Search

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Feminist pedagogical practices have contributed to the consolidation of social movements in the field of feminisms. Often called "training", and integrated with the so-called "critical, "popular" and "liberating" pedagogies, feminist pedagogies, understood in a generic way, establish themselves as a central axis in these political organizations. In Recife, specifically, the activists of the World March of Women (WMM) have promoted pedagogical actions with the objective of strengthening the emancipation and autonomy of women. It is in this sense that the present research aims to understand the feminist pedagogies developed by the WMM. The methodology applied for the construction of the data in this article was action research, since the process involved the participation, interaction and reflection of the interviewees throughout the investigation, in addition to mobilizing authors already inserted in the field. As a result of this investigation, we identified that dialogue circles, bazaars, recitals and lambe-lambes are practices used by activists in the fight against patriarchy and the conquest of rights. We also noticed an improvement in feminist discussions in the movement, which are now more qualified, not only because of the trajectory of the militants' actions, but, above all, because of the observance of how racism, capitalism and patriarchy have structured women's lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to discuss the particularities of the women’s movement in Kurdistan and its contribution regarding debates on alternative forms of democracy. We assume that this experience, along with other trajectories identified with decolonial feminism and black feminism, is reshaping the struggle of women as the vanguard of a new type of emancipatory movement. The results of this study indicate that the empowerment and mutual benefit actions promoted by the generation of associative networks, encouraged by the autonomous organization of female guerrilla cadres, altered the self-perception of women in Kurdish communities. As a result, social and political power dynamics previously existing in the region have been modified.

The organization and performance of the feminist movement has historically demonstrated that women are fundamental in the construction of knowledge and practices that promote political education and in defense of human rights, even though they occupy subordinate places in society. In times of democratic setbacks, fueled by a conservative policy and a deep attack on women's rights, especially in Brazil, it is necessary to search for new alternatives and militancy strategies. In the 2018 presidential elections, faced with the imminence of a conservative politician occupying the presidency of Brazil, women organized a movement through social networks called #EleNão (#NotHim), with the objective of discussing and making women aware of the danger posed by the victory of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Based on the concepts of autonomy and hope proposed by Paulo Freire and popular education, we seek to discuss how the movement brought important developments to the feminist movement and highlighted women as one of the main fronts of resistance to conservatism, contributing to the construction of an education as a practice of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Política & Sociedade: Revista de Sociologia Política is the property of Revista Politica & Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The importance of activism is essential to the development of different aspects of a society. With the Era of Information, this social dynamic had to adapt to the changes, giving rise to cyber activism. This paper analyzes the presence of cyber activism in societies and how this dynamic partially modified the strategy of some social movements, such as feminism. Cyber feminism practiced in Latin America is also analyzed and how feminist collectives, groups, and associations in that region, which have pages and active profiles on Facebook, organize themselves to practice cyber feminism, and how it affects and helps women in these regions, since its virtual pages function as bridges of support for women in situation of vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to investigate the current insurrection of the feminist movement in Brazil and the influence of social networks on this phenomenon. For this, it reports the evolution of the movement through the four waves, its claims and achievements. The methodology is based on bibliographic studies on social movements and feminism, as well as on the case study of the Brazilian feminist collective Não Me Kahlo, and on the qualitative analysis of publications on violence on its Facebook page, during the months of January and June 2019. Thus, the article considers that the fourth and current phase of the feminist movement arises through a collective female indignation due to the growing cases of gender violence, and is promoted and popularized through the social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It aims to carry out a systematic review of the scientific production that deals with the performance of feminist movements in social media, understanding how the studies carried out have perceived the use of these media by collectives and organized feminist groups as a resource for political mobilization and proposition of claim agendas. The research was carried out in the SciELO, CAPES, SCOPUS and Web of Science databases. After establishing the inclusion and exclusion criteria, at the end 25 studies were selected, which after categorized and analyzed were organized in their argumentative and problematizing lines about the theme in question from the following analytical axes: a) Relationship between feminisms and social media; b) Social media as a tool to fight against violence; and c) Social media, feminisms and culture. The exposed results indicate that social media is an important strategy for political mobilization, but as long as it considers challenges such as the expansion of internet access for these feminist collectives. Furthermore, it is important the continuous articulation with different contexts and the performance in the construction of possible alliances between the various movements, having in mind that the feminist struggle is broad and for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Peru, the mobilization against extractivist projects has contributed to a greater flow of communication between urban and rural spaces, resulting in the construction of networks between the feminist movement and rural women. I suggest that the construction of a discourse linking the feminist concept of bodily integrity with territorial autonomy has supported this process. I trace the complexities of this process in a country characterized by binary collective identities and the hegemony of the ‘lettered city’.

