Search

Suffering is a problem addressed by many world religions. This paper examines the understanding of suffering in three religions: Catholic Christianity, Shia Islam, and Shakta Hinduism. In each of these cases, ordinary suffering is transformed into mystical sorrow, becoming a path to closeness and divine union. This transformation makes use of religious symbolism of the family, emphasizing the role of the mother. Worldly suffering is no longer meaningless; instead, it becomes a spiritual path through which the individual person, and even the world at large, may be redeemed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern history of the intellectual resilience within the ḥawza ʿilmīya of Qum and its contribution to the downfall of the Pahlavi regime in 1979 is of particular importance. Following the death of Ayatollah Borujerdi (1875–1961), the ḥawza ʿilmīya of Qum was led by Ayatollahs Golpaygani (1899–1993), Shariʿatmadari (1906–1986), and Marʿashi Najafi (1887–1990), offering informally structured collective leadership. The intention behind this article is twofold: firstly, to critically review the impact of the ʿulamāʼs political, social, and religious contributions in this period, secondly, to assess their involvement in positioning the ḥawza institution against the Shah's regime prior to the exile (1964–1979) of Ayatollah Khomeini (1900–1989) from Iran and afterwards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the impact of anti-modern convictions on the doctrinal evolutions of Shi'ism among Italian converts, employing a synergy between history and sociology. To illustrate this impact, the digital and paper publications of select converts have been analysed. Editorial initiatives serve as primary channels through which converts express their intellectual inclinations and impart a new cultural dimension to Shi'ism. This new cultural dimension is shaped by the motivations that have driven converts toward religious mobility. In this framework, Shi'a tenets and its relations with other religions have been redefined based on converts' socio-psychological needs. As a result, Italian Shi'ism, with its anti-modern substructure, has acquired certain traits that align it with the pre-political manifestations of the religion. Notably, converts exhibit a preference for metaphysical perspectives over juridical and sociological developments within Shi'ism, delineating a distinct trajectory in their engagement with the faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Hezbollah's mobilization strategy for the participation in the Syrian conflict. It rests on a thematic analysis of 52 speeches of Hezbollah's leader Hassan Nasrallah in the period 2011 to 2023 to uncover political patterns in the group's mobilization strategy. It argues that Hezbollah exploited people's fears, important Shia narratives and symbols to foster an incentive structure to step up mobilization for the war in Syria. This mobilization was instrumentally connected to Hezbollah's previous experiences, e.g., conflict against Israel, to highlight continuities in the struggle against the enemy, broadly construed. The article shows that these patterns ensured continuous mobilization to fight "takfiri" groups in Syria, but could also provide avenues for mobilization to future causes. Critical in this process was the credibility of Hassan Nasrallah whose speeches concentrated on the existential risks and threats posed by "takfiri" groups by highlighting problems, suggesting solutions and calling members to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the challenges that accusations of heresy pose for peacebuilding processes. Although heresy is often viewed among the most intractable drivers of conflict, presenting an impenetrable impasse between minority and majority religious groups, little is known about its impact on peacebuilding processes. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Indonesia, where claims of heresy have seen some members of the minority Islamic Ahmadiyya and Shia sects subjected to violence, discrimination, and displacement from their homes, the paper identifies the ongoing challenges that heresy claims are playing in these cases. It reveals the limitations of peacebuilding programmes that focus on converting heretics to mainstream religion, showing that, even when conversion efforts are successful, conflict often nevertheless continues. The paper offers some potential pathways forward for Indonesia's peacebuilding processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses a Shi'i-Lebanese debate over Sunni Hadith in the context of state formation and Shi'i integration into this new entity. ʿAbd al-Ḥusayn Sharaf al-Dīn al-Mūsawī, the most authoritative Shi'i-Lebanese jurist of his time, relied on Sunni compilers of Hadith, to prove the veracity of Shi'i Islam, to a Sunni audience. Nevertheless, these treatises cannot be viewed as traditional polemics. Instead, they reflected Mūsawī's position as a proud Shi'i leader of a community which received historical recognition in the new nation state. Beyond Lebanon, Mūsawī perceived himself as a peer of Sunni modernized forces and thought the time was ripe for acceptance of Shi'ism, through shared values, a pan-Islamic vision and a critical approach to Hadith, in its content and narrators, within a more humanized depiction of the Companions. Mūsawī did not deviate from classical Shi'i notions. Nevertheless, he joined forces with Shi'i reformists in their quest for historical reconciliation with Sunnis, within an expanded notion of orthodoxy. In his understanding, Sunni recognition of a toned down Shi'i historiography, together with Shi'i endorsement of Sunni Hadith, may pave the way for a cross-sectarian narrative based on a progressive vision of Islam and on a rational approach to the texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the compatibility of liberal citizenship with Twelver Shia jurisprudence, a topic previously analyzed from the perspective of Sunni schools, most notably in the extensive research of