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In 1961-1962, the Portuguese imperial administration undertook a number of political, administrative and social reforms, putting an end to the indigenato regime. This article demonstrates that, both in timing and content, the dynamics of legal and political change were closely related to actors, events, and processes located beyond imperial borders, in articulation with local dynamics, in national and colonial settings. Such reforms can only be rigorously understood if these dimensions are analytically integrated. With a longer history, not reducible to this two-year period, such dynamics of change were significantly marked by the participation of the Portuguese authorities in a disputed conversation – of global origin, scope and impact, involving different institutions and across distinct geographies – about the multiple configurations of ethnic-racial and socio-cultural difference and the contested postulates of sovereignty and self-determination politics. This article is part of the special theme section on International Organizations in the Era of Decolonization, guest-edited by José Pedro Monteiro.

La totalidad de Palestina y gran parte del territorio del Sahara Occidental sufren desde hace décadas la ocupación militar de Israel y Marruecos, respectivamente. Si en el caso de Palestina, quizás como consecuencia del horror y vergüenza que produce el genocidio “televisado” que está perpetrando el Estado ocupante, el grado de reconocimiento de su subjetividad internacional como Estado es cada día mayor, en el del Sahara Occidental, donde su potencia administradora, España, hace dejación de sus obligaciones internacionales, ocurre lo contrario. En este estudio se analiza el doble rasero y la diferente forma en que la ONU, la Unión Europea y España abordan ambos conflictos. THE MILITARY OCCUPATIONS OF PALESTINE AND WESTERN SAHARA BY ISRAEL AND MOROCCO, TWO LEGALLY COMPARABLE EXAMPLES OF SERIOUS VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW The whole of Palestine and a large part of the territory of Western Sahara have been under military occupation by Israel and Morocco, respectively, for decades. If in the case of Palestine, perhaps as a consequence of the horror and shame of the “televised” genocide being committed by the occupying state, the degree of recognition of its international subjectivity as a state is increasing every day, in the case of Western Sahara, where its administering power, Spain, has neglected its international obligations, the opposite is true. This study analyses the double standards and the different ways in which the UN, the European Union and Spain approach both conflicts. LES OCCUPATIONS MILITAIRES DE LA PALESTINE ET DU SAHARA OCCIDENTAL PAR ISRAËL ET LE MAROC, DEUX EXEMPLES JURIDIQUEMENT COMPARABLES DE VIOLATIONS GRAVES DU DROIT INTERNATIONAL L’ensemble de la Palestine et une grande partie du territoire du Sahara Occidental sont occupés militairement par Israël et le Maroc, respectivement, depuis des décennies. Si dans le cas de la Palestine, peut-être en conséquence de l’horreur et de la honte du génocide “télévisé” commis par l’Etat occupant, le degré de reconnaissance de sa subjectivité internationale en tant qu’Etat augmente chaque jour, dans le cas du Sahara Occidental, où sa puissance administrante, l’Espagne, a négligé ses obligations internationales, c’est le contraire qui est vrai. Cette étude analyse les doubles standards et les différentes manières dont l’ONU, l’Union européenne et l’Espagne abordent les deux conflits.

Copyright of Cuadernos de Investigación Filológica is the property of Universidad de la Rioja, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article shows one of the organizational and normative reactions that indigenous peoples in Mexico have had to safeguard their rights in the current context of a structural and human rights crisis, specifically due to the implementation of megaprojects in their territories. The analysis of the results of the presents research, on the impact of the structural reform, established in previous six-year terms and continued in the current government, is done as part of the academic and teaching activity carried out, but also as part of a professional exercise in which we have accompanied social organizations for more than 20 years. Therefore, what is shown in this work has to do with the attempt to regulate the relationship with the State and other internal and external actors, based on the community exercise, the way in which peoples deliberate and make decisions, and which in other countries is called prior consultation protocols.

This article considered the correlation between freedom, conscience, and self-fulfillment. The analysis began with the properties of human action and how action differs from happening. The primary theme was an exposition of freedom which lies at the root of “man-acts.” The fundamental meaning of freedom is self-dependence, but there is a deeper meaning. Freedom is independence from the objects of choice that is achieved by rising above oneself (vertical transcendence) to choose the bonum honestum, the true good that fulfills the self. Freedom, therefore, ultimately depends on truth and especially on moral truth that is apprehended by conscience. Conscience transforms that normative truth into concrete duties that objectivize the bona honesta. Only when someone follows a moral duty understood and accepted as such can he reach the summit of freedom and authentic self-determination.

Amid growing recognition for the role of global conservation initiatives in protecting biodiversity and mitigating climate change impacts, the interest in Indigenous-led and Indigenous-centered conservation in the circumpolar Arctic is also on the rise. Through literature and practice, Indigenous communities in the Arctic are shaping the global discourse around conservation approaches, mechanisms, and strategies, and are challenging colonial conceptions of how lands, waters, and species should be used, managed, and protected. Indigenous approaches, mechanisms, and strategies often differ from those found in the global conservation toolbox and rather focus on local priorities, Indigenous knowledge, traditional practices, sovereignty, and self-determination. Direction on how conservation should evolve and overcome challenges and related burdens is best given by Indigenous communities, scholars, organizations, and governments. Valuing Indigenous knowledge and supporting community-level initiatives, strategies, and practices comes with the benefits of understanding, forwarding, and implementing community priorities, needs, and values through attention and focus on funding, Indigenous-led research and management, and mutual mentorship. In addition to benefiting conservation itself, biodiversity research conducted within Indigenous homelands has the opportunity to serve as a model for how regional, national, and international initiatives best engage with Indigenous knowledge, conservation practice, and policy development in the Arctic and beyond.

