Search

Copyright of Raumforschung und Raumordnung is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Raumforschung und Raumordnung is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ANAFORA is the property of Anafora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with planning conflicts in the pluralistic democracy, based on an international literature review. The aim is to trace the state of research on how spatial planning deals with conflicts. Moreover, we reflect upon the development of major planning paradigms with regard to this topic. To this end, some basics on conflict and conflict resolution in spatial planning are presented. The collaborative planning paradigm, which appears hegemonic in planning theory and practice until today, is then critically discussed with regard to its handling of conflicts. Subsequently, agonistic planning theory is introduced with reference to the work of political scientist Chantal Mouffe. This concept claims to deal specifically with conflict, which renders it particularly relevant for this topic. In conclusion, the paper reflects on the extent to which agonistic planning can have practical relevance for the regulation of conflicts and how this can be achieved in contemporary planning practice.

The paper critically reviews communicative and agonistic planning theories from the viewpoint of a systemic turn in deliberative democracy theory. While the approach reveals complementarities between the theories, it also argues that each theory is vulnerable to criticism because of an ‘institutional gap’. The theories are found to complement each other in addressing planning conflicts at different dimensions. Communicative planning theory deals with conflicts between different stakeholders’ interests in planning processes. Agonistic planning theory, in turn, concentrates on conflicts from a more ontological dimension, related to the (implicit) conflict between hegemonic and marginalized discourses and related identity-forming processes of inclusion and exclusion in planning policies and governance. The institutional gap of communicative planning theory is argued to reside in its focus on situational deliberation that largely ignores the institutional dimension of rules and norms of democratic conduct. Agonistic pluralism, in turn, does engage with the dimension of democratic institutions, but in an overly critical manner, making it difficult for agonistic planning theory to address the dynamic interplay between institutional reconfiguration and policy stabilization in planning. This is argued to be the institutional gap of agonistic planning theory. The paper calls for further work in the field of planning theory to incorporate a systemic approach to deliberative democracy and thereby tap into the dialectics of institutional and situational dimensions of planning.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

All over the world, the recent boom in mining is accompanied by conflicts over the ecological impacts, distribution of rents and taxes, human rights, land use and territorial claims, collective identity related to indigeneity, ethnicity and citizenship, cultural representations, and the prerogative of interpretation regarding policies and discourses of development. This paper investigates under which conditions these conflicts, which are inherent to the mining sector because of its enormous social and ecological impacts, become manifest and escalate. Referring to two concepts from contentious politics research - political opportunity structures and repertoires of contention - three actual conflicts over gold mining in Burkina Faso are analysed. Burkina Faso is of the sub-Saharan countries where the extractive sector is quickly growing. The paper traces which repertoires of contention the respective actors use, and demonstrates that the overthrow of the long-standing President Blaise Compaoré in late October 2014 was the central political opportunity structure that, in all three cases, enabled the escalation of the local conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on folk tales of Northern European nations, Arnold’s poems ‘The Forsaken Merman’ (1849) and ‘The Neckan’ (1853), both tell a story of human women who marry sea creatures, mermen, and replace their home on the land with the mermen’s underwater world. By crossing the boundaries between their worlds, they cause numerous problems, most significantly the tension resulting from their different religious beliefs. In ‘The Forsaken Merman’, Margaret, the merman’s wife, fearing that her soul will be damned because of her marriage to a pagan, decides to rejoin the human world on the most important Christian holiday, Easter. In ‘The Neckan’, in order to comfort his wife, the Neckan goes to the human world to find a priest who would be willing to baptise him, but he is rejected because he is a ‘monster’ who cannot be saved. The paper will examine the way in which Arnold’s poems reflect the fears of the Victorian era as well as his own anxieties. This will be accomplished by comparing the two opposite worlds of the poems – the human world of everyday activities, rules, laws, and expectations; and the mermen’s home, the mysterious, colourful, and peaceful world of sea-beasts. In addition, the paper will analyse the reversal of traditional gender roles and re-examine literary, cultural, and social stereotypes. The paper will also attempt to find a connection between the main topics of these poems and Arnold’s life and career of a poet and literary critic.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Individualpsychologie is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nigeria is a nation with plural ethnic, religious, lingual and cultural identities that are constantlyexploited by the political class to promote their selfish interest. Although not a determinant forconflict, diversity in Nigeria has unjustifiably sparked identity-based conflicts which necessitateseparatism, insurgency and ethnic restiveness – among others, which threatens to drive thecountry to a perpetual state of fragility. This paper thence sought to assess Nigeria’s tortuousexperience with identity and identity politics with particular reference to ethnic, religious andlingual challenges. The paper furthers the discussion on identity politics in Nigeria to profferpracticable solutions. It argues that identity consciousness has overtaken national consciousnessand engendered a relationship characterized by domination, superiority and hegemony by thevarious groups. It reveals that the currency of politics is an ethnic-hegemony-rivalry sentimentthat threatens national integration. The paper reviews available literature on the subject matterfrom peer-reviewed journal articles, reports of reputable international organizations, workingpapers and newspaper articles. It concluded that identities have become powerful manipulativeinstruments in the hands of the political elites used to divide the Nigerian populace. Itrecommended the promotion of justice, equity and fairness in governance to ameliorate thechances of identity dissension and identity-based conflicts.

