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This article provides a tour d'horizon of the recent emigration of the Kurdish political elite from Turkey and contextualizes it in its historical course. Specifically, the article discusses the similarities and differences of the exilic waves at the two ends of the chain of pro-Kurdish political parties in Turkey, i.e., the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the Democracy Party (DEP). Based on semi-structured elite interviews, a comparison of the patterns of integration with and differentiation from the Kurdish diaspora organizations in Europe, in particular, reveals significant variation between these two exilic waves despite their common root cause. Such variation, coupled with tensions derived mainly from the hierarchal structure of the Kurdish diaspora organizations, fuels a rivalry that may alter the composition of Kurdish political elites in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indonesian political atmosphere has recently been shocked by controversial issues regarding the postponement of the Indonesian elections in 2024 nationally. The reason for postponing the election is due to the unstable economic condition of the country after COVID-19 so that it is considered incapable of holding elections in 2024. This study aims to find out how the postponement of elections is regulated in Indonesia, as well as whether the postponement of elections is a constitutional action or for the interests of groups elite. The results of this study indicate that basically the Indonesian Election Law does not specifically regulate the postponement of elections. The postponement of elections in the provisions of election law in Indonesia only regulates regional election delays. Meanwhile, national election delays are not adequately regulated. Therefore, nationally postponing the election is considered a violation of the Indonesian constitution. In addition, it is seen that the postponement of the election is not an aspiration of the Indonesian people so that it is considered an attempt by the political elite to take political advantage in the 2024 election.

AbstractCorruption is recurrent in conversations and political debates, but it can have different meanings. This study aimed to assess how the words that 1,020 citizens and 120 politicians in Portugal associated with corruption interacted and varied. Data came from two surveys that collected responses to “What words do you associate with corruption?” from October 2020 to April 2021: the EPOCA-FCT survey conducted with citizens and the ETHICS-FFMS survey conducted with MPs and local elected officials in office. We used network analysis to find that the mass-elite incongruence when defining corruption can be used (a) to enhance corruption surveys and (b) as a tool to foster political will for anti-corruption reform in areas/sectors that are linked to corruption. In Portugal, corruption came down to “theft of money by politicians” (citizens) and “dishonesty and illegality in a crony relationship” (politicians), and the promotion of integrity in the Banking sector emerged as central to any anti-corruption reform. This was the first attempt to show that knowing what citizens and politicians have in mind can be a valid tool to enhance both the quality of future corruption surveys and the implementation of anti-corruption policies when no short-term political will for a change exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to elite and mass surveys, the late-Soviet sociopolitical and economic order was largely perceived as the only viable alternative to domestic political and economic status quo in Russia before 2022. Political elites invested significant efforts and funds into deliberative promotion of a complex of ideational legacies through different tools (including cinematography). This complex, labeled a "Good Soviet Union," is an imagined sociopolitical and economic order, which somehow resembles that of the late-Soviet past, while lacking its inherent flaws. Elements of the Soviet legacy were selectively chosen for the sake of preservation of the politico-economic status quo. They include the hierarchical mechanism of governance, low circulation of elites and their privileged status, state control over media, and repressions toward organized dissent. Meanwhile, other elements of the late-Soviet past, such as relatively low inequality and certain state social guarantees, have been discarded. A "Good Soviet Union" model includes not only market economy and no shortages of goods and services, but also a lack of institutional constraints on rent-seeking and legalization of wealth and status of elites. In this article, we consider a "Good Soviet Union" as a socially constructed legacy of the past and focus on mechanisms of translation of this legacy into Russia's current agenda through the use of modern Russian cinematography and analysis of policy preferences on the part of political elites. We further consider its effects on politics and policy-making, as well as its limitations and constraints. Some implications of the social construction of Soviet legacies are discussed in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subject of the study. The problems of economic diplomacy are constantly in the focus of researchers' attention, especially in recent years, when the challenges of the globalisation era have significantly changed the rules of interaction in international relations: limiting the possibilities of classical diplomacy within the Westphalian system, allowing new actors (multinational corporations, non-governmental organisations) to enter the diplomatic field, introducing advanced forms of diplomatic communication, etc. These innovations have led to significant changes in the field of economic diplomacy, as the economic aspects of international relations have become crucial in the process of economic competition in the modern world. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to provide an in-depth study of the theoretical and applied aspects of modern instruments of diplomatic influence as a system of mechanisms for interstate regulation of the world economy, which belongs to the sphere of foreign policy and is, by its very nature, one of the main and most effective means of settling international socio-economic disputes. Since the term "diplomacy" is most often used: 1) in the sense of state activity in the sphere of foreign relations; 2) as a set of institutions and persons engaged in state activity in the sphere of foreign relations; 3) to define the profession of a diplomat. Traditionally, some of the main methods of diplomatic activity are: negotiations, conclusion of bilateral (multilateral) agreements, opening of representative offices of one state in another, etc. Methods of implementing diplomacy are defined as appropriate levers of influence on governments, diplomatic representatives and other persons of foreign states, using and applying the world's effective diplomatic experience of conducting business relations of states to achieve its objectives. Currently, economic diplomacy is an important catalyst for economic progress not only in individual countries but also in the global economy, an integral element of foreign policy to improve international competitiveness, investment and tourist attractiveness of the country, increase its foreign trade activity, open new production facilities and create new jobs. Undoubtedly, the role of economic diplomacy is obvious for countries with a high level of investment and trade activity, for SMEs trying to enter the markets of other countries, and for multinational companies that are strengthening their presence in the world. Conclusion. The current development of multilateral economic diplomacy is shaped by the following trends: expansion of the mandate of leading multilateral organisations and forums beyond the scope of traditionally discussed issues (in recent years, the OECD has been discussing non-traditional aspects such as environmental and food security, population ageing, fighting corruption, etc.); increasing the number of participants in the global economy and expanding the scope of regulation within international organisations necessitates reforming the institutions of multilateral economic diplomacy (the WTO has developed a document "The Future of the WTO" containing proposals for organisational reform); multilateral economic diplomacy has become open and public (many developed countries often make proposals addressed to the entire world community (especially on global issues of economic, social and environmental development)); interaction of various organisations and forums is increasing (the WTO cooperates with the IMF, the World Bank, the UN, UNCTAD, etc.); increase in the level of publicity and transparency of multilateral diplomacy (openness to the media, prompt posting of information on the official websites of international organisations). Despite the fact that multilateral economic diplomacy has many problems, it can be argued that bilateral and multilateral economic diplomacy forms an effective mechanism for managing global economic processes in the interests of individual countries and the global community as a whole.

