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The ontic and epistemic, even ethical and aesthetic existence of human beings acquires meaning with identity. Identity is a paradoxical structure that expresses involvement and integrity as well as marginalizing and revealing differences. Common language, values, attitudes, opinions and beliefs are the causes and effects of identification. The individual or micro is surrounded by the society or macro, and macro has introduced to the micro. The macro world constructs the psychological and cognitive structure of the micro world. But at the same time, the background of this macro world is determined by the identities that it shares with the micro world. The identities that make up the collective identities may differ according to the conjuncture. Thus, identity has been built with understanding that changes according to time and society. Religious hegemony was dominant in most parts of the world during the Middle Age. Thus, religion which essentially means transforming chaos into cosmos, was used as the most important tool to maintain order by the states. It retained its dominant position over political and other decisions by the authority for many years. This situation brought a society based on religious identity. This structure had created an organic bond between the state and society. This link was the only representative of identity. The organic bond between the state and society was likewise built on religion in the Ottoman Empire. It was placed as the unique element that shaped the perception of individual or collective identity. Religious differences in Ottoman Empire constitutes the epistemological essence of identity. Placing religion merely in the semantic domain of the concept of identity was making it decisive of identity. The fact that social identity corresponds only to religious partnership, independent of cultural and linguistic partnership, has caused individual reality to deviate from social reality, in the population known as Karamanlides in the current literature that will be used in this paper as the Turkophone Anatolian Orthodoxes. This deviation would be particularly felt in the following centuries, when religious affiliation would be replaced by tribal belonging. This paper takes issue with cultural identities of two communities that were separated by religion. It seeks to reveal cultural identicalness of two communities when religious identity has not been replaced by tribal one. It is based on the work Ανατολ Τουρκιουλερι that was published in 1896 and was the first folk magazine in the Ottoman Empire, points out the commonality, in other words, integration in the individual existence of social identities separated by the religion. A particular focus is on one of the folk songs in the booklet Ανατολ Τουρκιουλερι, which contains folk songs collected through field research among Orthodox people: “A Girl Being Bride”. The Turkish poet in question has a pseudonym with the other image of his poet: The poet has a marginalised alias named: “Kul Shadi”. In the axis of Kul Shadi and his Turkish folk song with Greek Letters known as Karamanli Turkish in the current literature and named in this article as Turkish with Greek Letters, this article aims to determine language and cultural identities between two communities in the Ottoman Empire that had been separated by religious identities, however, essentially they could not be separated. Consequently, it is proper to say that a single subject as the bearer of social idendity is inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines how young Turkish Muslims in Britain construct their ethnic identity by looking at their relationships with their families, the Turkish community, the host society, and their religious attitudes and practices. The focus of this study is certainly young Turkish Muslims who have been relatively ignored in multicultural British society. By the youth, I refer to the generation who were born in or arrived in Britain at an early age, who live in two different cultural spaces, who are more open to social and cultural changes in their everyday lives — particularly through school, college, and other institutions — than their parents, and who thus construct their ethnic identities through two ‘geopolitical dimensions’: ‘inside-out’ and the ‘outside-in’. This means that the identity process is built, not just in relation to individuals’ relationships with their family, inside the community, and so on, but also in relation to outsiders’ attitudes, treatments, and perceptions. What is important to grasp here is that there is a dynamic interaction from the inside-out and the outside-in. Britain allows one to better explore the effects of these two dimensions on the ethnic identity construction of young Turks. On the one hand, it is home to many social, cultural, political, and religious organisations which are promoted by Turkish communities to circulate and strengthen their identity. On the other hand, it also enables those young people to have relations with the wider society, especially the majority group. Thus, their identity negotiations are influenced both by internal and external forces.A review of the literature demonstrates three primary deficiencies. Firstly, the past research conducted on the issue of young Turkish Muslims’ ethnic identity in Britain is few and far between. Secondly, these studies have overlooked either the internal or external dynamics of that community which significantly influence ethnic identity construction in younger generations. Lastly, these studies, except one, are now over twenty years old. By focusing on the views, feelings, and experiences of young Turkish Muslims in Britain in relation to their families, the Turkish community, the host society, and their religious attitudes and practices, this paper aims to fill these gaps in the literature.This article draws on semi-structured in-depth interviews with young Turkish Muslims who were born in or who arrived in Britain at an early age. Interviews were conducted in London and Bristol between 2016 and 2018 with 14 young Turks and, ranging in age from eighteen to thirty years. I also conducted unstructured interviews with 3 older Turkish people who gave information about the Turkish communities existing in Bristol. The interviews were sampled using the snowball technique, which served the purpose of accessing the participants and establishing trustworthy relations with them. To facilitate the coding of the transcripts, I used NVivo. I employed thematic analysis to identify and analyse patterns of meaning in the dataset.The findings of the research show that the ethnic identity construction of young Turkish Muslims has taken place on a tension line that arises between their own culture and the dominant culture. Most of my young respondents are aware of their ethnic identities and the cultural, social, and religious values which are the building blocks of their identities. Their relationships with the family, Turkish community, friends, and the host society, and their religious attitudes and practices have positively influenced the construction and maintenance of their ethnic identities. In this respect, this study makes a significant contribution to the literature on the ethnic identity formation of young Turkish Muslims in Britain.

