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The first works to be consulted by those who want to learn about the life and wars of the Prophet Muhammad's are generally included in sîrah and maghāzî literature. All military activities (sariyyah and ghazawāt) carried out while the Prophet was alive are the subject of the field of maghāzî. However, the works written in different fields of Islamic literature also contain, information about the wars of the Prophet Muhammad. One of these fields is fiqh. In the fiqh literature, the extent of information contained about the Prophet Muhammad's wars and the historical values of these information are a matter of curiosity for researchers and have not yet been fully revealed. Many works have been written in the genre of tribute in the fiqh literature. Among the books written in this genre the first work that has survived to the present day is Abū Yūsuf's (d.182/798) Kitāb al-Harāj. In this work, the narrations about the wars of the Prophet Muhammad's have been investigated and presented by us before. The second work written in this genre that has survived is Yahyā b. Adam's (d. 203/818) Kitāb al-Harāj. This work, which deals with various issues in the field of public finance, also includes information about the wars. In this article, the information contained in Yahyā b. Adam's (d. 203/818) Kitāb al-Harāj will be analysed in terms of which ghazāws the information belongs to, the distribution of this information according to the sections, and the sources of the maghāzî narrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fātimīds (297-567/909-1171), who belonged to the Ismāʿīlī Shiʿīsm, reached an effective political and military power in the region in a short time after its establishment in Ifrīqiyya, east of Maghrib. Acting with an expansionist approach, the state not only conquered Maghrib and Sicily but also took Egypt under its sovereignty in 358 (969). The Fātimīds, who became one of the greatest powers of the Islamic world after this stage, ensured that the khutbas were read in their name in Hijaz. In 362 (973), when the center of the caliphate was moved from Mansûriya to the newly established Cairo, the sixty-year period of the Maghrib ended and the Egyptian period of the Fātimīds began. In contrast to the Egyptian period, the Maghrib period of the Fātimīds has been a period that has been less researched and about which fewer studies and evaluations have been made. Most of the studies on the Maghrib period have focused on the political and military activities of this state. However, during the Maghrib period, the Fātimīds took important steps not only politically and militarily but also in terms of cultural and civilizational history. The fact that the Fātimīds gave importance to branches of science such as philosophy, medicine, pharmacy, astronomy and astrology in addition to religious sciences and made some remarkable inventions in positive sciences in this period makes it necessary to examine the developments in the Maghrib period in this sense. The Fatimid caliphs of the Maghrib period, whose scientific levels were understood to be at an advanced level, contributed to the cultural and civilizational progress of the state by supporting scientific activities in the region they ruled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attitude of the Turks towards the Muslim-Arabs during the time of the Companions is an important issue that requires research. This is because the establishment of accurate grounds for the relationship between the Turkish element and the Arabs during the Umayyad period is largely dependent on this. For this reason, it is necessary to refer to the period of Khulafaur Rasyidin (11-40/632-661). The subject of the research is the direct relations established by the Arabs as a political entity with the Turkish element located in the north and northeast of the Arabian Peninsula during the reigns of Hazrat Omar (13-23/634-644) and Hazrat 'Uthmān (23-35/644-656). Since there were no noteworthy incidents regarding the Turks during the reigns of Hazrat Abu Bakr (23-35/644-656) and Hazrat Ali (35-40/656-661), the study has been limited to the relations of Hazrat Omar and Hazrat 'Uthmān. The purpose of the research is to chronologically examine the period of the conquest movements initiated by the generation of the companions outside the Peninsula in relation to the Turks, based on primary sources. The main goal is to contribute to the research and understanding of the Umayyad period Turkish-Arab relations in a healthy way through the character analysis of this contact. In this study, in which the narrative research technique, one of the sub-headings of the qualitative research method, was applied, it was revealed that the Turks regarded the military activities of the Muslim-Arabs against their lands during the Khulafaur Rasyidin period as an invasion, and that they often fought in Khazar, Khorasan and Tokharistan to protect their independence and freedom, and they tried partially achieved this through agreements in al-Bāb, Gorgan and Dihistān. The relationship between the parties primarily took on a military character during the reign of Hazrat Omar, and this situation continued in a similar vein during the reign of Hazrat 'Uthmān. While Hazrat Omar did not allow anyone to go beyond the Oxus (Transoxiana) where the Turkish element lived, several expeditions were organized here during the reign of Hazrat 'Uthman, and various agreements were reached with the people of the region. It is seen that the armies of the Caliphate failed against the Khazar Turks in this period. This situation had negative effects on domestic politics and the economy. Additionally, it should also be noted that the failure to conquer the Khazar homeland prevented the Slavic and Eastern European peoples from direct contact with the Muslim-Arabs. It is mentioned in some sources that during the time of Hazrat Uthman, a group that included Companions embarked on a campaign to the Fergana region, where Turks also lived; however, it does not seem very likely that such an event took place during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Mulūq al-tawāif