Andrew F. March. This study confronts the challenges of reconciling liberal citizenship with Islamic jurisprudence, as highlighted in March's work, through the lens of Shia legal thought. Rather than aiming to critique or review March's research, this article considers his work solely as a representative example addressing the topic from the perspective of Sunni jurisprudence. This approach provides readers with a fundamental contrast, illuminating the unique insights that emerge from examining the subject within the framework of Shia jurisprudence. Unlike Sunni jurisprudence, which addresses these issues case-by-case by reviewing relevant Quranic and narrational sources, Twelver Shia jurisprudence offers a more foundational resolution. Owing to the belief in the occultation of the twelfth Imam and its implications for the implementation of Islamic law, Shia scholars have advanced theories such as the theory of obstruction (insidād) and the suspension of the social and political dimensions of Sharia. These theories effectively narrow the scope of Sharia, allowing for the acceptance of laws from non-Islamic states and circumventing potential conflicts with liberal citizenship in the absence of the twelfth Imam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mixed jurisdictions are uniquely positioned to add their voice to the comparative law conversation. This article forays into worlds that have not been featured in the traditional mixed jurisdiction scholarship, which has narrowly discussed civil law/common law encounters. In a first case study, the article explores how a mixed jurisdiction perspective might have persuaded the US Supreme Court to construe the French source term lésion corporelle in an international air law treaty to cover purely mental injuries. The article's second case study features the Iranian waqf--a property endowment, which is rooted in Twelver Shia Islam, yet housed in a codification reminiscent of the great European codes. In addition, the Iranian waqf exhibits a powerful capacity to converse with other Islamic schools of jurisprudence in Sunni and Shia Islam as well as counterparts in the common law (in particular, the trust) and the civil law (in particular, the foundation) when it comes to isolating, managing and disposing of assets for designated purposes. In the light of both case studies, the article concludes with a call for a broader conception of mixity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of both ideology and identity in Iran's policy in Iraq. In each society, there are competing self-images such as ethnic, ideological, and religious perceptions that impact foreign policy. Which begs the question whether identity or ideology has more influence? I argue that shared religious identity in two different countries is more important than ideology in mobilizing segments within multi-confessional societies. In addition, these forces become operational after the collapse of the state. The existence of a formidable central state thwarts the mobilization of counter identity and ideology, but when it weakens the door opens for sub-identities. The Islamist ideology of the Iranian revolution, for example, galvanized Muslims from different sectarian backgrounds. However, these ideological precepts gave away to shared identity. The Iraqi Shia today do not believe in the precepts of velayat-e faqih as much as shared Shia identity with Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary Research on Islamic Revolution is the property of University of Tehran and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary Research on Islamic Revolution is the property of University of Tehran and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article attempts to delineate what it means to be Shia in relation to home-making in Sunni-majority Bangladeshi society. Unlike longer established Shias, those primarily settled in Old Dhaka and who are integrated into Dhakaiya culture and linguistic traditions, the post-Partition Urdu-speaking Shia migrants within the "Bihari" fold, a pejorative term used by Sunni-majority Bengalis, continue to seek to root home-making in Bangladeshi society. Both groups, however, have repeated a common practice in making home to bridge geographical and historical distance from a culturally significant center by reproducing it in the new location. Yet, despite the clear connections with Iran, it is the post-Partition migrants who find themselves negatively represented as collaborators with West Pakistan (now Pakistan) and this hinders the integration of this group into their new home. The article demonstrates that home is never produced in isolation of wider geopolitical, spatial, and historical factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractParts of Islamist Studies, Security and Conflict Studies, and Terrorism Studies reduce Shia combatants to indoctrinated masses due to their biased scholarship. Their approach remains top-down and macro-level, overlooking lived experiences and individual perceptions of those engaged in political violence. Accordingly, this article critically engages with such scholarship by highlighting how lived experiences and individual perceptions configure non-ideational paths toward political violence. I propose an ethnographically guided phenomenological inquiry of Shia nonstate armed actors and their situatedness in warscapes. I use the concept of warscapes and the complexities of individuation in warscapes to highlight the conceptual necessity of theorizing political violence from relational grounds that blurs the boundaries of micro-level and meso-level analysis. These relational grounds are shaped by inhumanities that predate conflicts and political violence reticulate inhumanities into a network that constitutes warscapes. I show this by combining the ethnography of Shia transnational militancy with the political histories of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. My critical interventions propose that Shia militancy is not only about sectarian divisions