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Forty years after the beginning of the transition in Argentina and 50 years after the Chilean coup d'état, this article analyzes the sexual violence against women implemented in clandestine detention centers (CDCs) as political, terrorist, and genocidal violence. Through a qualitative approach to the testimonies of former political prisoners, this paper aims to understand sexual violence against women in the experiences of concentration camps as a specific form of violence within the framework of conservative reconstructions of the civil-military dictatorships in Argentina and Chile. This violence, which was a total patriarchal act, not only sought to punish and discipline “deviant” female militants, but also to harm militant men. Likewise, it was established as a permanent threat against female detainees and a way of suppressing change and subjective, cultural, and social subversions, which, in parallel or as part of the political experience, developed in the countries of the Latin American Southern Cone. It is argued that sexual violence is a form of terrorism and genocide, since it projects terror into a specific group of the population and seeks to annul the possibility of being a woman when she breaks with the sacralized mandates of the patriarchal order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ANIAV: Revista de Investigación en Artes Visuales is the property of Universidad Politecnica de Valencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study analyzes 470 news stories published in major Spanish and regional Basque newspapers on three significant anniversaries of the assassination of Miguel Ángel Blanco by the terrorist group ETA. The quantitative and qualitative content analysis examines to what extent and in what ways newspapers with varying geographical reach and ideological perspectives have remembered this crime, which marked a turning point in Spain's response to terrorism. By examining the dominant themes and frames and identifying the ideas and values reaffirmed in connection with Blanco's murder across different newspapers, this study explores the role of the media - specifically, anniversary journalism-in shaping collective memory surrounding terrorism and its victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain through the Theory of Complex Interdependence why Mexico and the United States do not designate drug traffickers as terrorists in order to combat them. This theory proposes a mutual dependence between States, so the vulnerability and sensitivity considered also by the theory will be analyzed in order to explain how their interests and policies are affected in this security issue. The period from 2019 to 2023 is analyzed because of the debates appeared again in the United States insisting to designate drug trafficking organizations as terrorists. Conclusions point out how Mexico accepted the Bicentennial Framework incorporating López Obrador's social agenda using Mexican asymmetry and vulnerability in their interdependence with the United States, but also considering American sensibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 2019-2020 season, six television programs about ETA were broadcasted in Spain. The aim of this research is to analyze the "television" story that has been built about the terrorist group ten years after the cessation of violence. For this purpose, a qualitative methodology based on textual analysis is used, since these are independent formats. The conclusions show a new narrative in which the recovery of certain historical facts and the ostensible protagonism of the victims coincide. The result is a renewed discourse that builds collective memory to learn and advance towards coexistence and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Internacional is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Profesores de Derecho Internacional y Relaciones Internacionales (AEPDIRI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuario Español de Derecho Internacional is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CIVILIZAR: Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Sergio Arboleda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anaquel de Estudios Árabes is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie V, Historia Contemporánea is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decades, significant progress has been made in studies related to terrorism and violence in the Basque Country. Nevertheless, there is still a considerable loophole in this field of research. Matters related to youth and education, specifically, universities. This article evaluates the current state on this historiographical gap, justifying the need to fill it. Despite its importance for the development of ETA, its relationship with youth, education and universities have received less historiographical attention than other elements of the radical nationalist network, such as the terrorist group itself, the political party HB or the trade union LAB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work is based on a study of historical analysis and political opinion that was able to understand the change in international relations between Iran and the United States, this was achieved by applying the methodological rigor of an analytical study, based on the theory of realism of a historically antagonistic context. Everytime we think about the Middle East, the first things that come to our minds are images of war, terrorism and conflicts between countries and ethnic groups. This is because the situation of conflict in the region