Land displacement, theft, and erasure have been key drivers in undermining the political, economic, cultural, linguistic, ancestral, and family formations of First Nations people in Canada. Nation rebuilding is the cornerstone of all sovereignty efforts and is a necessary component of improving the social and political conditions that impact health and wellness. Exercising sovereignty is tightly linked to the autonomous assertion of land and resource rights. Discrimination through the Crown’s self-imposed position as the natural owner of all land and resources across the country is evidenced by a continued failure to recognize the many ways that First Nations self-identify. This inadequacy overlooks First Nations’ inherent rights to self-determination while advancing colonial ideologies. This paper presents a thread of qualitative research findings from a project that included an Indigenous storywork method with one First Nations’ Elder and grandmother, kookum. Within the context of her-story and traditional knowledge mobilization, this work challenges the colonially defined territorial boundaries of the hereditary family clan structures across the Temagami region in Northeastern Ontario, Canada. Kookum’s story demonstrates how colonial policies and practices undermine hereditary conceptions of traditional family identity and led to the misguided and unauthorized theft of the Friday family territories. The reconstruction of identity damages hereditary forms of governance and impairs traditional and familial connection to land, culture, language, and traditions, and is 1) incompatible with self-determination; 2) maintains and perpetuates colonialism; 3) hinders genuine reconciliation; and 4) furthers health and socio-economic inequities for First Nations people. Le déplacement, le vol et l’effacement des terres ont été les principaux facteurs qui ont miné les formations politiques, économiques, culturelles, linguistiques, ancestrales et familiales des peuples des Premières nations du Canada. La reconstruction de la nation est la pierre angulaire de tous les efforts de souveraineté et constitue un élément nécessaire à l’amélioration des conditions sociales et politiques qui ont un impact sur la santé et le bien-être. L’exercice de la souveraineté est étroitement lié à l’affirmation autonome des droits à la terre et aux ressources. La discrimination qui découle de la position que la Couronne s’est imposée en tant que propriétaire naturel de toutes les terres et ressources du pays est attestée par l’incapacité persistante de reconnaître les nombreuses façons dont les Premières nations s’identifient. Cette inadéquation néglige les droits inhérents des Premières nations à l’autodétermination tout en faisant progresser les idéologies coloniales. Cet article présente les résultats d’une recherche qualitative menée dans le cadre d’un projet incluant une méthode de travail narrative indigène avec une aînée et grand-mère des Premières Nations, kookum. Dans le contexte de la mobilisation de son histoire et de son savoir traditionnel, ce travail remet en question les frontières territoriales définies par la colonisation des structures claniques familiales héréditaires dans la région de Temagami, dans le nord-est de l’Ontario, au Canada. L’histoire de kookum montre comment les politiques et les pratiques coloniales ont sapé les conceptions héréditaires de l’identité familiale traditionnelle et conduit au vol malavisé et non autorisé des territoires de la famille Friday. La reconstruction de l’identité porte atteinte aux formes héréditaires de gouvernance et compromet les liens traditionnels et familiaux avec la terre, la culture, la langue et les traditions, ce qui est 1) incompatible avec l’autodétermination ; 2) maintient et perpétue le colonialisme ; 3) fait obstacle à une véritable réconciliation ; et 4) aggrave les inégalités sanitaires et socio-économiques pour les peuples des Premières nations.

Copyright of Canadian Yearbook of International Law is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Individual variability of higher mental functions depends on the family environment. An appropriate psychological environment is able to harmonize individual development while the ontogenetic individuality of human psychology depends on many systemic factors. This empirical study focused on the socio-demographic characteristics of the family, namely the income and background of the parents. Different socio-cultural family environment caused uneven development of higher mental functions and differences in the main information processing strategy in preschoolers. The financial status of the family and the level of education of the parents proved to be the most significant factors responsible for the individual differences in the development of higher mental functions in preschoolers. The sociocultural environment of the family affected the long-term individual variability of functions connected with block III of the brain, as well as those provided by the left hemisphere.

This paper explores a normative layer of Habermas’s public sphere in its relation to human rights. His public sphere came into being as a result of a spontaneous nonconformity manifested by the early bourgeoisie’s reaction to an absolutist regimen making inroads in the realm of basic human liberties; it managed to survive the changeable conditions of society and state thanks to its participants’ capability of cultivating collective self-determination, fed from the outset by the intellectual claims of modernity. Thereafter, the link between Habermas’s public sphere and human rights bifurcates, leading concurrently to liberal individual rights (Menschenrechte) and to the republican freedom of popular sovereignty (Volkssouveränität). Further revisions and corrections transpose that simple dualism from the clear-cut bourgeois world of universal morality into the realm of legalism and the protocols de rigueur in the world of systems. Habermas integrates individual human rights and popular sovereignty in the procedures of a democratic state, overcoming this ostensibly irreconcilable duality in his genuine claim about the co-originality of civil autonomy. This thesis institutionally unifies universal pre-constitutional morality, with legalism regulating the democratic world of legal subjects (citizens) and their constitutionally guaranteed entitlement.