in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria or Yemen and the Islamic Republic of Iran’s defending its territories by other means. Shia militancy is also about individual worldviews, governing the multitudes, domestic politics, taming the Shia citizenry and the state keeping entropy and disorder low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's internal identity conflicts and its strategy to expand Shia influence in the Middle East. Iran's growing confidence in its regional power stems from its perceived victory in the prolonged confrontation with the United States and the belief that its constructive role will soon gain recognition. However, Iran faces internal ideological rifts as the younger generation challenges the conservative regime, exemplified by recent hijab protests. Simultaneously, Iran has been fostering Shia militant groups in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to project its influence and engage in shadow warfare against Israel and Saudi Arabia. The escalating Iran-Israel conflict and Iran's involvement in the Syrian civil war highlight its geopolitical maneuvers. The study argues that there is an interplay between Iran's internal politicized identity crises and its external power projection, as the regime seeks to consolidate its legitimacy by emphasizing anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. However, this strategy faces a dilemma, as resources allocated to suppressing domestic dissent and maintaining regional influence may further strain Iran's economy and exacerbate internal instability. The changing regional dynamics, such as the U.S.—Iran nuclear deal and the Arab-Israeli normalization, also pose challenges to Iran's strategic calculus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on the religiosity of Muslims in Europe often homogenises this diverse minority. This article diverges by focusing on a less visible ethno-religious minority within the Muslim population, specifically examining how Hazara Shia Muslim migrants from Afghanistan, resettled in the UK, live and organise Islam in everyday contexts. Addressing this gap, the research highlights the intersectionality of religion, ethnicity, and migration in reconfiguring religious practice. Grounded in the intersectional and lived religion approaches, this study contends that the religiosity of this Muslim minority undergoes a dynamic shift entwined with agency and adaptation in the new secular and plural context, becoming more individualised, privatised, and elective. Employing an ethnographic design, data are collected through semi-structured and key informant interviews, as well as participant observation, over 18 months of fieldwork across various council areas in Scotland. The findings illustrate reconfiguration, adaptation, and innovation in everyday Islam among this intersectional Muslim minority, identifying three main themes: the adaptation and reconfiguration of religious practices and rituals, the renegotiation of authoritative sources, and the navigation of intersectional identities and belonging since resettlement in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the long-term response of the Indian Muslim salariat to the lifting of usury laws in British India in 1855. The salariat were a group of urban professionals and landed gentry in north India who emerged after the uprising of 1857. They espoused a self-conscious brand of Islamic modernism, a central feature of which was a reinterpretation of Islamic traditions pertaining to 'rent on money' (interest/usury). Hitherto, Islamic legal rules authorizing interest/usury transactions had been context-dependent, but, motivated by the colonial state's abrogation of usury caps and a critique of prevailing Islamic legal norms, the salariat articulated a context-free interpretation of interest/usury in which the two were made distinct. Henceforth, interest transactions among Muslims were acceptable, but 'usurious' moneylending, conflated with 'Hindu' moneylending, was condemned. This pro-interest, anti-usury programme frequently fused Islamic exegesis with readings from European political economy. In turn, the salariat crafted a vernacular political-cum-moral economy that they sought to propagate among the Muslim masses. Nevertheless, by 1914 the salariat had largely disavowed this programme, convinced that the colonial state's revocation of usury laws had produced a Hindu–Muslim wealth gap. Now a new conception of an 'Islamic' economy, in which all interest was anathema, materialized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay delves into the intricate interplay between Shi‘a Islam, tribalism, and the Iraqi regime during the 1990s, with a specific focus on the influential figure of Muḥammad Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr. Al-Ṣadr epitomized a compelling case of second-tier scholars who successfully engaged segments of society overlooked by the clerical leadership, recognizing the multifaceted composition of Shi‘a society, with its urban poor, tribal roots, and growing intelligentsia. His Fiqh al-ʿAshāʾir, harmonized Islamic principles with tribal customs, facilitating dialogue with this traditional element, deeply entrenched within Iraqi society. Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr believed that the tribes and their leadership, with their growing alienation from the state, were ready to return to Islam, seeking spiritual comfort and a sense of belonging. While tribalism as a sub-national construct has the potential to undermine the unity of a nation or a larger supra-national entity, in Iraq, tribalism also encompassed a shared Arab ethnic identity, offering a prospect for bridging divides between the Sunni and Shi‘i population. Nevertheless, for Saddam Hussein, tribalism was a tool instrumental in consolidating his power. Consequently, Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr’s endeavour to influence tribal behaviour and inculcate an ethno-religious notion of tribalism presented a direct challenge to Saddam’s autocratic rule and his manipulation of state ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, Iraqi Shi’a political actors have been the main forces leading the country, dominating the domestic legislative scene over their Sunni and Kurdish counterparts. This article brings innovative analysis and classification of actors, such as Islamic Da’wa Party, Badr Organization, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), Harakat Huquq, Al-Hikma, Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), Sadrist Movement, or Imtidad, bringing more light on the Iraqi political scene since the parliamentary elections in 2021. The ideological anchorage of the parties is evaluated in two dimensions, religious and sectarian, placing them on the Islamic-secular and sectarian-nationalist axes, reflecting their approach towards intra-religious issues, vilayet al-faqih, possible normalization of relations with Israel, sectarianism, and nationalism. The methodology of this research is based on Chapel Hill Expert Survey data collection, semi-structured interviews with politicians and political experts from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and Iraq, Jordan, and the United Kingdom, content analysis of examined actors’ statements on social and official media and opinion polls, reflecting the voices of the Iraqi society. The main results of this research singled out clusters of more pro-Iranian actors (Badr Organization, AAH, Harakat Huquq), with the highest tendency to use Islamic and sectarian policies, followed by more traditional Iraqi political actors such as Islamic Da’wa Party and ISCI. Al-Hikma, Sadrist Movement and Imtidad then inclined to be more nationalist and secular. Finally, it shows the Iranian influence as a crucial factor in shaping the domestic and foreign policies of thoseactors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the key pilgrimage sites in Baku and the Absheron Peninsula in Azerbaijan, offering a comprehensive discussion of the history of Shia Islam in this region, with a particular focus on the Republic of Azerbaijan. Each site is examined in terms of its historical development, the figure of devotion associated with it, architectural features, surrounding environment, and religious practices, encompassing both orthodox and heterodox traditions. By integrating personal observations and an analysis of existing literature, this study discusses the main patterns of worship and devotion, providing insights into the broader context of Shia religious practices in Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sectarian conflict in G-B has remained an outstanding issue for decades. The conflict over religious differences is not a new dispute in the region. G-B claims to be home to various sects. The segments are Shia, Sunni, and Ismailia, who claim to live peacefully and have cordial relationships with each other. However, the rise of sectarianism began in the region in the late 1980s. The changes in the demographic composition, which included the abolition of the local law of the state-subject rule, led to a shift in power dynamics and further fueled sectarian tensions. The situation further changed with the formulation of the Kakoruram Highway. All this development leads to sectarianism in GB, which has a devastating impact on all segments of society. Based on all this, the market suffers a lot of such incidents because various segments depend on them. The whole region remained closed for a period with these unprecedented clashes of sectarian violence between the two sects of Muslims. It leads to an irreparable and chronic impacts on the common masses suffer greatly. During the sectarianism, region remained in deep crisis, which caused collateral damage for all sectors to suspend activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) is a Shia-dominated province within a Sunni-majority country, having a cluster composition of diversified religious identities including the segments of Shia, Sunni, Noorbakhshi, and Ismailia populations respectively. It is located between the disputed regions of India and Pakistan and is a sensitive region to sectarian violence. Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) has always remained in the headlines of the news not because of its natural and scenic beauty landscapes, but because of sectarian unrest. Tension and a sense of fear prevailing across the region on the rise of the inflammatory statements made from both communities' lives in Gilgit Baltistan. Before 1970, the region had no such eruptions and escalation of sectarian violence, all the ethnic and religious diversity segments had the sentiments, and cooperation, and lived in the coexistence with the amicable environment of brotherhood. The outbreak began to be executed with the development of the Karakoram Highway, the major transformative policies adopted by the regime of General Zia ul Haq, and foreign forces contributed their role to initiating the sectarian conflict in the 1980s In Gilgit Baltistan. The formulation of anti-Shia discourse and imposition of Sunni doctrine in propagating communal violence by neglecting the Shia segments, by having support from foreign powers such as Saudi Arabia, and the unneeded series of Afghanistan Jiddad all these have contributed their role in making the outbreak of sectarian conflict in Gilgit Baltistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1947, following the UN decision to divide Palestine, Bahrain's Jewish community became the target of communal violence. As crowds protested the partition plan, Manama's Jewish quarter was attacked and looted. In their aftermath, the Manama riots have been understood as a nationalist show of anger against Zionism, unfortunately unleashed against local Bahraini Jews. However, a close reading of events shows the riot as complex event involving local labour politics, anti-colonialism and Shi'a religious rituals. Drawing on British records, Jewish correspondence and personal memoirs, this paper locates the riot in its post-war Persian Gulf context and argues that it