hasn't stop, due to the confrontation of two nations. The first and most known is Israel, since it was founded, Israel fights to survive against terrorist groups and other countries, the second one is Iran, since 1979 it heads the list of being the biggest and most staunch enemy of Israel, United States and other Western powers. The Islamic Republic of Iran, Russia and China, are the most antagonic countries by excellence of the West. Iran provides support to Israel's enemies and it is the country that most harshly combats Western interference in the Middle East, but we always leave aside the motives why Iran changed from being one of the biggest allies of West to being the biggest villain and rival. This motives can be religious, politics, territory or even economical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie V, Historia Contemporánea is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Methaodos: Social Science Journal / Methaodos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicacion y Sociologia, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the standing threats to global security in the 21st century to identify and classify them. A hundred threats and social and environmental vulnerabilities were identified through the hermeneutic analogical documentary analysis of 25 sources, mainly supranational documents. These were organized based on supranational theories and theorists, such as Bouthoul, Kaldor, and Hamilton, in a four-group structure: traditional threats, new threats, asymmetric attacks on the population, and social and environmental vulnerabilities. Finally, the article addresses the ethical problem implied by these prevailing threats that continue to menace human dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Knowing how terrorist groups acquire, retain, apply, and distribute knowledge is an essential factor for the application of public security policies. This article will address the learning processes of terrorist and insurgent groups through the theoretical discussion of exponents of security studies, with the aim of being compared to provide a framework that can meet the strategic reality of several of these groups. Likewise, a comparative study of different theaters of operations is carried out to evidence the characteristics of the learning curves of terrorist groups from Daesh, ETA and the IRA. The academic effort consigned in this article can shed light on how to deny strategic advantages to terrorist and insurgent groups through the application of public policies that take into account the learning processes and the strategic spectrum of these groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Penal y Criminologia is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Penal y Criminologia is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The definitive dissolution of eta in May 2018 has prompted the appearance of numerous academic publications that mainly focus on the discursive universe of victims of civil society or prominent personalities from the Basque Country. Thus, through an oral history exercise, it seeks to reconstruct eta discourse in an original and unprecedented way in the face of two events that accelerated its disappearance: the attacks of March 11, 2004, and the failed negotiation with the Government of Rodríguez Zapatero between 2005 and 2006. Methodology: The analysis of how these two events were perceived by eta activists is based on nine in-depth interviews conducted with prominent members of the armed group. These were carried out at the end of 2018, a few months after the disappearance of eta, and serve to vindicate the importance of testimonies and oral sources. Originality: So far, very few studies have used this type of source, mainly due to their difficult accessibility. Thus, although the oral history approach has not been unfamiliar to the understanding of eta, the dissolution of the terrorist group has not been studied based solely on the testimony of its members, an aspect that occupies a central place in the following pages, when taking a closer look at how former members perceive and relate the events that marked the end of eta. Conclusions: All the interviewees coincide in pointing out how the 11-M attacks represent a turning point that resulted in the loss of anchors in Basque society. Even though eta was able to arrange a dialogue scenario just a year later, a radical, uncritical position, without a clear roadmap—which is perceptible in the interviewees’ accounts— contributed to discrediting a terrorist group that only five years later announced the end of their armed actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern photojournalism is built around the "myth of the war correspondent", a construction that hinders the visibilization of women. This article retrieves the name of four Basque female photojournalists, the only women in local news in a period that was marked by the terrorist organization 'ETA'. Through several in-depth interviews, the article approaches the conditions of production of their work, which was determined by the Basque conflict, the changes in the graphic codes of visual journalism, and their own experience as women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern photojournalism is built around the "myth of the war correspondent", a construction that hinders the visibilization of women. This article retrieves the name of four Basque female photojournalists, the only women in local news in a period that was marked by the terrorist organization 'ETA'. Through several in-depth interviews, the article approaches the conditions of production