Copyright of Revue de Psychoéducation is the property of La revue canadienne de psycho-education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After a brief introduction on the origins, foundation and evolution of the right to privacy in Italian legal system, the article examines the issue of children's right to privacy in the context of family relations. In particular, the study dwells on the powers/duties of protection, or rather, of vigilance, connected to the correct exercise of the educational function of parents in the digital context, which may also allow/require access to the digital data of minor children. The paper then addresses other topics related to parental responsibility: the civil liability of parents for online offences committed by their minor children; the qualification of the behaviour of parents who inappropriately or carelessly dispose of their children's personal data (so-called sharenting); and the privacy of minors in relation to health decisions that minors are entitled to take independently. Dopo una breve introduzione sulle origini, il fondamento e l'evoluzione del diritto alla riservatezza nell'ordinamento giuridico italiano, l'articolo esamina il tema del diritto alla privacy dei minori nel contesto delle relazioni familiari. In particolare, lo studio si sofferma sui poteri/doveri di vigilanza relativi al corretto esercizio della funzione educativa dei genitori nel contesto digitale, che può anche consentire/richiedere l'accesso ai dati digitali dei figli. L'articolo affronta inoltre altri temi legati alla responsabilità genitoriale: la responsabilità civile dei genitori per gli illeciti online commessi dai figli minorenni; la qualificazione del comportamento dei genitori che dispongono in modo improprio o incauto dei dati personali dei figli (il cosiddetto sharenting); la privacy dei minori in relazione alle decisioni sulla salute che i minori hanno diritto di prendere in autonomia.

Self-determination was a keystone of Woodrow Wilson’s new world order. However, this concept was arbitrary applied during the Paris peace negotiations of 1919. Central and Eastern Europe, of which Wilson had very limited knowledge, became a laboratory for self-determination. This article examines the crafting of the American policy in this region through the work of The Inquiry, a group assembled in preparation for the Peace Conference, and examines letters of groups and individuals who appealed to the American president on self-determination issues in Central and Eastern Europe.

El verdadero significado y alcance de las leyes es desconocido para la mayoría de la población, como evidencian diversos estudios sobre cultura jurídica en el mundo. Por ello, cuando se difunde información falsa o inexacta sobre cuestiones legales, el impacto en la opinión pública puede ser enorme. Este estudio evidencia que esto ha sucedido, en el llamado conflicto catalán, con el derecho de autodeterminación. Así, mientras los expertos en derecho niegan que Cataluña pueda invocar el “derecho de libre determinación de los pueblos” para obtener su independencia, asociaciones civiles, medios de comunicación y, sobre todo, responsables políticos, aseguran lo contrario, o bien realizan afirmaciones inexactas que, queriendo negar este derecho, aumentan la confusión popular. Como resultado, el discurso polarizado actual en torno a la autodeterminación de Cataluña se construye, al menos en parte, sobre el conocimiento jurídico erróneo de tres cuartas partes de los ciudadanos. The true meaning and scope of laws is unknown to most of the population, as evidenced by various studies on legal culture around the world. Therefore, whenever false or inaccurate information about legal issues is disseminated, the impact on public opinion can be enormous. This study shows that this has happened, in the so-called Catalan conflict, with respect to the right to self-determination. Thus, while legal experts deny that Catalonia is entitled to invoke the "right to self-determination of peoples" to obtain its independence, some civil associations, the media and, above all, political leaders, claim the opposite or make inaccurate statements which, in an attempt to deny this right, increase popular confusion. As a result, the current polarized discourse around the self-determination of Catalonia is built, at least in part, on the erroneous legal knowledge of three quarters of citizens. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1302

This text offers an introduction to the special theme section on The Self-Determination of Timor-Leste, guest-edited by the author. In the context of Portuguese decolonization, this was a long and turbulent process. Besides the colonial power and the territory itself, it involved Indonesia, the United Nations and several other actors, all of them contributing to its original features. The first article deals with the interactions between Portugal and the East Timorese nationalist movements prior to the publication of the Law on the Decolonisation of Timor; the second discusses the vast array of positions assumed by Portuguese political actors in relation to fulfilling the constitutional mandate to guarantee Timor-Leste’s independence; and the third reviews the intervention of the UN in the initial years of the process.

Timor was considered by the United Nations in 1960 as a non-self-governing territory. Until 1974, the UN collected information on Timor, without excessive concerns with the territory because of the absence of war. Only after mid-1975, the organization was involved in attempts to mediate between Timorese organizations, Portugal and Indonesia, in a context of degradation of the situation on the territory. Timor-Leste became a problem entrusted to the international community after the Portuguese complaint to the Security Council against the Indonesian invasion. However, between 1976 and 1982, there was a progressive erosion of support for Timorese self-determination. This article discusses how the issue of Timor-Leste has exposed the limits of the UN’s conflict resolution mechanisms, in view of the international context and the interests of its member states. This article is part of the special theme section on The Self-Determination of East Timor, guest-edited by Rui Graça Feijó.