represented an encounter between regional politics of the Palestine Mandate and the post-war tensions of Manama as a late colonial oil city. While ostensibly driven by Arab opposition to Zionism, the riots also saw the culmination of socio-political tensions over labour and colonial rule, exacerbated by five years of war. As such, the Manama riots should be understood not only as an extension of emerging Arab-Jewish conflict in Palestine, but also within the local politics of the post-war Persian Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to correct a common inaccuracy in the study of Musa al-Sadr's politico-religious activity vis-a-vis the Syrian ʿAlawi regime. The thesis presented by the author is that Shīʿi authorities in Lebanon provided a religious statement that the ʿAlawis are Jaʿfari Muslims, but that this statement did not come from al-Sadr himself as many historians claim. Tracing the source of this inaccuracy leads to western research from 1986. In order to prove the thesis, the article reviews the Arabic literature on the topic, including writings of the ʿAlawi community in Syria and Lebanon, which systematically do not cite any fatwa by al-Sadr on this matter. This enquiry leads to new conclusions as to the background of the discussed fatwa, as well as concerning the relation between political interests and religious judicial decisions. Appendices appearing at the end of the article include a useful translation, presented for the first time in this work, of the most important Shīʿi declarations concerning the ʿAlawi religious identity, and the correspondence between al-Sadr and the ʿAlawi Youth Movement in Tripoli, Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Iran's Shia Imamate project that shapes its proxy war strategy. The Islamic Republic of Iran's (IRI) indirect surrogate warfare doctrine is discussed in three stages. First, the historical forces behind Tehran's proxy war approach and ideological factors that drive it are analyzed. Second, the historical execution of its militia strategy is examined; and third, the consequences of the Iranian-Hezbollah military entrenchment in Syria and its impact on the October 2023 Gaza War are assessed. The author concludes that Iran and its Shia proxies are poorly positioned to sustain a regional war against Israel to save Hamas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legitimacy crisis of Iran's clerical state may be at a tipping point: its fading Islamist façade and crumbling republican pretensions can no longer disguise its mismanagement and failures at governance. With the public more attuned to the hypocrisy and corruption of the ruling elite, the Islamic Republic has been plagued by a succession of popular uprisings. Its characteristic response has been violence, draconian repression, and the intensification of securitisation. But the more it focuses its efforts at self-preservation, the more it risks eroding its veneer of legitimacy. The centralisation of power around an increasingly autocratic Supreme Leader, the obsequiousness of elected institutions, and the kleptocracy of unelected entities, have contributed to disillusionment even among core supporters. Concerted efforts at marginalising Iran's non-Islamic heritage, and subsuming Iranian national identity into a Pan-Islamist Shia ideology, also raise questions about whom the Islamic Republic regards as its true constituency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaykh Ibrahim Zakzaky is one of the most prominent Shia scholars in Nigeria, who has gained considerable fame throughout West Africa for his unparalleled efforts in promoting and developing the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). The present study aims to examine the tumultuous life of this esteemed scholar and to provide a shining portrayal of his services to the Shia community in Nigeria. The main focus of this paper is on the life and challenges of the leader of nigerian Shia Muslims; and answer the central question posed regarding ‘To what extent Shaykh Zakzaky has succeeded in his strategic goals?’ The theoretical framework of this article is based on the theory of charismatic leadership by the German sociologist Max Weber, and the hypothesis of the article revolves around Shaykh Zakzaky's public acceptance among the Shia community in Nigeria. The research method applied is library-based with a descriptiveanalytical approach, and the attention paid to this topic, which is somewhat novel and original in its nature, is considered an innovative aspect of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the social and scientific developments of the modern era in Europe, Muslim thinkers have been seeking a new method of ijtihad (independent reasoning) in order to adapt Islam to the changes of the time or to produce new Islamic jurisprudential rulings for the emerging social transformations. Attention to the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah in ijtihad has been a way for the flourishing and dynamism of jurisprudence and providing appropriate responses to new issues. Attention to the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah is more prominent in the views of jurists who have had a social and governmental approach to the religion of Islam. Imam Khomeini and Sayyid Muhammad Baqir Sadr are among these jurists. In this research, using the descriptive method and library data collection, the following questions have been addressed: ‘What position the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah have in the thought of Imam Khomeini and Sadr?’ and ‘What are the differences and similarities with the views of Sunni jurists?’ The result indicated that Imam Khomeini has presented novel views with regard to the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah, and his attention to the objectives of Shariʻah in the process of inference has been effective both in the expansion and deepening of jurisprudence. Sadr, too, based on definitive rational methods, seeks to find and uncover the ultimate goals of Shariʻah, and for this purpose, he distinguishes the objectives of Shariʻah from its aims. The common point between the views of Sunni jurists and Imam Khomeini and Sadr in enumerating the objectives of Shariʻah is the establishment of social justice and the preservation of the social system, and the difference is in the attention to the preservation of religion as one of the objectives of Shariʻah in the view of Shi'a jurists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the visual and embodied storytelling methods of the theater may be used in the formation of Islamic knowledge. Examining productions staged by young women in Oslo in the tradition of the Twelver Shia theater, taʿziyeh / shabih , during commemorative rituals, I ask: How did producers and actors perceive theater to generate knowledge? How were visual and embodied storytelling methods used in conveying religious knowledge? What kind of knowledge was generated? Inspired by theater theory and post-structuralist semiotics, the analysis shows that the theater had transformative qualities that could contribute to cultural transmission, education, and moral and spiritual development. Knowledge was produced through sensorial communication, thinking, and understanding, and was held to emerge from the spectators' and actors' aesthetic and affective experiences, in addition to their abilities to create emotional relations with holy protagonists and the divine. The learning outcome was therefore presented as open-ended and invited young spectators and actors to take responsibility and reflect on how to act and respond in our time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I show how a group of Iranian Muslims in Trump-era rural Kentucky conceptualize their Islamic practices in relation to the dominant American social, political, racial, and economic norms to compromise Americanness with Muslimness in order to claim cultural citizenship. Drawing on 14 months of ethnographic fieldwork involving participant observation and in-depth interviews conducted with Iranian-American Muslims in rural Kentucky, I develop an argument regarding how these individuals conceive of Islam differently from the monolithic Islam promoted by both Islamic clerics and the post-9/11 dominant discourse that has racialized Muslims. By examining a theoretical and analytical category that can conceptualize the unauthorized practices of Islam, I explore how Iranian Americans in rural Kentucky negotiate some of the most established Shi'i practices independent from clerics and reconcile their Islamic practices with the sociocultural and religious norms and values of the South rather than pursuing orthodox or heterodox Islam. Iranian Muslims in Kentucky are surrounded by multiple transnational Muslim communities that have created a diasporic condition, empowering them to foster a collective identity not by conforming to homogeneity, but rather by developing a nuanced web of intersecting bonds that unifies them through differentiation while confronting Islamophobia and the Muslim experiences of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general autonomy of Central European authors from a Western power agenda as postulated by the mainstream critique of Orientalism is well known. At the same time, scholars have paid much less attention to the attitude of the modern Hungarian, Czech, Polish, and Slovenian corpus vis-à-vis Shi'ism, a narrow branch of the subject of Orientalism. This study argues that a certain bias in this context can be identified on the part of regional academics of the twentieth century, which might be explained by personal preferences for Sunni Orthodoxy. Simultaneously, this paper seeks to explore the reasons for such a tendency within the context of specific historical development at the frontiers. To this end, it presents case studies that juxtapose the relevant experiences with the classic Orientalist criticism of Western intellectual life introduced by scholars such as Edward Said, Talal Asad, Joseph Massad, and Mahmood Mamdani. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among his notable publications, the Dutch orientalist van Vloten (1866-1903) authored a book titled A Study on Arab Domination, Shiism and Messianic Beliefs Under the Umayyad Caliphate. Within this book, there is a dedicated chapter that explores Shiism, its beliefs, and its various denominations. In this chapter, the author engages in challenging discussions between Shiism and Sunnism. However, it is important to note that his conclusions regarding the origins and influences of Shiism are flawed. Van Vloten asserts that Shiism originated from Kufa and was established by Mukhtār al-Thaqafī. He further claims that Shiite beliefs are influenced by other religions, and that the Shiite denominations consist of the Saba?i and Kaysanite beliefs. These conclusions, however, lack a solid foundation and demonstrate a lack of understanding of Shiite history and beliefs. Van Vloten's comments can be attributed to his ignorance of the original Shiite sources. This article aims to examine the basis for van Vloten's remarks by analyzing the sources and content of the claims made in this particular chapter. Additionally, it seeks to scrutinize the biased perspectives of van Vloten and other orientalists when it comes to Shiism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article scrutinizes the intricacies surrounding defensive warfare aimed at reclaiming territories perceived by Muslims as under non-Muslim occupation through the lens of the four Sunni schools and Twelver Shia perspectives. In Shia jurisprudence, in the absence of the twelfth Imam, the concept of defensive war does not extend to reclaiming Islamic territories per se; rather, Muslims are not sanctioned to engage in warfare solely for territorial defense. Instead, the imperative for Muslim involvement in armed conflict arises only when the fundamental tenets of Islam face jeopardy. According to Shia's legal interpretation, jeopardizing the core principles of Islam implies a scenario where the erasure of