of their work, which was determined by the Basque conflict, the changes in the graphic codes of visual journalism, and their own experience as women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Before the murders committed by Mohammad Merah in 2012, the French authorities dealt with terrorism almost exclusively as a problem of public order. Hence the country was late in producing measures to prevent radicalisation and violent extremism. Analysing how France's utopian approach to deradicalisation shifted to a more pragmatic one based on disengagement and focused on primary prevention when tackling radicalisation, especially in its Islamic form, this article presents the successes and failures of the various plans implemented by France since 2014. Over time, these strategies, revised and improved (in particular, by means of interpreting the concept of radicalisation) culminated with the national Prevent to Protect strategy of 2018. Among other aspects, laicism, republican values, and the legal and educational systems have been mobilised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses strategies for preventing and combatting violent extremism in Spain since the Madrid attacks in 2004. Initially concerned with anticipating the terrorist threat by means of police, military, and legal measures, these strategies have gradually incorporated approaches and measures that address the phenomenon of radicalisation. It is argued that the advent of the battle to "counter violent extremism" (CVE) and for the "prevention of violent extremism" (PVE) represents a step forward in the approach to terrorism since its target is not terrorism as such but the factors and conditions that can lead to it. In the case of Spain, CVE and PVE policies come together in the present strategy against violent radicalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the development of German policies aiming at the deradicalisation of extremists and terrorists which, originating in the late 1980s were initially focused on left-wing terrorists. In the 1990s, the German authorities extended their funding to civil society initiatives which, in the 2000s, has led to the widespread adoption of deradicalisation initiatives. From 2012 onwards, the German authorities extended funding to far-reaching programmes which, focused on the social setting of jihadist extremists, have eventually come to constitute one of the world's most diverse set of projects for preventing and combatting violent extremism (P/CVE). While analysing the basic features of the German P/CVE the article discusses essential lessons for other countries. The most salient German experiences are the diversity of the actors involved, the variety of sources of funding, and general standards of quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a supranational perspective on the prevention of violent extremism (PEV) with the aim of ascertaining whether a new paradigm for action can be identified. To this end, it critically analyses EU policies, measures, and strategies that have been established in the context of the threats and challenges posed by radicalisation and violent extremism. It explores how the approach adopted by the EU, originating in its 2005 antiterrorist strategy, has entailed the need to create tools, strategies, programmes, and networks to inspire and encourage member states to produce policies and instruments in order to prevent and combat radicalisation which could lead to violent extremism. Finally, it formulates the hypothesis that adopting this "soft approach" will probably influence, in the long term, strategies and measures that go beyond the security framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives The possibility of foundations opting to apply for a preferential tax regime provided by Law 49/2002, of December 23, depends on whether these entities meet the requirements established in Art. 3 of this law. Among these requirements, the most important one in our opinion is the condition that trustees carry out their roles without remuneration. This paper examines the voluntary nature of the position of trustee and the operational issues that arise from this for the foundation, and reflects on ways of managing this situation. Methodology We refer to the legal requirement of the unpaid nature of the position of trustee both in the substantive and fiscal fields and we venture to suggest the inconsistency of this obligation. We study the varying degrees of rigour which are applied when assessing the unpaid nature of the position of trustee and the other conditions required for the application of the preferential tax regime as well as the consequences of this legislative option, drawing conclusions which may indicate appropriate reforms to this law. Approach The Third Sector, of which foundations form a part, looks to meet the needs of people and of processes worthy of special protection. This is upheld in the words of the Constitutional Court (STC 18/1984, of February 7), which declare that a characteristic of the social and legal state is that general interests are defined through an interaction between the state and social agents, where foundations play a role of crucial importance. In our system, the non remuneration of trustees is absolute. Their remuneration implies the impossibility that the foundation can choose the preferential tax regime established by Law 49/2002. The basis for this requirement stems from purely historical reasons and from the need to prevent trustees receiving indirect financial benefit from their involvement in the foundation. However, the unpaid position of trustee is not part