The role of women as political elites is increasingly important, which makes gender inequality widespread. This study examines the expansion, role, and contribution of DPD women of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in the 2020 Medan City regional head elections with a case study on the Akhyar-Salman couple. Qualitative research was conducted by collecting data on the role of female PKS party members and leaders in winning the Akhyar-Salman pair through in-depth interviews with research subjects. sample determination using a purposive sampling technique. All data were processed descriptively. The results showed that the expansion of women in improving the quality and quantity of regional elections in Medan City is significant; this is indicated by the contribution of women’s political elites in mobilizing the implementation of campaigns in the community and attracting public interest from upstream to downstream to introduce the Akhyar-Salman couple. Women’s political elites have functions and responsibilities in winning candidate pairs through door-to-door campaigns to each household, creating work programs that attract women to join, such as carrying out women’s recitation (dakwah), helping communities affected by disasters, and carrying out approaches to the ulama. In addition, the most prominent expansion of women lies in the gender equality program and equal access to information, which have the most decisive influence on the campaign process. The work program launched by the mayoral and deputy candidate pairs is the result of preliminary studies of the community and data collection by the DPD PKS women’s political elites. Finally, the Japuan program (women’s network) indicates that voter accommodation and navigation can be appropriately managed by disseminating information related to candidate pairs by political elites from the PKS party.

The aim of the study is to analyze the practices of commemoration and memorial culture in the Penza region in the 1960–1970-ies. The issues of periodization of development of memorial culture and historical politics, the content of collective memories, transformation of social reflection, forms and means of commemoration are considered. An assessment is made of the possibility of using the methodological tools of the «new political history» at the regional and local levels of problem development. The high source potential of materials of personal origin in the study of commemorative content in narratives, symbols and signs is noted. In the course of the analysis of historiography of the problem, a pluralism of value judgments regarding the «instrumentality» of Soviet historical policy was revealed. Conclusions are drawn about the need for an objective analysis of national specifics, including in relation to the memory of the past, in the search for universal content in the structures of memorial culture. The evolution of functionality and content of historical politics in the 1960–1970-ies is traced: the general trend of the process is the decline in interest in the symbolic practices of the revolutionary era and the establishment of a new «organizing» idea as a manifestation of social demand for solidarity and common identity. The memory of the victims of the struggle for Soviet power as a tool of legitimization is giving way to socially significant experiences (memory of the Great Patriotic War) and the idea of restoring the unity of memory, a tolerant attitude towards the past as a whole, which united both the imperial and Soviet heritage. The factor of traumatic order is the memory of Stalin. The period under review also saw the institutionalization of the system of socio-political interaction in the field of memorial culture.