Copyright of Journal of History, Culture & Art Research / Tarih Kültür ve Sanat Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of History, Culture & Art Research / Tarih Kultur ve Sanat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

James Griffin’s book “On Human Rights” is a critical account of the global leading imposition of human rights experience. Griffin provides a systematic outlook of the universality of human rights on basis of three key concepts: autonomy, liberty and a minimum provision. This article provides an analysis of Griffin’s critique and how the Ottoman practice of rights and duties overlaps and differs. According to Griffin Human Rights in the last fifty years has become a standing symbol of the Western global influence in promoting justice, fairness, political freedoms and equities as a human condition to be universally respected and acknowledged as an unalienable fundament. A condition that is formed through revolutions and major wars in the last couple of centuries so vigorous that gave birth to the need to protect the normative agent as is described by James Griffin. Griffin makes a philosophical case for the three concepts of autonomy, liberty and minimum provision. Upon further reading “On Human Rights” one encounters problems of practical nature that Griffin neither offers a clear explanation nor a functional framework for what he believes human rights ought to be. This book does however provide an invigorating debate on the question of how a discourse of rights can be uniquely different in virtue of distinct moral foundations. Griffin merely scrutinizes the arbitrariness of the universal declaration of human rights being based on concepts such as dignity instead of a universal shared moral theory. It is at this point that this paper perceives overlap between Griffins concepts of autonomy, liberty and minimum provision. The Ottoman practice and approach of individuals may not distinctly be labelled as human rights, yet does overlap with Griffin’s philosophical account of personhood.

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Organizational structure, operational mechanism, and employment conditions of Theology faculties have always been hotly debated topics in Turkish academic circles. Many employment-related issues, such as procedures for student acceptance, program outcomes, and broadening students' future job opportunities for graduates, are still significant today. These endless discussions have most negative effects on the motivation of every person in Theology faculties involved in the teaching and learning processes. Theology Faculties, which were established as the only higher religious education institutions in the Turkish Republic, have throughout their history been continually scrutinized by different views and ideologies exclusively for the purposes of their establishment. As a result of these considerations, the teaching content, and particularly the curriculum, has transformed and evolved concomitantly. Although Theology faculties, at the beginning of the Republican Era, were established with the specific aim of meeting the needs of the country for well-educated and equipped religious functionaries, they could survive only for nine years, between 1924 and 1933, and were closed without achieving this goal. Ideological debates on employment-related issues, such as for what purpose and in the frame of which responsibility would these university graduates to perform their future career duties, also played an important part in this turbulent process. Thus, it was not possible to actualize the first ascribed goal for their establishment. The second goal envisaged for the Theology faculties was to perform the activities related to religious education and other religious affairs based on an embracing and moderate religious discourse, with a certain reference to the Quran and Sunnah, to contribute to the unity and solidarity of the country. In this respect, one of the reasons why radical movements could not find any solid ground in Turkey and its surroundings, even during the times when religion-centred political and ideological developments intensified, is that Theology faculties introduced a reliable religious perception and adopted an embracing approach toward the different fragments of society. With their intense influence on society Theology faculties created a vacuum effect for the radicalized movements by preventing them from establishing permanent habitat in Turkish society. However, today it is clear that Theology faculties are far from attaining these goals. It is possible to claim that these faculties are much more inclined to concentrate on creating religious men rather than fulfilling their previously assigned responsibilities, training intellectuals professionalized in religious matters, which is articulated in the Unity of Education Law as "senior experts of religion". Examining the faculty curriculum over a certain period proves this alteration. Today, Theology faculties follow one single teaching program. In the academic year 1998-1999, the Department of Teacher Training for Primary Schools Religious Culture and Ethics Class, with the main purpose of graduating prospective school teachers, was established within Theology faculties' organizational structures. However, in the academic year 2014-2015 the programs ceased to accept students based on the decision of the Higher Council of Education, and in the academic year 2016-2017 it was de facto closed. Thus, the Theology program is the only program that accepts students at present. A faculty that runs one teaching program attracts an important question: how can Theology faculties train experts for the different fields required by the modern society and its changing perceptions on employment through one single program? This question constitutes the main research problem of this paper. Examining the curriculum of Theology faculties results in two main problem areas. First, there is the lack of a stable relationship between the purposes and the employment areas of the faculties. As the formal and non-formal religious institutions offer the main graduate job opportunities, the curriculum should be designed to include the courses that future employees would benefit from. However, the curriculum does not have a proportional distribution of classes in regards to their associated employment areas. The second problem is excessive numbers of classes. Although the numbers vary according to the faculty, the average number of classes is more than 70 during the four-year study period. It may be claimed that having a large number of classes is a parameter for the richness of the curriculum, yet, in practice this is under scrutiny. Benefiting from the curriculum at best cost is not possible without relating the teaching content to employment requirements and compartmentalization of the program if necessary. Also, compartmentalization will require readjustment of the curriculum for employment areas. Thus, in