Prophet Muhammad's legacy and the utter annihilation of Sharia law are imminent. Such a predicament is not contingent upon the occupation of Islamic lands. However, Sunni jurisprudence posits a prerequisite for Muslims to engage in warfare, even in defense, necessitating a certainty of prevailing in the conflict. Consequently, given the contemporary milieu, wherein the requisite conditions for assured victory remain unattainable and are likely unattainable, defensive warfare for territorial reclamation is deemed impermissible. The findings of this inquiry propose an Islamic legal framework that advocates abstention from resorting to warfare concerning the mentioned territories in current circumstances, absolving Muslims of any obligation in this regard. Closing the avenue of armed conflict thereby paves the way for alternative avenues such as negotiation, reconciliation, and peace-building. It underscores Islam's reverence for human life, prioritizing it over territorial concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Neoplatonic notion of "emanation" implies a required progression through hierarchical stages, originating from the highest principle (the One or God) and cascading down through a series of principles. While this process is deemed necessary, it is also inherently good, even "choiceworthy", aligning with the identification of the first principle with the Good. Plotinus, a prominent Neoplatonist, emphasizes the beauty and goodness of the sensible world, governed by divine providence. This perspective, transmitted through Arabic adaptations of Plotinus, influences Islamic philosophers too. This paper delves into the thought of the Ismāʿīlī philosopher Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sijistānī (d. after. 349/971), exploring the interplay of necessity and goodness in his cosmology, with a focus on non-human animals. Sijistānī's Persian Uncovering the Veiled provides a unique perspective on animals, presenting them as both necessary unfoldings of the universal intellect and inherently good beings with intrinsic value. The paper concludes with an appendix featuring an improved edition and English translation of relevant passages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are histories describing in detail the development of early childhood education (ECE) around the world, yet not enough is known about this in the Middle East and the information on the origins of ECE in Iran is scarce and fragmentary. This article is the first of its kind to present an overview of the main developments rendering possible the establishment of the first kindergartens in Iran. In our account, we connect this genealogy of early childhood education in Iran to various trajectories: 1) the work of intellectual reformers; 2) the Iranian feminist movement; 3) the Constitutional Revolution in Iran (1906–1911); 4) religious reformist beliefs in Shia; 5) the missionaries' schools; 6) the Armenians' schools and 7) the age of girls' marriage. As we demonstrate, early childhood education in Iran emerged before the industrial revolution. It was mainly provided for intellectual and influential families, focused on physical education accompanied by music, while religious education was marginal. Our genealogical explorations indicate that compared to kindergartens in Britain and Europe, Iranian early childhood education has been an instrument for intellectual societal reform. It was the fruits of a transplanted tree nourished by various local cultural-socio-political trends and religious beliefs. The paper concludes with an assessment of the importance of local and international influences on the emergence of early childhood education and the need to explore this history with an intersectional approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies is the property of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Naqd Va Nazar is the property of Islamic Sciences & Culture Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Iranian Revolution of 1979 caused Iran to shape its foreign policy along with its domestic political structure, within the framework of a certain Shiite understanding of Islam. Within this context and through the use of the explanatory case study method, this study aims to examine the effect of Shiism within the foreign policy of the post-Revolution Islamic Republic of Iran. First, the foreign policy-making process of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its various elements were discussed within the framework of the views of the Republic's founder, the Supreme Leader Khomeini. Second, the effect of Shiism within and on Iranian foreign policy and affected regions will be explored and discussed. This study reports that Shiism is the most significant determining element in Iran's foreign policy following the 1979 Revolution, that the country's foreign policy approaches are not entirely Shiism-oriented, that there are deviations from this strictly Shiite approach, and that Iran's foreign policy also includes realpolitik approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Islam, like any major religion, should have its own mythos, the idea that Islam has myth has met with resistance. This paper utilizes the ideas of Joseph Campbell to argue that Islam does have mythos, through a study of the Karbala narrative, the story of the martyrdom of al-Husayn ibn ʿAli (d. 61 AH/680 CE), which is particularly central to Shiʿism. This narrative closely parallels Campbell's archetypal framework of the monomyth. Using Campbell's definitions of myth, it shows how the Karbala narrative functions as mythos rather than as history, although usually understood as the latter. The narrative of Karbala emerges from the human psyche, as a rich example of Campbell's cross-cultural mythic structure known as the 'hero's journey'. While Shiʿis argue that the Karbala narrative persists because it is spiritually and cosmologically central, this archetypal structure offers a psychological explanation for why the Karbala narrative continues to be compelling. Second, Campbell