This article is the first systematic examination of the proposition that politicians can foster their careers through affiliations with transnational elite clubs. Focusing on the Euro-Atlantic Bilderberg Group, I provide preliminary evidence in support of the proposition. I argue that politicians invited to the exclusive meetings gain valuable contacts, insider information and probably some backing. Still, most politicians who participated at Bilderberg conferences were never later elevated. But 133 were and sometimes even shortly after their appearance at the gatherings. Of these mainly European politicians, 42 became prime ministers, presidents, or top representatives of international organizations like EU, NATO, IMF. However, I mostly found correlation, not causation. Only in several cases, there are additional indicia which suggest that "factor Bilderberg" was really one of the reasons for career advancements. On the other hand, the suspicion of the Bilderberg Group's direct influence on personnel policy cannot be confirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of women as political elites is increasingly important, which makes gender inequality widespread. This study examines the expansion, role, and contribution of DPD women of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in the 2020 Medan City regional head elections with a case study on the Akhyar-Salman couple. Qualitative research was conducted by collecting data on the role of female PKS party members and leaders in winning the Akhyar-Salman pair through in-depth interviews with research subjects. sample determination using a purposive sampling technique. All data were processed descriptively. The results showed that the expansion of women in improving the quality and quantity of regional elections in Medan City is significant; this is indicated by the contribution of women's political elites in mobilizing the implementation of campaigns in the community and attracting public interest from upstream to downstream to introduce the Akhyar-Salman couple. Women's political elites have functions and responsibilities in winning candidate pairs through door-to-door campaigns to each household, creating work programs that attract women to join, such as carrying out women's recitation (dakwah), helping communities affected by disasters, and carrying out approaches to the ulama. In addition, the most prominent expansion of women lies in the gender equality program and equal access to information, which have the most decisive influence on the campaign process. The work program launched by the mayoral and deputy candidate pairs is the result of preliminary studies of the community and data collection by the DPD PKS women's political elites. Finally, the Japuan program (women's network) indicates that voter accommodation and navigation can be appropriately managed by disseminating information related to candidate pairs by political elites from the PKS party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper advances the argument that misappropriation of public funds should be construed as illicit financial flows (IFFs) which, undoubtedly, have an adverse effect on the realisation of the right to development. Furthermore, by detailing the nature of IFFs, this paper aims to demystify the shallow understanding of what is IFF or what are IFFs and why misappropriation of public funds should be seen in that light. Design/methodology/approach: This paper examines and interrogates the different judgements that have been delivered in cases tried and finalised by the special criminal court (SCC). With viewpoints that are backed by a theoretical understanding of Cameroonian criminal law in particular and criminal law in general, an analysis of the underlying intentions, motives and trajectories in the commission of misappropriation of public funds corroborate the view that the offence must be construed as IFFs. The data used in this paper are primary. Findings: A few pertinent findings were made in the course of this research. Firstly, the offence of misappropriation of public funds and IFFs are not distinct, and any effort to limit the use of "funds" to finances will ultimately miss the point as property with financial value will definitely amount to funds. Secondly, through misappropriation of public funds/property, IFFs have been committed based on the trends and figures disclosed in the judgements of the SCC. Finally, the right to development requires resources and by stealing public funds, resources are deprived, thereby compromising the realisation of development and the right to development. Originality/value: This paper examines the impact of IFFs on the right to development within the context of Cameroon. By diagnosing the definition of the crime of misappropriation of public property or funds, the paper argues that such an offence must be seen as IFFs given its nature, the motive and intention underlying its perpetration. By taking such perspectives, this paper not only adds to the literature thereon but further brings in new perspectives on those aspects of Cameroonian criminal law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author analyzes the current domestic state studies, trends and features of its development. It is concluded that legal science practically does not study the so-called blunders in state policy, ineffective strategics, failures of reforms and programs. Classical state science and its representative Aristotle called this a deviation in a state development and used the concept of a deviated (deviating) state . It is proposed to study the causes, types and forms of deviations. The author believes that this approach will allow a deeper analysis of the emerging negative trends and patterns in the European statehood development. The current global crisis, provoked by the situation in Ukraine and around it, only sharpens deviations in the European states’ development. It is emphasized that deviated state theory needs a proper development in the legal science. The problem of the state bodies activities imitation shall be central in the future theory. The author believes that many components of modern statehood do not essentially fulfill their tasks and functions, or, if they do, then partly. The relationship between society and the state is analyzed through the prism of alienation. The state is a product of society; it was created for society and is entirely indebted to it. Legal science must develop criteria for remoteness of the state from society to define the degree of alienation. Within the framework of negative trends, selectivity is also considered as a feature of modern statehood. The author understands selectivity as a special form of coercion. Such states do not carry out heavy repressions; there is a certain point of revenge on individuals, groups, organizations, etc. Among the deviations, the author refers to ignoring the role and importance of social organizations, state’s withdrawal form international human rights organizations, etc. The article ends with the author’s appeal to reasonableness as a condition for resisting deviations. Reasonableness must form the basis for statehood and legal reality. The state, its institutions must be the product of rational human activity. Mankind has long been determined in its own values, which include the state and its companion - law.

Why did Kazakhstan, as an authoritarian post-Soviet state with moderate economic performance, become an Official Development Assistance (ODA) donor? In this article, we argue that state identity has a causal and constitutive effect on Kazakhstan's foreign policy through discursive development encounters between Kazakhstani state actors and representatives of the international development community. The research questions are addressed by applying discourse analysis to official documents and media articles from Kazakhstan and international sources, along with the ODA dataset collected during fieldwork, focusing on 2013-2019. The article concludes by stating that Kazakhstan's decision to become an ODA donor is primarily motivated by the political elite's desire to boost national prestige and patriotic spirit among the population through the implementation of the domestic development program "Kazakhstan 2050," which would include the country on a list of 30 developed countries, the condition of which is to provide and institutionalize ODA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research is a rereading of the Hagar narrative in view of prejudice in South Africa. Some previous contributions on the Hagar narrative have tended to pursue either exegetical or hermeneutic route. The present research comprises an eight-tier structure. However, the Hagar narrative is explored in lieu of the following two foci. First, a critical exegesis of the Hagar narrative (Genesis 16:1-16) is given. The critical exegesis is a verse-by-verse analysis of the narrative. The analysis seeks to present clarity for the readership where some ambiguity and inconsistency occur in the narrative. For example, the study interrogates the flight of a pregnant Hagar from Sarah in Mamre and travels a journey of approximately 340km to Shur at the border with Egypt. Other misunderstood parts of the text include the enslavement, marriage and mistreatment of Hagar by Abraham and Sarah. Second, a rereading of the Hagar story as a narrative of prejudice in South Africa is explored. It is argued that the attempt is not to regard the narrative as a historical reality and that Hagar will not be discussed as a historical figure. On the contrary, the present study examines the concepts and themes in the Hagar narrative considering the perceived oppression and prejudice devastating post-apartheid South Africa today. The study argues that South Africa has not successfully dismantled apartheid policies by the dawning of majority rule; unemployment, poverty and abortion continue to depict the 'rainbow nation' in a bad light. For example, legalization of abortion contradicts the African Ubuntu philosophy. Hence, "...Return to thy mistress and submit thyself under her hands" (Genesis 16:9) suggests a perpetuity of apartheid policies. However, a rereading of the Hebrew phrase translated as "The well of him that lives and sees" (see Genesis 16:14), portrays Hagar envisioning triumph and a dispensation of euphoria beyond her situation of deprivation and prejudice. The study is, therefore, poised towards a feminist discussion of Hagar as an African mother (wife) who was jettisoned to take care of the young children solely and single-handedly. The study utilizes a contextual content analysis as an approach in which secondary data analysis on the Hagar narrative will be explored in light of the biblical text as the primary source. The study revolves around a symbolic interactionism theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Book review: Tudoroiu T., Ramlogan А. 2021. China’s International Socialization of Political Elites in the Belt and Road Initiative. Routledge. 292 p.