the process of reorganizing the teaching program and, correspondingly, its content, the most crucial matter that should be taken into consideration is to analyse the requests and expectations from the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Firat University Faculty of Theology / Fırat Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Firat University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Folk medicine, embodies a number of components containing the society’s values like tradition, ritual and language and is one of the significant factors ensuring the protection and continuity of these values. Today, although, as a result of the political and social obligations imposed to them, Ulupamir Kirgizs living in Ulupamir village in Erciş-Van, where the last stop of their migration waves is, appeal to the modern health institutions in Erciş and Van to solve their health problems, they prefer to solve the problems primarily in the Village, through their traditional methods. Due to the geographic and social conditions of the places where they live, Ulupamir Kirgizs, like the other aspects of their daily lives, have carried diagnose and treatment methods into modern times through their cultural memory and they ensured the continuity of the traditional treatment methods by adapting them to their new residential areas and the problems there. A lot of treatment methods for a lot of illnesses are practiced in the Village. Generally, these treatment methods are practised by women called “bübü”, described as “open-eyed” and known as “healers” by everyone. These treatments based on the insight power of the healer, are mainly based on the practice that a negative effect is removed by the combination of supernatural world full of symbols with words/prayers. In this paper, the structures of the folk medicine practices which have some shamanic features as we observed through the data of our fieldwork among Ulupamir Kirgizs, magical practices and symbols accompanying them are evaluated in terms of phrases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Treaty of Westphalia, sovereign states have combined national security with border security, as border is accepted as the line of sovereignty that separates “us” from “others”. The step of forming a European identity as a supra-identity apart from the national identities of the European countries within the borders of each state takes its roots from this perception of being “us”. Though highlighted in Copenhagen Criteria that the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities are ensured; when we look at today’s immigration policies we see a serious deviation from this founding approach emphasizing and ensuring multiculturalism. With labour migration in the 1960s, refugees fleeing Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the 2015 refugee crisis, Europe's population structure began to change. Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the security approach has taken the place of economic considerations in migration management. The 2015 refugee crisis has become not only a border security crisis but also a crisis of European identity and welfare state protection. This paper aims to investigate the effects of religion, nationalism, and economic concerns on the transformation of immigration policies after 2015 in Denmark, which employs extreme restrictive policies, and Sweden, which has a relatively welcoming culture. The majority of the literature discusses whether those countries are religious or secular; it is expected that the study contributes to a better understanding of the impact of religion and nationalism on migration policies, as well as a discussion of its future implications.Denmark had been extremely homogeneous with only one language and religion and no ethnic minorities, though, this homogeneous structure has begun to deteriorate with the increase in non-western immigration since the 1990s. While the Danish Law of 1983 was widely regarded as the most liberal in Europe, after 1990, equal rights were replaced by immigrant responsibility and integration. With the rise of the anti-immigrant parties in the 2001 elections, social rights were curtailed, and Danish values took centre stage. In Denmark, rules like reducing social assistance after 2015 aim to protect the welfare state, whereas rules like the ban on the burqa and the handshake in the naturalization ceremony are motivated by other factors. The Danish Prime Minister announced the zero-refugee target, the anti-immigrant far-right Danish People's Party declared their intention to reduce the number of all immigrants. So, a new discourse has emerged in which no form of immigration is desired. On the other hand, Sweden follows Denmark slightly behind in terms of process, but by going through literally the same processes. While positive discourse about immigrants had been dominant in Sweden, which implemented multicultural policies, the discourse turned negative with the 2015 refugee crisis. Increasing unemployment among immigrants, income inequality, and Swedish identity discussions seems to lead to a rise in nationalism and nativism in the 2022 elections, as well as a reduction in the generosity of the welfare state. Denmark and Sweden cases show how similar welfare states with the same historical and immigration background respond differently to the refugee crisis. While the unemployment rate for foreign-born workers is high in both countries, it is more than three times higher in Sweden. Refugee crisis has made religious identity more visible and put pressure on Scandinavian welfare model as well as governments. Although integration and assimilation policies are brought to the forefront in terms of religious behaviour patterns of Muslims, the emphasis on religion is not made directly, instead, it is made through the symbols of Islam. The reason why Muslims considered as “others” mainly takes its foundation from this difference. Although they do not make religion an important part of their life, and atheism is higher than other parts of the world, in many European countries Christianity is still considered an important part of the European identity and the Church is an important part of it. According to the conclusion of this study, it is highly possible that Denmark might serve as a model to Europe, primarily to Nordic countries, and this strengthens the possibility that anti-immigrant opposition will sharpen and divide societies. The effects of radical Islam, which is gradually increasing its influence around the world, is undoubtedly huge in these politics throughout Europe; however, abandoning or deviating from policies targeting multiculturalism might cause isolation and alienation of immigrants, who are already fleeing from terrorism, and push them towards radicalization which constitutes another danger.

Copyright of Tetkik is the property of Oku Okut Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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