Health outcomes for First Nations people living in community are challenged by the impacts of ongoing colonial laws, practices, and structures. First Nations control over developing community-led solutions is vital to improve overall wellbeing of First Nations people and communities. The Sioux Lookout First Nations Health Authority (SLFNHA) was established to develop health policy for the Sioux Lookout region, and to administer and oversee health services regionally. In 2016, SLFNHA implemented a First Nations-developed public health system, founded on traditional teachings and practices, called Approaches to Community Wellbeing. However, federal and provincial legal systems fail to recognize First Nations sovereignty over health and fail to address long-standing jurisdictional ambiguities. The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the strength and resilience of the communities served by SLFNHA and their use of community-developed protocols and decision-making structures to keep their communities safe. SLFNHA supported the management of the COVID-19 pandemic within the communities it serves, despite not having access to the same tools, resources, information, and authority as the provincial health units. The pandemic also highlighted the public health inequities faced by First Nations in Ontario and failure of existing processes to recognize First Nations jurisdiction thereby continuing to impede the full implementation of a self-determined public health system as envisioned by First Nations leadership. Les résultats en matière de santé pour les membres des Premières Nations vivant dans la communauté sont affaiblis par les répercussions des lois, pratiques et structures coloniales en cours. Le contrôle des Premières Nations sur le développement de solutions communautaires est essentiel pour améliorer le bien-être général des peuples et des communautés des Premières Nations. La Sioux Lookout First Nations Health Authority (SLFNHA) a été créée pour élaborer une politique de santé pour la région de Sioux Lookout et pour administrer et superviser les services de santé à l'échelle régionale. En 2016, la SLFNHA a mis en place un système de santé publique développé par les Premières Nations, fondé sur les enseignements et pratiques traditionnels, appelé Approaches to Community Wellbeing. Cependant, les systèmes juridiques fédéral et provinciaux ne reconnaissent pas la souveraineté des Premières Nations sur la santé et ne clarifient pas les ambiguïtés de compétence qui ont existé de longue date. La pandémie de COVID-19 a démontré la force et la résilience des communautés desservies par la SLFNHA et leur utilisation de protocoles et de structures décisionnelles développés par la communauté pour assurer la sécurité de leurs communautés. La SLFNHA a soutenu la gestion de la pandémie de COVID-19 au sein des communautés qu’elle dessert, bien qu'elle n’ait pas accès aux mêmes outils, ressources, informations et autorité que les bureaux de santé provinciaux. La pandémie a aussi mis en évidence les inégalités en matière de santé publique auxquelles sont confrontées les Premières Nations en Ontario et l’incapacité des processus existants à reconnaître la compétence des Premières Nations, continuant ainsi d'entraver la mise en œuvre complète d'un système de santé publique autodéterminé tel qu'envisagé par les dirigeants des Premières Nations.

The participation of Indigenous peoples in Canadian democratic institutions (e.g., voting, running for office, being a Member of Parliament) has been at the hearth of a prolonged debate in decolonial literature. Some authors consider these actions to be incompatible with self-determination movements while others encourage them, arguing that participation can benefit movements of self-determination. Discussing the decolonial literature on this topic, this critical essay suggests that the main difference between those who are in favor and those who are against participation stems from a differentiated understanding of what self-determination of indigenous nations means and how it should be carried out. The first category of authors–the "supporters of incompatible self-determination"–establish the settler colonial state as totalizing. It is then impossible to change it from within. Furthermore, non-indigenous and indigenous societies do not share the same systems of values and thoughts. As a result, self-determination movements must focus exclusively on the resurgence of Indigenous societies outside the institutions of the settler colonial state. Consequently, participation cannot be part of the repertoire of actions that can lead to this resurgence, and it can even prevent it. Another category of authors whom we qualify as "supporters of relational self-determination" consider that it is precisely because the settler colonial state is totalizing that Indigenous peoples must consider its effects on indigenous societies. In addition, indigenous and non-indigenous societies, although they have different value systems, are not incompatible: they can influence each other. As a result, participation can be compatible with self-determination movements under certain conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of artificial intelligence in medicine raises many legal issues. This essay examines how medical AI intersects with the right to informed consent and the principle of self-determination. The author highlights that the complexity and opacity of machine learning could dissuade the patient from consenting AI treatment and, therefore, induce him to give up the benefits that this technology usually brings to his health. Consequently, the author suggests adjusting the content of the information due to the patient, taking into account the limited knowledge that ordinary people have about artificial intelligence, and, more generally, redefining the boundaries of the principle of informed consent.

Medical travel, where a patient travels to a larger centre for services not available in their home community, is a critical element of the Northwest Territories (NT) health care system. For residents with a valid NT health care card who do not have other coverage for medical travel, the territorial government administers some travel benefits through the NT Medical Travel Program as well as the federally funded non-insured health benefits program. The Gwich'in Tribal Council (GTC) recognizes that medical travel constitutes a major burden and presents extraordinary challenges for Gwich'in living in small remote communities in NT. In 2020, the GTC conducted research that suggests current policy and programs provide only partial access to care. Informed by Gwich'in medical travel stories and drawing from literature on the concepts of health care access, knowledge, power, and Indigenous rights, this article reframes prevailing understandings of the problems, politics, and policy associated with medical travel in NT. The authors contend that relevant and equitable medical travel in NT depends on policy-making that engages First Nations as equal partners with different levels of government and describe key considerations relevant to policymakers in NT and throughout Canada. Les déplacements pour motifs sanitaires, dans lesquels un patient se déplace vers un centre urbain plus grand pour recevoir des services non disponibles dans sa communauté, sont un élément critique du système de soins des Territoires du Nord Ouest (TNO). Le gouvernement territorial offre des aides aux déplacements pour les résidents munis d’une carte de santé valide des TNO dépourvus d’autre forme de couverture pour déplacements sanitaires, à travers le programme de déplacement sanitaire des TNO ainsi qu’à travers le programme fédéral de services de santé non assurés. Le Conseil Tribal Gwich’in (CTG) a reconnu que les déplacements sanitaires représentaient un fardeau écrasant et des défis extrêmes pour les Gwich’in vivant dans des petites communautés isolées des TNO. En 2020, le CTG a conduit une recherche montrant que les programmes et politiques actuelles ne procure qu’un accès partiel aux soins. Cet article, en se fondant sur des récits de déplacements sanitaires de Gwich’in et en utilisant la littérature sur les concepts d’accès aux soins, la connaissance, le pouvoir et les droits autochtones, propose une autre lecture des problèmes et politiques liées aux déplacements sanitaires dans les TNO. Les auteurs affirment que des déplacements sanitaires de qualité et équitables dans les TNO seront le fait d’un processus de décision engageant les Premières Nations comme partenaires à part entière avec les différents niveaux de gouvernement et ils listent les considérations clés pour les décideurs politiques aux TNO et à travers le pays.