expressed concerns over the sustainability of mythos in modernity, and mythos in Islam; this paper shows how the Karbala mythos persists despite the challenges of modernity. Lastly, this paper models an approach to exploring mythos in Islam which can be applied to other Islamic narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article investigates the close tie between political authority and the legitimacy of 'lesser jihad' in Shi'ism, or belligerence towards the outer world. The question of authority within this minor branch of Islam has been the subject of lively and prolonged controversies. Since the 10th century, the absence of a respected and universally recognized religio-political reference point has challenged the legitimacy of 'lesser jihad'. Here, the Shia approach towards the legitimacy of warfare during Occultation is examined through two periods in Persian history, namely the Safavid and Qajar dynasties. The article aims to show how the clergy-state relationship in these two periods changed the method of waging 'lesser jihad', and how the latter, in turn, redefined that relationship. Towards this aim, Persian and Arabic manuscripts are consulted, alongside existing literature on jihad in Shi'ism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mu'tazilites obtained the concern of many thinkers and researchers, they devoted themselves to studying their ideas and beliefs adopted by the ruling authority since the beginning of the Caliph Al-Ma'moon reign (198-218 H./ 813-833 A.D), especially it was connected with the plight of Imam Ahmed Bin Hanbal (241 H./ 855 A.D), but the fame of Mu'tazilites started to fade at the beginning of Mutawakkil Caliphate (332 – 347 H./ 943 – 958 A.D), more accurate meaning, their doctrine became no longer an ideological doctrine with followers as another doctrine such as Shia and Sufis, this is in addition to Hanbali doctrine. These all were popular to the public till they led to its sustainability and continuation to the present time. However, the Mu'tazilites doctrine was confirmed by the elite intellectuals’ minds. The significance of the study came from many thinkers and historians who dedicated their study to the principles of Mu'tazilites. They deeply studied their principles and analyzed them. Thinkers and historians were interested in historical aspects, those important to hasten the end of their doctrine. In addition to the political factors and beliefs, people of the public played an important role in ending their doctrine, which was confined to caliphs and the elite of intellectuals and philosophers. The Mu'tazilites stand, and the ruling authority from Ahmed Bin Hanbal contributed to what is known as the plight of having a hostile attitude towards Mu'tazilites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rules in the family are the creators of legal relationships, and the implementation of the legal orders is the basis for the organization of the affairs. Sometimes due to the situation where the rights of the family to the spouses are recognized, the parties to each other do harm and use their rights inappropriately and, namely, abuse their rights. In the present paper, using the descriptive-linguistic method, the non-financial rights in spousal relationships and the possibility of their abuse have attracted greater attention. In addition, the explanation of the orientation of the teachings of Islam regarding the abuse of non-financial couples' rights and its prohibition without providing a guarantee of implementation is discussed, which constitutes it among the moral recommendations; the need to develop and determine the guarantee of effective implementations to prevent the abuse of non-financial rights and to control the exercise rights for the realization of the legislator's goal and the realization of justice in the relationships of couples has been examined and proved, and for certain reasons such as the rule of no loss, the principle of expediency, the rule of maintaining the system (social system) and determining the punishment by the government has been referred to prove the point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding Pakistan's foreign policy is a herculean task because Pakistan has a diverse kind of country in its geostrategic and geoeconomic circumstances. This chapter will explain the theoretical and operational understanding of Pakistan's foreign policy framework in the contemporary world. Pakistan's geostrategic conditions are challenging and lucrative at the same time. Three nuclear powers surround it: China, India, and Russia. The fourth nuclear power is Pakistan, which is in the region. Iran, the fifth nuclear power, is in the making. Therefore, Pakistan is balancing its relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia, as an extremely Shia country and as a Sunni country, respectively. China is a communist, and the US is a democratic country, but Pakistan's foreign policy is based on mutual interests and peaceful co-existence. The qualitative method would mainly be used to test this research's hypothesis based on Pakistan's ability to sustain itself in the comity of a nation as a soft power and peaceful country instead of a warmonger in the region. The consolidation in the form of recommendations will also be included at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore distinct ways in which Iranian American mosque-goers in Southern California understand and define Islam. I argue that rather than relying on authoritative Islamic sources and discourses, Iranian Angelenos primarily characterize Islam to counter Islamophobic perceptions of their religion propagated in American media and political discourse. Based on ethnographic research, I present four modalities of Islam that I call Aryan Islam, Unitarian Islam, Individual and interpretive Islam, and Jurisprudential/Sectarian Islam, and discuss how they are produced in response to harmful discourses against Muslims, especially Muslim Iranian Americans, in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]