The article studies the behavioral models of parties in democratic change in terms of building coalitions and concluding "pacts" within the framework of their own value system. The party coalitions established as a consequence of Armenia's presidential and legislative elections over the past 20 years are analyzed. Since 2003, and to this day, coalitions in Armenia have assumed only the consolidation of political personalities pursuing power and the formation of coalitions with "minimal gain". The ineffectiveness of the political coalition is due to the formal nature of thematic and doctrinal discussions as a result of the absence of genuine communication between the ruling elite. The method is supported by evidence that the inefficiency of coalitions established in Armenia during the democratic transition period suggests that coalitions are one of the causes of political growth crises only in terms of maintaining their own interest-based system. With this method, the authors demonstrate the persistence of Armenia's political development crises in the context of democracy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the transformation of the highest political elite of the Russian Empire after the death of Peter the Great. This is one of the most difficult and dramatic periods in Russian history, called the era of “palace coups”. The main properties of the Russian political elite formed by the reforms of Peter the Great are analyzed, its main features are determined that influenced the nature of the intra-elite struggle and led to the transformation of the highest political elite in Russia. The composition and goals of the main court groups that fought for power under Catherine I, Peter II, Anna Ioannovna are considered in detail. The formation of such bodies as the Supreme Privy Council under Catherine I and the Cabinet of Ministers under Anna Ioannovna and their influence on ensuring the interests and transformation of the highest political elite are analyzed. Attempts to limit royal power by members of the Supreme Privy Council were considered and conclusions were drawn about the reasons for their failure.

The present research is a rereading of the Hagar narrative in view of prejudice in South Africa. Some previous contributions on the Hagar narrative have tended to pursue either exegetical or hermeneutic route. The present research comprises an eight-tier structure. However, the Hagar narrative is explored in lieu of the following two foci. First, a critical exegesis of the Hagar narrative (Genesis 16:1-16) is given. The critical exegesis is a verse-by-verse analysis of the narrative. The analysis seeks to present clarity for the readership where some ambiguity and inconsistency occur in the narrative. For example, the study interrogates the flight of a pregnant Hagar from Sarah in Mamre and travels a journey of approximately 340km to Shur at the border with Egypt. Other misunderstood parts of the text include the enslavement, marriage and mistreatment of Hagar by Abraham and Sarah. Second, a rereading of the Hagar story as a narrative of prejudice in South Africa is explored. It is argued that the attempt is not to regard the narrative as a historical reality and that Hagar will not be discussed as a historical figure. On the contrary, the present study examines the concepts and themes in the Hagar narrative considering the perceived oppression and prejudice devastating post-apartheid South Africa today. The study argues that South Africa has not successfully dismantled apartheid policies by the dawning of majority rule; unemployment, poverty and abortion continue to depict the ‘rainbow nation’ in a bad light. For example, legalization of abortion contradicts the African Ubuntu philosophy. Hence, “…Return to thy mistress and submit thyself under her hands” (Genesis 16:9) suggests a perpetuity of apartheid policies. However, a rereading of the Hebrew phrase translated as “The well of him that lives and sees” (see Genesis 16:14), portrays Hagar envisioning triumph and a dispensation of euphoria beyond her situation of deprivation and prejudice. The study is, therefore, poised towards a feminist discussion of Hagar as an African mother (wife) who was jettisoned to take care of the young children solely and single-handedly. The study utilizes a contextual content analysis as an approach in which secondary data analysis on the Hagar narrative will be explored in light of the biblical text as the primary source. The study revolves around a symbolic interactionism theory.

African states have undergone dynamic political processes ever since their struggle for independence. Students have played an important role in political developments and triggered processes of democratisation. In the course of recent waves of protests and political activism, however, students took a more ambivalent stance against both the state and the political elite. This report is based in parts on field research. It discusses the relation between student activism and the political elite in Kenya. During the overall change in the meaning and function of higher education, universities and student activism have played an important role in political development. This report analyses the education system on the basis of (qualitative) research on education and student activism in Kenya. The paper focuses on the education system as an important factor in the recruitment of political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study on political elites in sub-national politics in post-1998 Indonesia did not pay much attention to identify the shifting or continuation of structural change in the post-New Order authoritarianism. From a case study in East Java, this article shows the change and continuation of political elite structure. Democratization does not necessarily produce significant changes that shift the position and privilege of the old political elites. Their organizational power might have declined, but their control over patron-client relationship remains strong. This is also finds that the political changes were, institutionally, not strong enough to cause the significant damage to the patron-client relationship developed during the New Order era. The democratization pressure has only caused the partial diversification of elites’ political affiliation while the inter-intra elite power relations model has not changed much. This explanation provides a new contribution to the understandings on the dynamics and changes in the structure of political elites in sub-national politics in the era of democratization in Indonesia.