of the so-called "essential content" of the right to create foundations; it is simply a legislative option for the foundation. Results If we compare the required unpaid position of trustee with the rest of the requirements that Law 49/2002 demands for the application of the preferential tax regime we see that its practical translation is quite different. If gratuity is absolute, the remaining requirements of Art. 3 of the LRF-ENL (with the sole exception of the destination of their assets in the event of dissolution) are softened doctrinally, jurisprudentially and legally. Essentially, due to either the forced evolution in jurisprudence (pursuit of the general interest indirectly in Article 3.1), or to the limitations expressly established by the legal text itself (obligatory destination of at least 70% of certain income or revenue of Article 3.2; a limit of 40% to be dedicated to economic activity other than its statutory objective or purpose of article 3.3; impossibility that certain people are main recipients or might benefit from special conditions in the use of their services of Art. 3.4), or due to different doctrinal considerations (retroactive application of the preferential regime to the foundation in formation in the case of Art. 3.7; relative tolerance in the preparation of accounts and preparation of an annual report of numbers 8, 9 and 10 of Article 3); and with the sole exception of the obligatory destination of the patrimony in case of dissolution of Art. 3.6 (really a prolongation of the need to allocate any income and revenue for purposes of general interest), there is no doubt that the requirements demanded for the application of the preferential tax regime operate, in practice, with a lower rigour than that stipulated in Law 49/2002, which, we insist, contrasts significantly with the robustness that the legislation called for when considering the trustee's position of non remuneration. Implications The unquestionable altruistic convictions of trustees, including the social recognition that comes with their appointment, may be sufficient reward for those who accept the position. However, with this recognition comes responsibility, a solidarity with the rest of the trustees, including even any moral damage that may be caused to the foundation by a trustee, a responsibility that many trustees overlook. Trustees are clearly accountable in the event that the foundation is immersed in a bankruptcy or tax procedure, or fails to meet its duty to ensure compliance with the legal responsibilities of data protection, or criminal compliance, or its obligation to ensure that the foundation is not used for money laundering or to channel funds or resources to persons or entities linked to terrorist groups or organizations. Practical conclusions and original significance The name "Trustee" encompasses two very different realities: on the one hand, purely honorary trustees who, detached from the daily life of the foundation, limit themselves to lending their good name to an altruistic cause with no liability and, on the other hand, the trustees who are involved in the day-to-day management of the foundation. We understand, however, that the trustee we call "honorary" cannot be subjected to a liability regime such as the one that exists, and, yet, with respect to the "manager" trustee, foundations need financial stability, not related to the initial endowment, which requires progressive streamlining of its operating capacities, bringing its responsibility more in line with commercial matters while, at the same time, allowing remuneration for services provided. Recognizing the difficulties of the task, it would seem that the solution must be inspired by STC 18/1984, cited above, according to which "one of the characteristics of the social and legal state is that general interests are defined through interaction between the State and the social agents... that transcends the field of organization, where foundations play a role of crucial importance". For this, we insist, it is necessary to overcome the wary statist view that currently limits the undertaking of industrial or mercantile activities by foundations. That is, it is necessary to allow without prejudice the execution of economic activities by foundations, establishing the necessary controls and repositioning the trustee in a more appropriate role as a true manager of economic operators in the market. In short, the problem of non remuneration of the trustee must be framed within a global rethinking of the tax regime of non-profit entities and of patronage in light of a constantly changing environment. This rethinking has as a premise the change of attitude of the public authorities who, overcoming their mistrust and paternalism, must establish open collaboration with civil society, especially with foundations that are not, as described by the dictionary mere "fruits of human vanity" but, in the words of Óscar Alzaga "one of the great bridges that must be built to safeguard the abyss between individuals and the State". With our paper we have tried to broaden the doctrinal debate by providing a redefinition of the figure of trustee on whom, ultimately, rests the future of a foundation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnologia y Sociedad is the property of Centro de Estudios sobre Ciencia, Desarrollo y Educacion Superior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on an understanding of diplomacy and foreign policy beyond the state-centered approach, terrorist diplomacy is understood as a terrorist group's rational conduct concerning international interests in terms of its specific strategic