This paper aims to present a comprehensive and complete analysis of the separatist movements from the ex-Soviet space, especially in the Republic of Moldova. The paper focuses on presenting both the national and international context immediately after the fall of the USSR, as well as the factors that determined the apparition of the separatist movements. Multiple causes and effects are paired and presented to expose the chronology that followed the unfolding of those historical events. The paper is split into three main topics: the Transnistrian conflict and its consequences, the Georgian conflict, its aftermath, and the ongoing conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. One of the most important aspects discussed is regarding the understanding of Russia’s foreign policy and how it contributed to an accumulation of tensions in the former USSR in the quest to consolidate its position of power in the region. The causes that led to the Transnistrian conflict, as well as the narrative of the situation and the current stalemate are provided.

Copyright of Soziale Passagen is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bibliotheksdienst is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologus is the property of Duncker & Humblot GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Psychodrama und Soziometrie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines strategies implemented by the President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration in order to resolve frequent clashes between herders and farmers, bearing in mind the economic implications of this violent conflict for the economy of Nigeria. The paper adopted the Human Needs Theory as its framework of analysis. The data were sourced from academic journals, internet materials, newspapers, and textbooks. The herders–farmers conflict pre-dated the Muhammadu Buhari presidency but in terms of scale and intensity of killings and wanton destruction of properties, it gained momentum during his administration. The non-verbal language of the Presidency’s description of the conflict situation at the time Nigerians needed a strong comment became worrisome to the affected victims who concluded the pro-herder’s sympathy stance of the President. Not until the Presidency began to take bold actions by introducing the grazing bill allowing a cattle colony of about 5,000 hectares in the states of the Federation, deployment of military personnel to the concerned states and holding stakeholders meeting across the states, Nigerians decided to unanimously join their forces with the government to tackle the herders–farmers impasse headlong. The conflict situation is no better even in the face of strategic policies implemented, however, the nation-state is trying to minimize the negative effects of the imbroglio on the agricultural sector of the country which is a huge resource to Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

Copyright of Organisationsberatung, Supervision, Coaching is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses how it becomes common behaviour to exclude refugees in a middle-town. Therefore, an analytical model of hostile social spaces is formulated, which explains the exclusion of branded foreign groups. Precondition is a change in what is considered as a normal social behaviour. Through this, the newly developed collective norms of a local society justify the exclusion of specific groups such as refugees. Using Bautzen (Germany) as an example, the local discussion about refugees as well as their perception is debated. Therefore, the discourse about refugees and violence against them is analysed in newspaper articles as well as in minutes of political debates. In the center of the analysis are 106 semi-structured interviews with various social groups. So, the change of normality as well as the contextual effect, operationalized as the exclusion of refugees, are analysed. The results show a change of what is looked at as normal as well as that the exclusion of refugees is justified and not sanctioned in wide parts of the local society. Refugees report of exclusion and violence in different arenas like educational institutions, public spaces or the public transport network. The paper ends concluding additional need for research defining which sociostructural dynamics are preconditions for the developing of hostile places.

Copyright of Psychotherapeut is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Leviathan: Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (Springer Science & Business Media B.V.) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Organisationsberatung, Supervision, Coaching is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From Ethiopia to Sudan, there has been significant concern about the role of hate speech and incitement on social media to promote offline violence and, at its most extreme, genocide. These questions have become more urgent with the growth of large language models and Artificial Intelligence that are increasingly shaping online speech and may amplify existing concerns. In this paper, we interrogate the assumptions and myths about the causal link between online speech and its impact on the offline world by evaluating the empirical evidence. Overall, we found that there is limited evidence pointing to this direct association and, in line with broader literature on the underlying causes of violence, our review points to longer-term contextual, historical, and economic factors that often drive conflict, particularly in Africa. We conclude by identifying major evidence gaps and highlighting the need for caution when attributing the impact of online hate speech on violence.

Copyright of Raumforschung und Raumordnung is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the ways in which metaphors and other distinctive patterns of speech influence our understanding of conflict. It is argued that metaphors and other distinctive patterns of speech can do so in several ways: They can portray different sides of a conflict in either positive or negative light, downplay the seriousness of violence and conflict in our minds, and dehumanize people. Because of the use of such language, violence can be normalized. Yet metaphors can constitute new/different ways of looking at (and “manufacture” our perception of) conflict, war, violence, and other related concepts that hold the keys to building empathy for others.

The topic of Otherness has been investigated from the point of view of popular culture and popular fiction studies, especially on the basis of the multiracial social environments of the United States. The challenges of addressing real or potential conflicts in areas characterised by an ethnic puzzle are to some extent similar, but at the same time differ substantively from the political, legal, and fictional world of “race.” This paper investigates these differences in the ways of overcoming ethnic stereotyping on the basis of examples taken from post-World War II crime fiction of Southern Europe, and Middle East. In communist and post-communist Eastern Central Europe there are not many instances of mediational crime fiction. This paper will point to the few, although notable exceptions, while hypothesizing on the factors that could favor in the foreseeable future the emergence and expansion of such artistic experiments in the multiethnic and multicultural province of Transylvania.