Scholarly debates on civil–military relations often focus on how the military impacts society. Adding to the vast literature of civil–military relations, this article examines how socio-cultural practices and societal developments in the host society affect the military. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement with the Ghana Armed Forces, the piece presents empirical observations of how culturally informed practices, such as begging via proxies (djuan toa), infiltrate the Ghanaian military barracks and affect the institutions' functioning. The article illustrates how two additional elements, skewed recruitment practices and the politicisation of the rank and file, are used as tools by political factions, such as Ghana's two most prominent parties (the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress), seeking to gain control over the Ghanaian military. The article analyses how these approaches contribute to undermining the armed forces' discipline and military professionalism and consequently affect the military institution as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early eighteenth century was the age of Peter the Great’s transformations, which affected many spheres of life of Russian society, and, in particular, caused the restructuring of the highest political elite. The reforms were, on the one hand, conditioned by the processes of the late seventeenth century, on the other hand, by the specificity of Peter’s absolutism and the long period of warfare. The article analyses the features of Peter’s reforms of the higher political elite. The background to the reforms has been examined, and Peter the Great’s personnel policy, approaches and principles have been analysed. Particular attention has been paid to institutional change, looking at the mechanisms used by Peter the Great in replacing obsolete institutions with new ones. An analysis of the qualitative composition of the elite made it possible to establish a continuity between the political elite of Peter the Great and the aristocracy of the earlier period, with a change in the principles of interaction. The post-reform Russian state is no longer built on the principles of the “servant state”, but on absolutism with a rationalist approach and the principle of “suitability”.

The article offers information on the Founding Generations project which analyzes the biographical data of parliamentarians who served in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 1920 and 1950 to visualize and analyze the refugee experience with digital humanities. Topics covered include the digital humanities methods used, the preliminary findings and the association relationships discovered through the association rule mining.