Copyright of Études Inuit Studies is the property of Centre interuniversitaire d'etudes et de recherches autochtones (CIERA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main objective of this research was to critically examine the concept of Social Licence to Operate (SLO) in an oil concession of the Ecuadorian Amazon inhabited by indigenous villages. In this paper we present the qualitative data of the semi-structured interviews and the household survey with village residents. The main findings revealed the important role of the involvement of communities in the decision-making processes (procedural fairness), people’s perceptions of company’s socio-environmental impacts, the management of forms of protest and social services in the communities. Particularly, the results suggested that procedural fairness and the respect of communities’ right of self-determination are the basic requisite for the application of the SLO concept in the study area.

St. John Paul II’s (JP II) personalism is explored along the following lines of enquiry: What is personalism vis-à-vis JP II? What is the significance of human dignity and self-determination in JP II’s personalism? How might JP II’s personalism serve evangelization? Findings suggest that JP II’s philosophical personalism, especially at the nexus of its understanding of human dignity and self-determination, provides a robust and faithfully Christian anthropology that can effectively inform efforts in evangelizing all persons, as all persons are image bearers of God that are necessarily self-determining and possessed of profound dignity and worth.

Si la responsabilité culturelle des peuples autochtones envers leurs territoires est millénaire, elle s’incarne aujourd’hui dans la mise en oeuvre d’aires protégées et de conservation autochtones, portées par ceux et celles qui en sont les gardiens et gardiennes. Véritables tremplins vers un contrôle accru du territoire et de son aménagement, ces initiatives se présentent comme des avenues particulièrement prometteuses pour envisager la protection et la transmission d’un patrimoine qui se définit essentiellement comme une manière de vivre et d’être en relation avec le monde. Afin de mieux saisir cette mouvance et l’esprit qui lui est sous-jacent, l’entrevue qui suit a été réalisée auprès de Valérie Courtois, Ilnu de Mashteuiatsh et aujourd’hui directrice de l’Initiative de leadership autochtone. Mettant en lumière son propre cheminement comme femme innue dans le domaine de la foresterie, de la planification territoriale et de la conservation environnementale, ses propos jettent un éclairage nouveau sur le rôle fondamental des savoirs autochtones dans la lutte aux changements climatiques et la protection de la biodiversité.

The 1960s and 1970s are major periods in the reconstruction of African American identity. This recreation can be seen in the way such Black Arts Movement-era authors as Amiri Baraka, William Melvin Kelley and Ishmael Reed have reinvented the collective memory of the African American community. They did so either by destroying the facts previously established by the Whites or by manipulating them to make them correspond to their own ideas of self-determination and cultural pride. They used legends and legendification, heroization or again, empathy toward oppressed people to achieve their goal. Among the practices, there are also the subversion of stereotypes, the use of African and African American folklores, as well as the transfers of places and topoi to create an overlapping of the two continents to favor this identity reconstruction of the Black minority of the USA.

Проблемы педагогики высшего музыкального образования, его концептуальные основы и особенности все чаще становятся предметом научных обсуждений и дискуссий. В этих процессах преобладает множественность точек зрения, осмысление и переосмысление опыта прошлого и настоящего, поиск путей и методов для достижения оптимальных результатов в ситуации жесткой экономии и даже дефицита временных ресурсов. К этому необходимо добавить мотивацию жизненных целей и ценностей, которые студенты реализуют в процессе обучения с учетом задач государственной политики в области музыкальной культуры, искусства и образования. Выпускники должны быть готовы продолжать академические устои музыкального искусства в мире перманентных научно-технических революций, технологизации и информатизации всех сфер деятельности, а также плюрализма идей, мнений и направлений. Особое значение с педагогической точки зрения имеет создание адекватных современной эпохе учебно-методических установок и требований в процессе научно-исследовательской работы студентов. Предмет направлен на обобщение и интеграцию всех полученных ранее знаний, умений, навыков и компетенций. Он также стимулирует процессы поисковой интеллектуально-творческой деятельности при написании и подготовке к защите дипломных рефератов на государственном экзамене по «Музыкальному исполнительству и педагогике». В последние два года дипломные рефераты имеют статус выпускной квалификационной работы. Концептуальная основа учебного предмета связана с актуализацией и активизацией процессов самопознания и самоподготовки, а также профессионального самоопределения выпускника в настоящий момент и на перспективу деятельности. Учебно-методические установки и алгоритмы интегративной по своей сути дисциплины, связанной с написанием письменной работы, являются общими для всех студентов Новосибирской консерватории. Однако в настоящей статье сделан акцент на особенностях подготовки студентов кафедры духовых и ударных инструментов, руководство которыми, как и во всем вузе, осуществляют педагоги кафедры музыкального образования и просвещения.

States’ boundaries have changed to a large extent over the course of time, in fact, the world has not always been the same as nowadays. In place of archaic forms of social organisation, the universal order has appeared where determinate and inviolable borders play a crucial role in ensuring the stability of states and resisting separatist movements. At the same time, secessionist movements throughout the world continually aim to gain independence from the ‘parent’ state invoking the right to self-determination. In this paper, the researcher will examine whether a part of the population of a state or a sub-unit of that state has a right to secede and create a new state and/or integrate into another. The article consists of a strong theoretical part dealing with statehood, self-determination and secession with a view of the dynamic development of these notions since the rapid birth of many new states as a result of decolonization. Thereafter, the validity of the gathered results will be verified by a comparative analysis of the cases of Kosovo, Crimea and Catalonia with regard to the historical background of these secessionist entities.

