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Croatia's experience of the EU accession and that of its six-year membership is only partially relevant for the Western Balkans' EU enlargement. This is contrary to the official narrative used by the European Commission and Croatian officials. The Commission explains that Croatia's accession attests that the whole of the Western Balkans can one day join the EU. Moreover, Croatia says that EU enlargement in the Western Balkans is in its national interest. However, liberal regression in Croatia shows why in future enlargements more emphasis needs to be placed on entrenchment of liberal values. Croatia advocates enlargement, but its capacity to influence the EU or its will to constructively contribute to progress in the Western Balkan are limited., Introduction Since the European Union (EU) decided to open its door to former communist countries, it had three rounds of enlargement. In the so-called 'big bang enlargement' in 2004, the [...]

Whatever their eventual outcome, the current round of international trade negotiations taking place as part of the Doha Development Round offers a clear demonstration of the growing influence of a neoliberal agenda for international agricultural policy reform. Despite being powerfully supported by an alliance of agribusiness interests and country groupings, neoliberalism is far from universally accepted as the model for the future governance of an agriculture which is both commodifying and market led. This paper assesses the nature of the resulting debate and the range of alternative visions being proposed. It analyses the development of the European negotiating stance within the current round of trade talks and compares the merits of a decoupled policy approach to managing the rural environment with one much more closely linked to the practice of farming. The paper concludes by suggesting that an outcome of the continuing liberalization of agricultural policy will be a more demarcated countryside, in which productive and internationally competitive operators will increasingly be removed in space and in terms of policy treatment from the large number of economically marginal producers whose role will be to supply the public environmental goods under contract from the state. KEY WORDS: WTO, neoliberalism, multifunctionality, rural governance

The dominant theory of international liberal norm-dissemination argues that states will tend to more from rejection of international norms to internationalization through gradual, predictable stages. The presumption is that the mass public consistently presses the state (in partnership with international norm carriers) for greater liberalization. This theory is shown to have serious weaknesses when applied to mature democracies. A study of the UK's response to adverse rulings from the European Court of Human Rights indicates that policy elites respond differently depending on the norm, the security context and public opinion. Further, the public does not consistently advocate liberalization, but sometimes the reverse. Une theorie principale sur la propagation des normes liberales internationales avance que les Etats he passent que graduellement du rejet des normes internationales a leur adoption, en passant par plusieurs etapes previsibles. Elles presument que le grand public (en conjonction avec les createurs des normes internationales) exerce des pressions continuelles sur les etats pour plus de libertes civiques. En fait, cette theorie n'explique pas l'evolution des attitudes vis-a-vis les libertes civiques dans les democraties avancees. Une etude du Royaume-Uni, par exemple, demontre que, lorsque la Cour europeenne des droits de l'homme denonce une violation de la Convention, les elites politiques reagissent differemment en fonction de la norme en cause, des questions de securite et de l'opinion publique. En outre, le public n'est pas toujours en faveur de la liberalisation, au contraire.

"As 2005 nears, the state of the world is such that desperation shadows the lives of hundreds of millions of people, yet most of them yearn for the security, freedom, and goods that citizens of affluent democracies enjoy."

INTRODUCTION I. THE INSTITUTIONAL TURN IN COSMOPOLITAN THEORY A. From Individual to Institutional Duties B. The Relevance of Plausibility Constraints II. LIBERAL DEMOCRACY AND COSMOPOLITAN DUTY A. The Source and [...]

The twentieth century has certainly been among the most - if not the most - grand and dramatic centuries in the history of international relations. In the military sphere, there [...]

The al-Qaida's attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001 and the subsequent war on terrorism have forced the United States to embrace illiberal policies in the recent years. The war on terrorism is a deadly type of conflict that can be won only by employing illiberal tactics.

Most analysts who write on US-China relations deploy arguments derived from the three main camps in contemporary international relations theorizing, such as realism, liberalism and constructivism. Although the future of the US-China relations is unknown, it is possible to identify realists who believe that the relationship will basically be stable, liberals who expect confrontation and conflict and constructivists who think that things could go either way.

Many citizens of Haiti and of the Dominican Republic regard each other's country as an historical enemy, but the reality is far more complex. The center of this struggle is over immigration in Hispaniola, and attention needs to be refocused on how much the two groups on this island culturally overlap.

Las Abejas, or The Bees, has emerged as a nonviolent resistant organization in Chiapas, Mexico, responding to oppression of indigenous peoples and peasants in this area. Las Abejas's commitment to nonviolence is synonymous with support for liberation and reaffirms its members' dignity.

Cultivation of bananas in the Windward Islands has undergone a radical change since the formation of the European Union and rulings in 1997 and 1999 by the World Trade Organization about the EU's international trade practices. Neither private enterprise nor Windward Island states have been able to affect restructured processes of transnational capital.

Conflict over water rights in Cochabamba, Bolivia, was resolved in 2000 after three years of conflict. The Coordinadora became the central negotiating body, retaining its original network-like structure that has behaved in some respects like a trade union and in others like a territorial-based advocate for consumer issues.

The third World Social Forum, cosponsored by Brazilian and French organizations, met at the end of January, 2003, to develop alternatives to transnational capitalism. Some observers felt that choosing a less confrontational stance allowed politicians to set the forum's agenda, while others saw the energy and size of the meeting as opportunities to develop coordinated challenges to international capital.

Negotiated means of governance are not the inevitable outcomes of social-democratic political vision, as contemporary Ireland demonstrates. Although negotiated agreements repeatedly framed public policy through the 1990s, the ideological and political natures of those agreements has remained dynamic, with significant influence from neoliberal economics.