This study examines the role of political and religious figures in spreading and penetrating Islamic teachings into society in Indonesia. Using Harold D Lasswell's communication theory, this research focuses on studying the role of Sangaji and Tuan Guru in Bima Regency, West Nusa Tenggara Province, as the research location. Bima was chosen as the research location because this area is an area of harmonious collaboration between political elitists and ulama. Thus, this research is a qualitative field study. Data were obtained through observation, interviews, and documentation and enriched with literature studies relevant to the research theme. Sangaji is a sultan or king who is charismatic, highly spiritual, and respected by the Bima people. Meanwhile, Tuan Guru (Javanese: Kyai, Makassar: Anre Gurutta) is an Islamic religious leader with broad religious knowledge and good character. The results showed that several Sangaji and Tuan Guru had succeeded in disseminating Islamic teachings in the Bima community through the da'wah movement, writings, and the construction of mosques and Islamic educational institutions. In the field of writing, they produce the book of monotheism (the book "Nur al-Mubiin fi i'tiqadi sentence syahadatain"}, the book of interpretation, hadith, fiqhi (Ar-Risalah Al-Aminiyah, (Introduction to the Science of Hadith and the Science of Fiqh), and history books. The da'wah media used in launching the dissemination of Islamic teachings are delivering lectures at the mosque pulpit, recitation of the taklim assembly, recitations at the royal office, and attending several ritual events related to the traditions of the Bima community, such as; the apostle's prayer event (safety), aqiqah prayer, marriage, circumcision prayer, kiri loko prayer (seven months of one's pregnancy), and death prayers and then followed by religious lectures relevant to the prayer event. Then the physical evidence institutionally the Sangaji and Tuan Guru have built a number of mosques and educational institutions such as; The Darul Ma'arif Bima Islamic Boarding School and Education Foundation at the madrasah Ibtidaiyah, Tsanawiyah and Madrasah Aliyah levels, even to the point of establishing a boarding school the Islamic College of Tarbiyah Sunan Giri High School in Bima. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incivility in public discourse is a central concern for scholars and citizens alike. However, the definitions of the concept offered by scholars are dissimilar and difficult to compare. This research, which adopts an approach based on citizens' perceptions of incivility, addresses this issue by empirically testing a three-dimensional model of political incivility. The findings of a survey of 797 students to track differences in perceptions of specific types of uncivil speech show that political incivility consists of a three-dimensional concept, that is, incivility as "impoliteness," as "individual delegitimization," and as "institutional delegitimization." Future studies can use this model to corroborate these results and verify whether this composition of the concept holds up in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The material relics of socialism continue to affect present-day rural Romania. This article explores the nexus of socialist/post-socialist agricultural infrastructure, groundwater, soil transformations, the privatization process and the constitution of power relations along the Lower Danube rural areas. Positioning ourselves in the anthropology of infrastructure, we document both ethnographically and with Geographic Information Systems tools the social and political consequences of broken agricultural infrastructure in a village located on the banks of the Lower Danube, Romania. We show how the local political elite is able to exploit the surfacing of groundwater in their favour, resulting in economic loss only for small landholders and villagers without power. The interface of the multiple temporalities inherent in infrastructure with the various materialities of groundwater – its propensity to leak, infiltrate and surface – precipitated the emergence of a new ecological order. The new hybrid ecology is made up of pre-socialist feral groundwater, the socialist 'hydraulic society' that reclaimed agricultural land, and the post-socialist political economy. We engage a more-than-human perspective in order to offer a more sophisticated – and realistic – picture of post-socialist rural power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional head elections are part of the implementation of a democracy which is essentially indicated by political participation. The political elite at the central government also influences political competition in the regions. Every regional head election has to have a recommendation letter from the central board of the political party. The recommendation letter is a requirement for candidates for regent or mayor who will register to the General Election Commission (KPU). The general elections for regional heads are carried out to meet the demands of the community to elect their regional leaders directly with the spirit of democracy. Political elites often misuse democracy in pursuing power for personal or group interests so that a single candidate appears in the regional head elections. This study analyzes the relationship between the political elites and a single candidate using qualitative methods with descriptive analysis based on credible data sources. The results of this study stated that the political elite manipulate a significant role in gathering all-party support with a separate agreement so that a single candidate emerged in the regional head elections. This study concludes that the existence of a single candidate in the regional head elections results in a degradation in the democracy in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes to what extent the social status of the wives of Romanian politicians in Transylvania, their matrimonial alliances and religious denomination influenced the rise and political-cultural behavior of their spouses in the second half of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The analysis focuses on the wives of Romanian Greek Catholic deputies who served in the Diets of Transylvania (1863-1866) and, subsequently, in the Hungarian Parliament between 1861 and 1918. Starting from the latest European historiographic research on the impact of socio-economic and cultural factors on individual social mobility, we aim to achieve several objectives. First, we want to identify the socio-economic background of the Greek Catholic Romanian deputies' wives and to see whether this actually played a decisive role in their husbands' affirmation either as individuals or as members of various decision-making groups. Second, based on a few case studies, we aim to detect the family networks created through matrimonial alliances and the extent to which they contributed to the rise and consolidation of these politicians' careers. We will also try to understand the ways in which the religious denominations of the deputies' wives may have influenced the social, political and cultural conduct of their husbands. Last but not least, we aim to discuss a few aspects of these women's marital behavior, including their role in the couple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the compositional characteristics of the hereditary regimes of North Korea, specifically regarding regime change through the transmission of traditional authority over three generations. The research questions of this study are as follows: How did North Korea successfully make the traditional hereditary regimes handed down to the son and grandson? Who were the political elites establishing and supporting these hereditary regimes? This study analyzes "on-the-spot guidance" articles reported in Rodong Sinmun, North Korea's official medium. According to the analysis, on-the-spot guidance seems to contribute to building and maintaining North Korea's hereditary regimes for three generations. In addition, it implies that the Kim Jong-un regime has a relatively low risk of collapse due to internal resistance, which has transpired for quite a while. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the entire 20th century, the Serbian strategic culture was "torn" by various discontinuities, from the state system, through foreign policy and ideological, to strategic and doctrinal orientation, and it can be said that discontinuity is almost its only constant. Nevertheless, the existence of military cliques can be considered to be one of the constants of the Serbian strategic culture. They followed the Serbian Army and influenced the political life of the Kingdom of Serbia. The dynastic coup of May 1903 can be taken as an example of their actions. After that, younger conspirators established the so-called Black Hand, whose leader was Colonel Apis, who was shot after the Thessaloniki process in 1917. The interwar period was marked by the action of the so-called White Hand, under the leadership of General Petar Živković, which was active until the assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseilles in 1934. The Second Yugoslavia even had a formalized "military clique" represented in the League of Communists, which was an integral part of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia at federal level, together with the republican leagues. Thus, the influence of the party on the military organization was secured, and the influence of the army in the society was also "secured" by its representation in the party forum at federal level. Consequently, the Serbian political elite welcomed the dissolution of the SFRY with perhaps the only constant in its strategic culture, and that is the reliance on the military in resolving political crises, which can be vividly presented by the statement of Slobodan Milosević: "We do not know how to work, but we know how to fight".