States’ boundaries have changed to a large extent over the course of time, in fact, the world has not always been the same as nowadays. In place of archaic forms of social organisation, the universal order has appeared where determinate and inviolable borders play a crucial role in ensuring the stability of states and resisting separatist movements. At the same time, secessionist movements throughout the world continually aim to gain independence from the ‘parent’ state invoking the right to self-determination. In this paper, the researcher will examine whether a part of the population of a state or a sub-unit of that state has a right to secede and create a new state and/or integrate into another. The article consists of a strong theoretical part dealing with statehood, self-determination and secession with a view of the dynamic development of these notions since the rapid birth of many new states as a result of decolonization. Thereafter, the validity of the gathered results will be verified by a comparative analysis of the cases of Kosovo, Crimea and Catalonia with regard to the historical background of these secessionist entities.

In this paper, the author attempts to explain human altruism within the framework of Thomistic personalism. He claims that (1) Thomistic personalism provides the necessary tools for understanding the human being as person in relation to other persons, and (2) it makes it possible to see the differences between personal and non-personal forms of human dynamism, which, when disregarded, easily lead to confusion. He concludes that, as an extention of love, altruism belongs to the personal, and, consequently, there is an intrinsic connection between personalism and altruism.

In Bolivia, indigenous struggles for self-determination have adopted a specific language and norms with the new Constitution in 2009 through the concept of ‘indigenous native peasant autonomy’. This article analyses the recent norms and the processes underway by which different indigenous peoples intend to access their autonomy. The relations between them and the State constitute a dynamic that we call dialectical. On the one hand, there is the recognition of the right to self-determination; on the other, there is the constant control exercised by the state bureaucracy on the forms and content of such autonomy. Based on interviews done in the Cochabamba, Oruro and La Paz regions, this article presents the critical point of view of some indigenous actors involved in autonomy processes, emphasizing the advances as well as the obstacles and limits of political change.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2019 4(1), 307-317 | European Forum Insight of 27 February 2019 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The EU's Obligation of Non-Recognition and the Capacity of Morocco to Conclude Agreements Extending to Western Sahara. - III. The Council Decision and the question of EU Complicity in the Unlawful Exploitation of Natural Resources of Western Sahara. - IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Insight focuses on the newly adopted Council Decision amending Protocols 1 and 4 to the EU-Morocco Association Agreement which extends the territorial scope of the Association Agreement to expressly include Western Sahara. The purpose of this Insight is to assess the compatibility of the Council Decision with international law. The main argument advanced here is that the Council Decision is problematic from an international law point of view as it arguably violates the EU's duty of non-recognition and non-assistance in the commission of internationally wrongful acts.

Social participation and development of self-determination for people with intellectual disabilities are at the heart of several international conventions (UN, 1971, 1975) and ministerial Quebecs policies (MSSS, 2001). The implementation of the educational program CASP-I, A competency-based approach to social participation (Gouvernement du Quebec, 2019) in Quebec represents a change for teachers of students with moderate to severe intellectual disabilities. In this program, self-determination is positioned as an important objective for the development of students' social participation (Algozzine et al., 2001 ; Cobb et al., 2009). However, the appropriation of this concept within schools is still partial (Cho et al., 2011 ; Shogren et al., 2014), which requires to support teachers succeed (Shogren et al., 2015 ; Whemeyer et al., 2013). The article will present the results of seven research interviews conducted with primary school teachers working with students with moderate to severe intellectual disabilities. The analysis of their representations of self-determination highlights the links between their knowledge and their beliefs about it, as well as the teaching practices that they associate with it. Recommendations are made to promote the appropriation of the concept of self-determination within Quebec schools and to support the accompaniment of teachers towards the desired change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 14 Inuit communities of Nunavik (Quebec Arctic) are supplied with electricity from small diesel generating plants. These communities demonstrate a growing interest in the idea of developing renewable energy sources for their supply (wind, hydroelectricity, solar), with an environmental concern, of course, but also as an affirmation of their economic and political autonomy. These projects, however, generate lively debates within communities and met with resistance, both locally and at the level of regional and political institutions. How are these debates structured and what do they mean about local representations ?

Given the ineffectiveness of alternative climate change mitigation measures, three Alaska Native communities, Kivalina, Shishmaref and Newtok, voted over twenty years ago to relocate to a specific site that they designated as the most likely to allow them to continue to develop as a community, while preserving their identity and culture. Yet, the choice of this relocation site appears to be the most important point of contention between the Native communities, the State of Alaska and federal actors. While the communities are not opposed to relocating, they refuse to see their displacement as a simple movement from point A to point B, based on the consideration that they can be moved to wherever it is possible to send them. What is at stake for the Native communities is to overcome the pitfalls of a unilateral choice by public authorities that would restrict the special relationship they have with their lands and their environment. Since place is an intangible element of community cohesion, it is important that the community has control over the process of selecting the relocation site rather than relying solely on a top-down bureaucratic process. A refocusing on indigenous perspectives, which goes beyond the pragmatic technicism adopted by the public authorities, then appears necessary to create the conditions for a genuine dialogue.

Au cours du vieillissement, les adultes ayant une déficience intellectuelle (DI) vivent de nombreux changements susceptibles d'influencer leurs possibilités d'exercer leurs activités quotidiennes et leurs rôles sociaux. Une bonne connaissance de leurs points de vue sur le sujet apparaît cruciale pour mieux adapter l'offre de services à leurs besoins. Cette recherche a pour but de mieux comprendre les points de vue des personnes ayant une DI à l'égard de leurs possibilités de participation sociale à travers l'avancée en âge. Des entrevues individuelles et un atelier participatif ont été réalisés avec des adultes âgés de 40 à 75 ans dans la ville de Québec. L'analyse de leurs propos a permis d'identifier leurs points de vue relatifs à trois thèmes, soit leurs capacités, les possibilités d'exercer leur participation sociale et les soutiens reçus. Pour conclure, des recommandations sont proposées afin que les pratiques soutiennent réellement leur participation sociale à travers l'avancée en âge.