objectives. Thus, this article studies the case of Muslim radicalization in Trinidad and Tobago and the high number of militants from this country in the Islamic State. Based on the push and pull variables and the theory of the Geometry of Terrorism, as well as a review of previous studies, it is determined that the government's repression and mistrust of Muslims and the lack of governance, more than economic aspects, are factors that explain this phenomenon in the island nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad is the property of Revista Electronica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad is the property of Revista Electronica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Razón Crítica is the property of La Fundacion Universidad de Bogota Jorge Tadeo Lozano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article talks about the terrorist attack on the Nova Peace Festival and questions the absence of the State of Israel during the attack. It is mentioned that Hamas terrorists sought the image of Palestinian children disemboweled by bombs for their propaganda. The attitude of European viewers is also criticized, as we tremble when Israel defends itself and continue to subsidize the terrorist organization. It is concluded that Israel must put an end to Hamas' military structure and the international community must reconsider its relationship with Iran. [Extracted from the article]

States that have faced classical terrorist organizations have managed in their prison systems large groups of individuals, whose reference organizations moved their organizational structures to prisons. Thus, prison policies were used as part of counter-terrorism policy. These groups and their organizational structures had the capacity to influence the design of prison policies. On the contrary, the organization of the jihadist phenomenon in prison is conditioned by the very limitations of confinement and in cases where organizational attempts with some complexity have been detected these have been predetermined by the own forms of management of prisoners linked to this form of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IDP: Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica is the property of Universitat Oberta de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2008, the Republic of Mali has been suffering from insecurity due to risks posed by radical Islamic terrorists. Initially, the threat was concentrated in the northern territories by terrorist groups from the Magreb that were associated with insurgent Tuareg groups. Military combat operations succeeded in preventing the terrorists from advancing towards the south in 2013. In recent years, however, Islamic terrorists have been experimenting with new tactics to infiltrate the communities of central Mali; these threats have been more difficult to combat by military means alone. This article explores and characterizes terrorist insecurity in Mali and the actions taken between 2007 and 2019 to reduce it. The methodology consists of the bibliographic, documentary and statistical analyses of published information sources. The conclusions highlight the international nature of the terrorist risk and the need to add, intensive policies to develop rural Mali areas and strengthen its Welfare State, to the military fight against terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The terrorist group ETA has been a nightmare that has plagued Spanish democracy for more than five decades. Due to the announcement of the disbandment of the group, in this article we examine how the current situation has been reached, carrying out a review of history from the beginning of the group up until the time of its defeat, and covering the change in relations with France. The end of ETA demonstrates the strength of Spanish democracy, which is why we are ready to take on and face new challenges; challenges that we are not short of. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious persecution in Nigeria is increasing, especially violence inspired by religious motives. In different incidents, armed men have attacked churches and killed numerous people, including children. The violence in Nigeria has several areas of concern, such as the terrorist organization Boko Haram, banditry, kidnapping syndicates, and clashes between nomadic herders and farmers. Christian communities have been particularly affected by these attacks. Authorities and religious organizations have requested help from the government to protect citizens, but so far there has been no effective response. [Extracted from the article]

This article approaches the question of whether terrorism "works" and argues that an examination of some of terrorism's more "modest" effects can contribute to the way we analyse its overall effectiveness and strategic impact. The article looks at whether terrorist violence has brought "disorientation" to European societies and led states to launch repressive counterterrorist operations. Its main empirical focus is a comparison of Britain's and France's responses to contemporary jihadist terrorism. It examines the extent to which we can understand these cases from a rational choice perspective, before going on to argue that a state's responses to terrorism are filtered through certain domestic societal norms in each country that determine whether or not terrorist violence leads to a repressive response from governments. This has implications for the way we analyse the interaction between terrorists and the state, as well as the effectiveness of terrorism itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]