Currently, there is an increased interest in ceremonial culture. A ceremonial is a kind of cultural message from one social group of people to another. The basic idea of behaviour, the inner meaning of secular ceremonial is laid down in church rituals, and external forms of behaviour can be borrowed from the traditions of everyday secular life. Diplomacy as one of the spheres of applied politics is a very complex and responsible type of human activity, which has always had a pronounced ritual character. The conclusion of contracts and alliances took place according to a certain scenario plan, according to which the ceremonial action developed. During the preparation and holding of the ceremony, the exchange of diplomatic letters and embassies continued, solemn meetings were arranged for the honored guests, feasts, theatrical performances, games, and festivities were given in their honor. the purpose of the article is to conduct a comprehensive study of the communicative functions of diplomatic ceremonial in international communication based on the analysis and generalisation of new facts with the involvement of archival materials and other sources introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. In this study, art is considered for the first time from the point of view of the communicative factor of a diplomatic ceremony. A ceremonial is an event in the life of society that has a symbolic meaning. The norms of ceremonial reflect not only ideology but also the social psychology of society, without an adequate interpretation of which it is impossible to correctly understand the behavior of statesmen in specific situations related to their official status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than 30 years have passed since Latvia gained its independence, however, systematic studies of present-day relationship between media and politics are still missing. Latvia is a country where choice of media is largely determined by ethnicity. Representatives from ethnic groups acquire their daily information from different news sources, as the result the trust levels in media depend on the media format and the language of choice. This study adds to the literature by studying the perceptions of Latvian Members of Parliament on media agenda-setting power. Drawing on surveys of Latvian parliamentarians, the agenda-setting power of media is assessed and compared to the survey results in Finland. The results reveal that politicians in Latvia and in Finland think that, in general, media have a massive influence on politics, but the power of written press in Latvia is less evident. And although MPs acknowledge that media can have a significant influence on how decisions are made, the greatest impact will be observed during political debates that can be covered by the media. This study also demonstrates that even though Latvia scores high in the world press freedom ranks, MPs do not trust the media to a large extent and that can be a dangerous signal for the functioning of democracy. The results offer valuable information about the influence of media in countries outside Western Europe and provide a basis for further discussions on surveys as a method for studying the power of media agenda-setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies on Hindu nationalism haue relied heavily on the role of the political elite, connecting it with the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in recent elections. While recognizing the role of the BJP, the current research questions the underlying factor behind the shift in the behaviour of the Indian nation, examining what made Hindu nationalism so successful in India despite the long history of secular nationalism in the country. Comparing Breuilly's theory of nationalism as a form of politics and Brass's theory of instrumentalism, the study explores the demolition of the Babri Mosque and the legal victory of Hindu nationalist groups in building a temple over it. The study asserts that more than serving as an instrument to win popular support, the Babri Mosque controversy provided legitimacy to the BJP as the sole voice of Hindu interests and a justification to exercise state authority. In addition, beyond the role of the BJP, the Babri Mosque demolition symbolizes the inherent fragility of the secular nationalism of India as it lacked the cultural symbols required to bring collective national identity for the Indians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of who should, and who actually does, govern has long been at the centre of empirical and theoretical analyses. This article focuses on the evolution of regional inequality in Bulgaria in terms of political representation. A specially created GIS data set facilitated the assessment of changes in the composition of different Bulgarian governments during a long period of political transformation. The database incorporates information about the positions occupied, the time spent in government, the political affiliations, and the places of birth of more than 600 individuals who held cabinet positions in more than 1500 ministerial tenures. Combining different layers of information within the GIS allowed the authors to map the evolution of the Bulgarian political elite, to identify historical centres of political influence, and to visualize the transition of power from the provinces of the interior to the capital, Sofia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

War and the hybrid threat are two types of activities legally differentiated only by the word „war”. They aim at exploiting and generating vulnerabilities of the target states and have become areas of reflection to identify, classify, understand, and possibly structure the principles for reaction, in the case of „polymorphic” aggressions on states. Among the objectives of the hybrid threats are the communication attacks aimed at weakening the relatonship between the government and the citizens. The analysis of political marketing from the perspective of the concept of „hybrid threat” is a new vision that implies a new theorization at least of the way in which the actors are arranged on the chessboard of the political competition.

During the formation of contemporary democracy, its ideologists strived to create a management mechanism that did not resemble monarchy at all, so that to emphasize the radical nature of social-political changes in the transition from pre-industrial to industrial society. The dynastic transfer of power in all its manifestations and at all levels of governance was denounced as outdated, ineffective, and violating the very foundations of the peoples will. The article shows that, despite the initial criticism, dynasties are widespread in contemporary politics. The family is a part of politics and systems of public administration in a truly post-industrial form - as a brand, image, and symbol. The transition to the post-industrial society predetermines a change in the attitude to dynasties and their role not only in politics but also in systems of interaction with the population (electorate). Based on the analysis of other research and authors data on political dynasties at different levels of government in 17 countries, the article proves the changing attitude to political dynasties even within democratic systems. Political dynasties increasingly often contribute to the creation and expansion of social networks, establishing sustainable political ties, ensuring gender presentation in government, etc. There are numerous manifestations of dynasties in countries with different levels of social-economic development (developed and developing) and different types of government (authoritarian and democratic) due to the application of marketing thinking and technologies in politics. Dynasties allow to effectively use the family potential to create and promote political brands, to ensure sustainable social choices of political candidates and parties, to facilitate political socialization of new generations and relative predictability of politicians behavior, who would follow a family line in making important decisions.

The beginning of the 18th century, the era of the transformations of Peter I, which affected many spheres of the life of Russian society, and, in particular, the restructuring of the upper political elite, were predetermined by the dynamics of the socio-economic and political processes of the XVII century. In other words, in the past changes it is necessary to highlight the objective component, separating it from the subjective characteristics of political figures of a particular historical era and, in particular, the personality of Emperor Peter I. An analysis of the peculiarities of the development of the highest political elite in the XVII century, in the era preceding the Peter the Great’s reforms has been given in the article. It is necessary to be aware of what its portrait was like at the beginning of the transformations, what processes formed it in this way. This allows you to evaluate what are the objective prerequisites for the reformatory actions of Peter I, and what kind of systemic resistance they objectively had to face.