Copyright of Aequitas: Journal of Human Development, Disability & Social Change / Revue de Développement Humain, Handicap et Changement Social is the property of Reseau international sur le Processus de production du handicap, RIPPH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: In recent times, international practice has provided new cases of decolonization, but also of mutually agreed secessions with a previous independence referendum, as well as violent ruptures. Although the unilateral secessions are not well received by the international community, they are not only possible, but they have been favored by the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion on the Accordance with International Law of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence by the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government of Kosovo. This paper analyzes new cases involving the right to self-determination, to later try to identify new holders of the right to self-determination in the light of modern international practice. It focuses on the “wide self-determination” approach, the so-called “modern self-determination”, whose holders are not “peoples under colonial rule, foreign domination and alien subjugation”. Resumo: Nos últimos tempos, a prática internacional forneceu novos casos de descolonização, mas também de secessão mutuamente acordada, com um devido referendo de independência, além de rupturas violentas. Embora as secessões unilaterais não sejam bem recebidas pela comunidade internacional, elas não são apenas possíveis, mas foram favorecidas pela Opinião Consultiva do CIJ sobre a legalidade da declaração de independência realizada pelas Instituições Provisionais de Auto-Governo de Kosovo. Este artigo analisa novos casos envolvendo o direito à autodeterminação, para posteriormente tentar identificar novos detentores do princípio da autodeterminação à luz da prática internacional moderna. Ele se concentra na concepção ampla do princípio, a chamada “autodeterminação moderna”, cujos detentores não são povos sob dominação colonial ou estrangeira.

This article elaborates and endorses the idea of civilization as advanced by R. G. Collingwood. Particular attention is given to two of his most neglected works, The New Leviathan and “What ‘Civilization’ Means”. The New Leviathan was written in the context of the rise of fascist-populism and World War II. Collingwood re-conceptualized the notion of civilization and situated it in the relationship between autonomy and rationality, with both conceived as processual and each intertwined with the other. He puts “civility” at the heart of civilization. Central to his argument are the distinctions he draws between civilization and barbarism, on the one hand, and between social, economic and legal dimensions of civilization, and their protean interrelationships, on the other. Collingwood ultimately advocates a notion of civilization-as-progress that is unencumbered by utopianistic determinism or ethnocentric populism. His unique argument has important implications for comparative research.

The collapse of the Berlin Wall witnessed a renaissance for the romantic theory of self-determination in that it underpinned a flurry of claims to statehood, especially in Eastern Europe. Nowhere was this more vividly illustrated than in the Balkan lands of the South Slavs. The fragmentation of Yugoslavia during the early 1990s led again to the great powers of the day focusing their attention on the ‘Eastern Question’s’ latest iteration. In so doing, the disintegration of Yugoslavia became a laboratory for these great powers to reformulate and enforce a new understanding of the right of peoples to self-determination. The declarations of independence of the Yugoslav federal republics of Slovenia and Croatia in June 1991 marked the first formal steps towards the secession of these two republics from Yugoslavia. Croatia’s declaration of independence prompted the recursive secession from Croatia of Republika Srpska Krajina (Krajina) in December 1991. Despite the holding of referenda within defined territorial spaces to establish popular support, both the secession of Croatia from Yugoslavia and Krajina’s secession from Croatia were instances of statehood based upon the ‘romantic’ theory of self-determination. The recognition of Croatia’s independence and the denial of Krajina’s independence amounted to an application of the romantic theory of self-determination for the Croat people in Croatia and its denial in the case of Croatia’s Serbs. Against this background, Krajina’s claim to independence based upon the romantic theory of self-determination could only have succeeded if it had had the support of a state with the military strength and influence to maintain and, if necessary, defend Krajina until such time as her independence was formally recognized.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2017 2(3), 907-921 | Dialogue | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Some factual elements of the Western Sahara dispute. - III. The Association Agreement and the proceeding before the General Court in the Case T-512/12. - IV. The Court of Justice judgment of 21 December 2016. - V. The right to self-determination and the Front Polisario case. - VI. Conclusions. | (Abstract) The judgment delivered by the Court of Justice on 21st December 2016 in Front Polisario (case C-104/16 P, Council of the European Union v. Front Polisario [GC]), has all the ingredients to become a leading case of EU jurisprudence. While formally overturning the judgment by the General Court in case T-512/12 (judgment of 10 December 2015) which annulled the liberalization agreement concluded by EU with Morocco in 2012 as it violated the rights of the people of Western Sahara (occupied by Morocco), in substance the Court's judgment even goes beyond the judgment of the General Court in defence of self-determination. The jus cogens and erga omnes character of self-determination is reiterated and emphasized by the Court of Justice. This is no small thing in a time when calls for self-determination seem to disrupt long-established states worldwide and also in Europe.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2017 2(3), 923-951 | Dialogue | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. La reconnaissance par l'Union européenne de la souveraineté du Maroc sur le Sahara. - II.1. La reconnaissance par l'Union européenne de la souveraineté du Maroc sur le Sahara à travers une série d'accords internationaux, dont l'accord de partenariat. - II.2. La reconnaissance par l'Union européenne de la souveraineté du Maroc sur le Sahara à travers sa conduite subséquente. - III. La non-reconnaissance par la justice européenne de la souveraineté du Maroc sur le Sahara lors de l'examen de la validité de l'accord de 2012 relatif aux mesures de libéralisation. - III.1. L'arrêt du Tribunal du 10 décembre 2015. - III.2. L'arrêt de la Cour de justice du 21 décembre 2016. - IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Dialogue aims at addressing the ambivalent policy of the EU with regard to the Western Sahara conflict. Adopting a strictly legal perspective, it seeks to show that, while the political organs of the EU (the Council and the Commission) have recognized, through several international agreements signed in the past thirty years as well as through their subsequent conduct to these agreements, the sovereignty of Morocco over Western Sahara territory, the judicial organs of the EU (the General Court, in the first instance, and the Court of Justice, on appeal) have recently adopted an opposite stand (see General Court, judgment of 10 December 2015, case T-512/12, Front Polisario v. Coucil of the European Union and Court of Justice, judgment of 21 December 2016, case C-104/16 P, Council of the European Union v. Front Polisario [GC]), and taken the risk to act ultra vires as their decisions are legally unfounded and contradict major principles of international law.

