include sea-level rise and increasing salinization, floods, water pollution, water shortage, soil erosion and ecosystem deterioration, as well as biodiversity loss. In recent decades, China is progressively more concerned with its water issues that are now at the center of social and political attention. Having to overcome similar challenges, Germany has taken a leading role in the field of water sciences and technology. In particular, China can benefit from the lessons learnt in Germany concerning the rehabilitation of water resources in areas heavily affected by chemical industry and mining after the reunification in 1989. German-Chinese cooperation in water sciences started over 25 years ago and dealt with increasing challenges in the 21st century. Following the open space workshop during the Water Research Horizon Conference in Berlin 2014, this article provides a view of some of the challenges and potential opportunities of German-Chinese cooperation in water science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that the harmonisation of national memories facilitates genuine reconciliation, while memory divergence resulting from national mythmaking hampers reconciliation. After World War II, Sino-Japanese and West German-Polish relations were antagonised by the Cold War structure, and pernicious myths prevailed in national collective memory. Then China and Japan brushed aside historical legacy for immediate diplomatic normalisation, but their reconciliation was impeded by elite mythmaking practices. Since the 1970s West Germany and Poland have de-mythified war history and engaged in historical settlement, paving the way for deep reconciliation after the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 2008 China was expected to become the third largest economy in the world with a GDP slightly larger than that of Germany. Still, development challenges remained significant for China as per capita income was still very low and regionally based income disparities significant. Nevertheless, China's behavior on the world scene resembled increasingly that of the major developed economies as Chinese industries and companies used their new- found economic power around the world, it is useful to examine whether China's international behavior, i.e., its highly coordinated actions on the world scene, can best be defined as a strategy exercised by a unitary actor, or, rather, can be described as the visible tip of an iceberg, hiding a substantially more complex domestic governance scenario in which political and bureaucratic forces interact in complex ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central premise of the Bush foreign-policy team is that China is trying to challenge the status quo. China is seen as a rising power with a grudge against the international system. In short, we are said to be entering the twenty-first century equivalent of the early twentieth century, when a democratic England struggled with a rising, authoritarian Germany. But this analogy -- of a 'Wilhelmine China' -- is flawed, for it is hardly obvious, in the year 2001, just who is defending the status quo. At the very moment of China's decision to integrate fully into the international system, the United States seems to have started the process of changing the rules. Just as China aspires to become a 'normal state' for the first time in its history, the criterion for 'normal' is changing. As China goes multilateral in its foreign relations, America turns unilateral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the alliances of the U.S. with Japan and Germany. It discusses that alliances help prevent world war and promote peace by preventing powerful nations like China and Russia from attacking U.S. allies and by preventing Germany and Japan from acquiring increased military and nuclear power. The article argues that the propagation of nuclear weapons has reduced U.S. interests in protecting its allies and that too much reliance of nations on U.S. protection can aggravate international conflicts in the region. The article provides a description of the effects of U.S. alliances with other nations.