In this article, the science fiction narrative Sultana's Dream, tale written within the scope of feminist speculation by Rokeya Hossain, in 1905, will be a pretext for talking about the women's movement at the beginning of the last century, be it either the one referring to a new and fruitful intellectual production or the social movements in which they were participants. Hossain is a Bengali Muslim woman born in the great colonial India, in the region of what today is Bangladesh. Considered an important exponent of the so-called "first wave feminisms in Islamic contexts", her science fiction writings and essays make her a figure of great relevance to the insurgent demands for gender equality in the region, and she, in fact, still is an important feminist figure today in Southeast Asia. We will explore in this text the colonial and national geopolitical context that imbued Rokeya Hossain's creative imagination both in her works of fiction and in her political participation as an intellectual agitator, writer, thinker and founder of women's associations that will also be the substrate for her works of fiction. We will focus mainly on the tale Sultana's Dream, since it can be seen as one of the great feminist utopian works of the beginning of the last century and whose elements still support decolonial feminist emancipatory projects today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espaço Jurídico: Journal of Law is the property of Espaco Juridico: Journal of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to reflect on the correlation of women's struggle within housing movements, using the Tereza de Benguela Occupation as an observation field, located on the east side of São Paulo and linked to the Homeless Workers Movement (MTST), developed in 2019. Using as the basis for the article the speech of leadership of the occupation, as well as an interview with a researcher from the movement, we resulted in a discussion that intersects the struggle of the occupation with specificities experienced by women and that observes common points of experiences, providing a significant way of building a feminine and popular struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses a set of both theoretical and practical socio-political problems, on what we call the Basque "ecosocialism-feminism". It reflects on the link and the alliance among three social movements - unionism, environmentalism and feminism - in the Basque Country (Euskal Herria), making a brief historical review that explains, roughly, the causes and difficulties for the construction of this ideological current, and also their debates and campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze a new theoretical-practical proposal of feminism entitled Peasant and Popular Feminism. To this end, the feminist intersectional theory was adopted as a methodological framework. Initially, it was brought up about its origins and effects for the organization of autonomous movements of rural women and in social movements that propose to include the gender agenda in their debates. Afterwards, it observed how this feminism, reflected and proposed by the peasants themselves, is being built. Finally, it was concluded that its organicity and reference to the peasant conditions and singularities gave rise not only to a new direction for the feminist movements, but also for the constituted peasant movements themselves - and under construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Internet increases information access and facilitates content production by social actors. Among various social movements that use digital technology, we highlight the contemporary feminist movement actions and the constitution/revitalization of a feminist press, committed to the politic ield for the maintenance of the Brazilian democracy. his article investigates the practices of the feminist press during the electoral period in Brazil, in September and October 2018. hus, we aim to verify whether the journalistic practices relect feminist ethics principles. It was chosen Content Analysis as a method in order to interpret the stories published by the Revista AzMina, Gênero e Número and Portal Catarinas, considering the electoral context and the importance of journalism for politics and citizenship actions. he results show that the practices match the feminist principles for coverage which combine general information about the poll and others more speciic ones, focused on women candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lutas Sociais is the property of Nucleo de Estudos de Ideolgias e Lutas Sociais (NEILS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista do Serviço Público (Civil Service Review) is the property of Revista do Servico Publico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artigo procura contribuir para a compreensão das diversas formas assumidas pelo ativismo político no Brasil contemporâneo, enfocando especificamente a intersecção entre política e estilo no feminismo das minas do rock. Para tanto, recupera material fruto de pesquisa etnográfica realizada entre 2004 e 2007 na cena paulistana do rock de mina. A análise propõe considerar o caráter espetacular do estilo como forma de "dar-se a ver" e comunicar-se, assim como tomar em conta as múltiplas relações de poder nas quais se inscreve o que é comunicado. Desse modo, sugere pensar os estilos como operadores de diferenças, levando em conta que não são produzidos por sujeitos pré-dados, que agem de forma inteiramente consciente em relação aos efeitos provocados por dada composição de aparência, atitude e música. Ao contrário, considera que os sujeitos se constituem no processo de citar e deslocar normas sociais e que isso pode se dar no processo de composição de um estilo.This article aims to offer a contribution to the understanding of the various forms assumed by political activism in contemporary Brazil, focusing specifically on the intersection between politics and style in the riot grrrls' feminism. In order to do that, it rescues material originated from ethnographic research carried out between 2004 and 2007 in the São Paulo riot grrrls' scene. The research coincides with a specific moment of this scene, marked by its expansion, indicated by the growth of the volume of activities and of its visibility, and by the organization of annual editions of the LadyFest Brasil - a cultural festival devised by women and for women that resumed and symbolized the scene's spirit, also integrating it to the calendar of international festivals of the same kind. The analysis proposes to consider the spectacular character of the style as a form of "making oneself visible" and of communicating with one another, as well as to consider the multiple power relations in which the communicated message is inscribed. Therefore, it suggests thinking the styles as operators of difference, taking into account the fact that they are not produced by pre-given subjects, who act in complete awareness of the effects caused by a given composition of appearance, attitude and music. On the contrary, this article considers that the subjects are constituted in the process of quoting and dislocating social norms, and that this may be given in the process of composition of a style.