This article considers the essential connection between human nature and responsibility within the philosophical thought of Karol Wojtyla, focusing on his works The Acting Person and Love and Responsibility. The study begins by examining the freedom as characteristic of the human person according to the order of being, and then turns its attention to the authentic understanding of freedom precisely as freedom for the good. The freedom of the human person is finally considered as the foundation of responsibility.

The SNP benefited in 2014 from exceptional factors, be they political, legal, economic or social, in order to hold the referendum on independence that it had long promised. Brexit might have provided another set of advantageous circumstances as the Scots could decide to leave the United Kingdom in order to remain in the EU had these assets not turned into adverse factors. This article, based on the analysis of parliamentary sources over thirty years, deals with the way the independence issue has shifted, both until 2014 and since 2016. It eventually argues that the SNP might be more successful by following a different, indirect, path, towards its ultimate goal, ie by proving that Scotland's place in the UK is no longer legitimate.

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This text intends to approach the relationship between the United Nations and Portuguese government in the period between 1961 and 1975, in particular the debates regarding the Portuguese colonial issue. Self-determination was inscribed in the United Nations Charter as a generic and undefined concept, detached from the dispositions of dependent territories. Due to a long process of institutionalization, the idea gradually became the right of the colonized peoples to freely determine their own destiny. The United Nations intended that Portugal implement the concept of self-determination adopted by the organization to its colonized territories. The continuous analysis of the Portuguese colonial issue influenced the debate regarding self-determination, constraining the United Nations to introduce precisions in the idea, which nevertheless continued to have a controversial meaning.

The possession of degree of autonomy in living beingsIn the numerous attempts to define the concept of life, the use of prefixes like “self”, “auto” appears recurrently. This shows the fundamental importance attached to autonomy among the living beings. The author first analyzes the various types and degrees of autonomy, beginning from some contemporary thinkers, like Jonas, Morin, Varela, Davies, Wandschneider; and afterwards, the various types of systemic autonomy are compared with the four systemic levels of contemporary biological theories (genetics, cytology, cybernetics, evolution / ecology). The dependent autonomy of morphogenesis relative to the genetic level is presented as a paradigm of systemic autonomy. Stratified emergence and relative containment of systemic levels and their causal interdependencies (upward and downward), reveal life’s tendency to increase and maximize autonomous levels. A study of individual autonomy is also presented and developed around the concepts of feedback and feed-forwards, homeostasis, motor and feeding autonomy, to develop more fully towards the emancipation and exploratory autonomies, as self-determinacies. These types of higher autonomies are the result of several properties, especially the equipotentiality related to attractors exhibiting flat spread basins of attraction. These properties are shaped by the lower functional levels as logistical granting for autonomous decision-making capability at the higher level. The author follows Jonas’ theory affirming the intrinsic tendency of living systems to produce increasingly refined autonomies, whose supreme analog degree is found in human freedom. So, autonomy is presented as an analog concept applicable to all living, biological and spiritual.Résumé. Dans les nombreuses tentatives de définition du concept de vie, l’emploi de préfixes comme «self», «auto» apparaît de façon récurrente. Ce constat montre l’importance fondamentale accordée à l’autonomie chez les vivants. L’auteur se propose dans un premier temps d’analyser les divers types et degrés d’autonomie à partir de certains penseurs contemporains, comme Jonas, Morin, Varela, Davies, Wandschneider. Ensuite, les divers types d’autonomie systémique sont mis en parallèle avec les quatre niveaux de théories biologiques contemporaines (génétique, cytologie, cybernétique, évolution/écologie). L’autonomie dépendante de la morphogenèse par rapport au niveau génétique est présentée comme un paradigme de l’autonomie systémique. L’émergence stratifiée et le confinement relatif des niveaux systémiques, ainsi que leurs interdépendances causales (upward et downward), révèlent une tendance vitale à augmenter et maximiser l’autonomie. L’étude des autonomies individuelles est alors présentée, et s’élabore autour des notions de feedbacks et de feed-forwards, d’homéostasie, d’autonomie motrice et trophique, pour se développer plus pleinement vers les autonomies émancipatrices et exploratrices, proprement autodéterminatrices. Ces derniers types d’autonomies supérieures résultent de propriétés, spécialement l’équipotentialité liée à des attracteurs à bassins d’attraction plats étendus. Ces propriétés sont forgées par les niveaux inférieurs, en tant que logistique octroyant une capacité décisionnelle autonome au niveau supérieur. L’auteur suit la théorie de Jonas affirmant la tendance intrinsèque des systèmes vivants à produire des autonomies de plus en plus raffinées, dont le degré analogique suprême se trouve dans la liberté humaine. Ainsi l’autonomie est présentée comme un concept analogique applicable à tous les vivants, biologiques et spirituels.Mots clés: autonomie ; liberté ; autopoièse ; biologie ; système ; attracteur ; complexité ; vie ; Jonas ; Thom ; autodétermination ; autocontrôle ; épigénétique ; individu ; émergence ; causalité descendante ; système à anticipation.