Justification of the political elite as the key socio-political resource of military security is the purpose of this article. The method of research is structural and functional analysis of mili tary security through the prism of activating its socio-political resource. As a result of the research, a new approach to classifying the functions of modern political elites as a key resource of military security has been proposed. The article concludes that military security today should be understood as all actions of power structures of the military organization, authorities at all levels of government, as well as public organizations, which are aimed at preventing and neutralizing real and possible threats and dangers of military nature. The problem of military security is one of the central issues for any modern state, since, along with the process of universal globalization, the authorities continue to be the guarantor of the rights and freedoms of their people. Military security is considered to be actions of power structures of the military organization, authorities at all levels of government, as well as public organizations. These institutions and structures aim at preventing and neutralizing any possible threat that is military in nature. Military security and its effectiveness depends on the activities and ideology of political elites in identifying, preventing, eliminating or minimizing of threats. Decision-making on military security takes place with the participation of the entire military and political leadership of the country, which is part of the political elite, and with direct or indirect influence of the wider political elites. The article substantiates the main functions of modern political elites. They include geopolitical function (formation and reproduction of geographic and political-communication borders); normalization function (interpretation of the “normality” of the state in the context of war/world); communication function (ability to understand social interests, values and demands). The author comes to the conclusion that the basis of modern domestic political effectiveness is the stable character of the formation and functioning of the elite, i. e. overcoming its internal fragmentation and fragmentation.

The purpose of the article is classification of contemporary political elites. The main steps to achieve this goal are to study the prerequisites for the emergence of the political elite as such, to consider the essence of the political elite in a state, to classify approaches to the definition of the political elite, to define the key types of political elites of today. The method of research is generalized theoretical analysis and systematization. The conducted theoretical analysis has defined the research question and problem: if the formal and conceptual contours of the political elite are approximately the same, but at the same time historical and modern state formations empirically demonstrate the different «power» and «weight» of the elite group, then what is the relevant typology of political elites, which allows predicting the priorities of its development in the future? The author has analyzed five existing classifications of political elites and proposed his own classification. As a result of the research, a new approach to the typology of elites was proposed. In particular, the identification of organizational, communicative, strategic and integration elites in the modern state is justified. This classification describes the functional-role content of elite groups and makes it possible to make an assumption about the development trends of political elites in modern society. The article concludes that the political elite is a society of people who have superiority over the others, and therefore are the most authoritative and competent in matters of state governance. The political elite consists of people who are actively involved in politics and have distinctive features: the right to nominate political leaders from their circles; special privileges; a certain degree of closeness to the elite members of other social strata; thinking based on the psychology of superiority over others; unique ideology; access to confidential state information.

The problem of sanctions effectiveness as a means of a regime change is one of the key issues for researchers in the field of sanctions policy. The case of U.S. and UN sanctions against Iraq is one of the most vivid examples of how sanctions can be effective in terms of limiting the undesirable international behavior of a country, while failing to instigate a regime change and severely hampering the social and economic conditions for general population. The article discusses the dynamics of restrictive measures against Iraq during Saddam Hussein regime, the problems of regimes adaptation to international sanctions as well as the evolution of U.S. and UN sanctions against the country. For this purpose the authors reviewed the key UN sanctions documents, as well as the evolution of the main aspects of Iraqi political regime with regards to the power distribution between different groups. The research shows that sanctions aimed at regime change failed to fulfill this task. Despite constantly degrading social and economic conditions, the Saddam Hussein regime demonstrated considerable resilience. This can be attributed primarily to the use of contradictions of complex tribal and religious composition of the country, as well as to oppression and a relatively effective re-distribution of the scarce resources between different power groups. Under these conditions, even the presence of intra-elite conflicts strengthened the regime, rather than weaken it. Another important factor was the very policy of external pressure on the elite and the country as a whole. The severity of restrictive measures was partially offset by the presence of programs such as “Oil-for-Food”, which, given the poor development of the programs themselves, as well as corruption schemes involving its executors, reduced pressure on the regime and, consequently, the effectiveness of sanctions. Thus these factors contributed to the ultimate failure of the sanctions policy towards Iraq in 1990-2003.

Studying the basic principles of the political elite formation in Russia is the cornerstone for understanding the country’s future strategy and its development vector, since the development strategy will depend on those people who will be at the helm of the country’s governance. There is already a dynamic process of rejuvenating the authorities, representatives of Generation X are actively striding along the political career ladder and gain high positions. The analysis of the career background of “young” politicians, the main political career elevators, its catalysts and inhibitors, and the speed of professional formation has been reflected in our research. The research was carried out on the base of biographies of 370 civil servants who, as of March 1, 2019, held the posts of deputy ministers or deputy heads of federal departments. Biographies were taken from open sources and were digitized in a database. The study examined the career paths of politicians, on the base of which it is possible to allocate the key institutions of the political elite formation and political career elevators.

We investigated the attitudes of the 11,410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity–masculinity of the individual's political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of digitalization from a sociological point of view has been considered. The influence of digitalization as a driving force has been revealed both on the life of society and on the methods of its study. The most common methods of the new branch of sociology, called digital sociology, have been given. Existing advantages and disadvantages of these methods have been described. Special attention has been made to the application of these methods in political elite’s research and examples of their usage in scientific researches have been adduced.

This research aims to find how the number of political representation of Dayak ethnic in central Kalimantan increased in the 2009 election where in 1999 election, they only had low political representation. Data in this research were collected using qualitative method. Data were obtained through in-depth interview, literature study, and documentation study. A number of political elite from Dayak ethnic in Central Kalimantan was used as a key informant and indigenous community leader was used as a supportive informant. This research found that in 1999-2004 election, political education was still targeted for creating political awareness in the segmentation of political elite. Political elite had just worked optimally in 2009 election by raising social and economic issues in the internal of Dayak ethnic as a tool to achieve collective identity in the election.