Since the “communicative turn“ planning research has been intensively concerned with how conflicts should and are dealt with. Approaches of “agonistic“ planning theory contradict the normative premise of building consensus among planning participants. Rather, they want to make conflicting positions normatively fruitful for spatial development. At the same time, they emphasise a supposed duality of planning and protest, which is questioned in recent protest and movement theory. Building on a discussion of different approaches in planning and protest theory as well as an empirical analysis of planning-related protests in Germany, this paper shows that these protests are increasingly perceived as “normality“ by planning actors and that antagonistic participation remains culturally bounded despite increasing conflictuality and the supposed questioning of representative democracy. Protest action is part of differentiated “participation bundles“ that, depending on the situation, also include public participation, direct democratic referenda and lawsuits. Protesters usually pursue a reform-oriented agenda that does not require “taming“. However, the underlying conflicts often cannot be “resolved“ at all. Planners, on the other hand, may have rationalist and deliberative approaches at their disposal even within an agonistic planning environment, which they use situationally and strategically.

Scholarly works on pipeline vandalism have paid extensive attention to empirical questions of causes and consequences. But there remains a dearth of studies on the representation of the acts of vandalism in newspapers, which is necessary for evaluating what message about the problem is being disseminated to the citizens and how that could contribute to resolving the problem or sustaining it. This paper examines the identity construction for critical social actors in Nigerian newspaper reports on pipeline vandalism. Sixteen –news samples were purposively selected from three newspapers: The Tide, New Waves, and The Guardian published between 2015 and 2019. Theoretically, the study is anchored on a combination of Fina’s (2011) identity process and van Dijk’s (1995, 2006a, 2006b) in-group/out-group description. The analysis involved accounting for the deployment of group self-schemata (van Dijk, 1995, 2005) and ideological strategies (van Dijk, 2006) in realising the three identity processes of indexing, positioning, and local occasioning established by Fina (2011). The study finds that through a combination of media identity ascription and social actors’ positive-self description in the news reports, each of the major stakeholders in the conflict assumes an identity of innocence and responsible entity while shifting the blame to others. It concludes therefore that this could be responsible for the difficulty in ending the conflict.

Throughout the last years, the arrival of big mining projects in Argentina has sparked important conflicts and resistance in, up until now, unexplored cities and towns. This article argues that these circumstances have modified experiences of space. It suggests that not only does territory become filled with conflict, but also that conflict becomes impregnated with territory. Taking this analytical framework, the article proposes an approach in order to explain the emergence of territorial disputes from two different plot lines. The first line of inquiry refers to the particular nexus between territory, capital, and the state, which sustains a certain ideological and symbolic definition of space. The second line of inquiry recounts social struggles as instances of dispute with the nearest powers. Social struggles are frequently inscribed by the contradictions between territory, capital, and the state, but in their clear antagonism to dominant discourses, they also test and challenge the symbolic construction of space. This paper's insights come from the authors' empirical research in Argentina over the last four years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on available sources and literature, this paper analyzes the first municipal elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, their results and the consequences caused by the establishment of local authorities on the state-level political scene. Although the elections were held in the shadow of the great political crisis that shook the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from the assassination in the Assembly on June 20, 1928, a sharp election campaign, led in a nationalist tone, in shady political circumstances and with pronounced national tensions, provoked new social and national divisions.Inter-party skirmishes and mutual accusations shook an earlier coalition agreement between the Yugoslav Muslim Organization and the People’s Radical Party, which required parties to collaborate wherever possible after the election and work to restore trust among the people, which was severely disrupted by years of nationalist and chauvinist harangue. Special difficulties arose after the election and constitution of municipal councils, when parties in some places formed a coalition with other political parties. The constitution of municipal leaderships in some places without the NRS the Bosnian Radicals characterized as a pact against the Serbs and launched an action to oust the JMO from the government. Thus, the local elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina heated up already the tense political atmosphere and became a first-class issue in the country.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Psychodrama und Soziometrie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The issue of contingency in narratives has long been of interest to the disciplines of philosophy, theoretical history and literary sciences. More recently, the question of how societies conceptualize and try to come to grips with the occurrence of the "expected unexpected" has gained an increasing importance both in anthropology and cultural studies generally. Built around a narrative--a more or less "classic" example of a "fighting story", well known in Northern Aboriginal Australia--the article demonstrates how the off-repeated tale reflects not only an experience of the social but also a (desired) potential for transformation. Using insights drawn from theories that emphasize the presentational (as opposed to the representational) qualities of the symbolic, the paper shows how the immanent capacity for conflict is thematized in an "olden time story". The narrative may not resolve the problems it addresses; however, through its symbolic presentations it nevertheless serves as a multi-faceted means to confront and even to make sense--if only temporarily--of the incongruities and the paradoxes of daily life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]