Pretendemos discutir sobre o tema dos "sujeitos feministas no campo político", levando em consideração as transformações discursivas pelas quais o campo do movimento feminista vem passando nas ultimas décadas. Esses discursos mostravam-se consoantes com os contextos de embates políticos atuais, indicando: a) novas ações no mundo político, b) disputas pelo reconhecimento de novas identidades dentro do feminismo, e c) a evidência da problemática do(s) sujeito(s) do feminismo como uma questão central para o movimento feminista brasileiro na atualidade. Nosso objetivo com este artigo é discutir essas mudanças no interior do feminismo brasileiro a partir da análise comparativa de dois momentos distintos: o 3º e o 10º 'Encontro Feminista Latino-Americano e do Caribe', ambos ocorridos no Brasil, respectivamente, em 1985 e em 2005.We intend to discuss the theme "feminist subjects on the political field", considering the discursive changes for which the field of the feminist movement has been going in the last decades. These discourses showed consonance with the contexts of the late political struggles, indicating: a) new actions in the political environment, b) disputes on recognizing new identities within the feminism, and c) the evidence of the problematic of feminist subjects as a central theme for the Brazilian feminist movement nowadays. Our goal with this article is to discuss these changes within Brazilian feminism through the comparative analysis of two distinct moments: the third and the tenth 'Latin-American and Caribbean Feminist Meeting' both happened in Brazil, in 1985 and 2005, respectively.

This article aims to contribute to the theoretical debate over the relationship between social movements and political parties. The analysis presented relies on a case study of the relationship between the feminist movement and the party system in Nicaragua, during the country's democratic development between 1974 and 2012. The field research was done from 2011 to 2014 and consisted of interviews with leaders of the feminist movement and the various political parties, analysis of key documents, and participant observation in several of the movement's events. In order to respond to certain empirical challenges, this article advances two key debates on the modular nature of autonomy and the intersection zone. In the first debate, we highlight the historical, strategic, and relational nature of autonomy. In the second, we focus on the mutual impacts of this relationship on the actors and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sexualidad, Salud y Sociedad: Revista Latinoamericana is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article I present a reflection around the radical democratic project proposed by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau. Specifically, I examine the application of the project in the context of the “new social movements” and especially, of feminist movement. I state the need of drawing attention to universalism and essentialism as the main obstacles to generate a collective proposal without margins. Nevertheless, doubts remind about the possibility of building up a feminism tailored by the radical democratic project, in a stage in which the political action of such a movement is characterized by categories that are closed and crystallized

O texto apresenta uma comparação entre o surgimento e desenvolvimento do processo Fórum Social Mundial e a Marcha Mundial das Mulheres no Brasil. O Fórum teve uma enorme contribuição para historicizar a globalização capitalista e mudar os termos do debate, e o movimento de mulheres tem sua trajetória imersa neste contexto, assim como o feminismo tem um grande potencial para desnaturalizar o discurso sobre a globalização e a economia neoliberal. O texto também mostra as relações construídas entre os movimentos sociais e suas agendas em comum que vêm se expressando no conjunto das ações do movimento antiglobalização.The text presents a comparisson among the raising and development of the World Social Forum and of the World March of Women in Brazil. The Forum has had an enormous contribution to historicize the capitalist globalization and to change the terms of the debate, and the women's movement has its trajectory embeded in this context, as well as the great potential that feminism has to denaturalize the mainstream vision on globalization and neoliberal economy. The text also presents the relation built among the movements and their common agendas that has being expressed in the framework of the anti-globalization movement actions.

Copyright of Esferas is the property of Esferas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reports some psychosocial interventions in which were exploited the "storytelling", in workshops aimed at social workers and women in situation of vulnerability. The workshops were organized from the demands of social movements to combat violence and other extreme situations. The group was the field of intervention, from the demands, lived experiences of participants, based on methodological choice of narratives, life histories and stories of oral culture. We believe that groups of storytellers performed with women allow an exercise of critical reflection and change, as well as being an option for methodological research and practice feminist. Storytellers groups performed with women allow an exercise of critical reflection and change, as well as being a methodological option for feminist practice and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the gender subtext underlying the political judgment that recently took Fernando Lugo of Paraguay's presidency. It departs from the original notion of countermovement and it is inspired by feminist critics of public-private dichotomy. After presenting the immediate reactions to the dismissal of Lugo, the article discusses the political usages of presidential paternity cases, and the performance of 'pro-life' groups of 'Queremos papá y mamá' countermovement. The analysis of these cases shows the relationship between patterns of gender and religious values. In a moral vein, this relationship shapes Lugo's 'poor performance' and completed the trial of former Paraguayan president. At the end, it is suggested the entry of both, the movement/ countermovement dynamics and the religious conservative actors in the social movements analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista FAMECOS - Mídia, Cultura e Tecnologia is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia is the property of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By recognizing the social movements as a privileged actor in the struggle for democracy, since the action only exceeds institutional, extending therefore the sphere of citizenship, this paper's main objective is to reflect on the role that new social movements play in today's struggles for an alternative project for democracy. More specifically it discusses issues related gender inequities raised by the feminist movement, particularly by the World March of Women. Methodologically it is based on feminist studies, from their theoretical-epistemological and political feminists and their possible connections with the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)