period, spanning from (1031- 1090), represents a pivotal and complex era in the history of Al-Andalus. This period was marked by significant political fragmentation, leading to the rise of numerous small, independent kingdoms. It was also a time of profound cultural interaction and social change, with different ethnic and religious communities Muslims, Jews, and Christians coexisting and engaging in continuous exchanges. Within the Muslim population, a rich diversity existed, encompassing Arabs, Berbers, Los Muladies (indigenous converts to Islam), and Saqaliba (Slavic slaves). Arabs, who had established their dominance during the Umayyad period, continued to maintain their influence by preserving Arabic as the official language and upholding traditional social structures. The Berbers, who had arrived in several waves, added further complexity to the social fabric of the region. By the 11th century, Los Muladies became the most populous group among the Muslims. However, despite their numerical superiority, they were largely excluded from political power, with no Los Muladies rulers emerging during this time. The Mulūq al-tawāif period, thus, reflects the dynamic interplay of cultural diversity, social stratification, and political fragmentation in Al-Andalus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkey Journal of Theological Studies is the property of Turkey Journal of Theological Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The companions of the Prophet, since the start of the revelation, have contributed to various subjects, from political to social. Especially during the establishment of the state in Madinah and the wars following that, the companions have taken on the responsibility to help Islam gain more power in the region by conquering more land and facilitating security for the Muslim community. Furthermore, some companions have been chosen by the Prophet’s approval to be involved in different situations, in accordance with their personality traits and skills to help shape Islamic history. Here, the name al-Ḥubāb ibn al-Mundhir surfaces as someone who has been in every war that the Prophet Muhammad was a part of. He completed various tasks in these wars and, with his suggestions contributed to the results of them. In this study, to be able to offer a wide perspective on the life of al-Ḥubāb ibn al-Mundhir, we have searched the Western literature on the subject and primarily we consulted with the fundamental Islamic history resources. It was found that al-Ḥubāb ibn al-Mundhir was involved in the Saqīfah incident where, after the passing of the Prophet, companions gathered to vote for the next caliph and also in making the point that the Prophet cared about freedom of thought and gave importance to consultation. But even though it is clear that al-Ḥubāb ibn al-Mundhir had essential roles in the events after the hijrah of the Prophet there is no evidence of a work that focuses solely on al-Ḥubāb ibn alMundhir’s life. al-Ḥubāb ensured that the army was stationed in a different position before the Battle of Badr by suggesting that the original location the Prophet had chosen was strategically disadvantaged. With the implementation of his suggestion, Muslims have secured the water sources and gained the upper hand against the Meccans both logistically and psychologically. Again, before the Battle of Uhud, the Prophet appointed al-Ḥubāb with the infiltration of the enemy perimeter and brought back the necessary intel to win the war, and he did so with success. During the siege of the Banu Qurayza tribe, al-Ḥubāb suggested that if the army was placed in between Jewish towers to cut off their communication, the siege would successfully end in a short time. In the Battle of Khaybar, al-Ḥubāb came up to the Prophet and informed him about the disadvantages of the army’s deployment location, saying that they would be in range of enemy archers and because of the nearby swamp, the illnesses would break out. He asked the Prophet to move the army to a more secure place, and his suggestion was approved. Along with the wars he participated in next to the Prophet he was also a part of the expedition of al-Fuls next to Ali(ra) and was appointed with the intel gathering. With the information he gathered from a slave during his scouting, he helped prevent a possible ambush by the Tayy tribe. In the Saqīfah meeting held by al-Anṣār, he thought that the next caliph should be chosen among al-Anṣār and stuck with this view till the end of the meeting. But the process did not unfold as he hoped, and the Muhajir’s opinion weighed heavier. As a counter, he offered a solution with two caliphs from the two groups. Overall, it was observed that the suggestions made by al-Ḥubāb have been accepted by the Prophet both before and during the wars and affected the outcomes of said wars. So, it would be accurate to say that al-Ḥubāb was a self-confident, determined, and courageous person with a great knowledge about war strategies. This study aims to examine his effect on the events of his time and his life in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of mawālī, used to express the non-Arab Muslims who began to enter the Islamic society with the early Islamic conquest movements, constitutes one of the most controversial issues in the history of the Umayyads. Mawālī gained a place in the political, economic, cultural, literary, and scientific fields by integrating into the new society with the "velā" relationship they established with the Arabs. The nature and extent of mawālīs' participation in various fields is one of the current research issues of today's academy. This article does not aim to examine the political, economic, cultural, and literary aspects of the mawālī, but rather to determine the claim made by orientalists in the context of the Umayyad State as "the role of the mawālī in the formation of Islamic sciences" by using the "Prosopography" method through the city of Kūfa, one of the areas of encounter between the Arabs and the mawālī. The article begins with the conceptual background, followed by the historical narrative viewed through influential Orientalists' perspectives, and subsequently discusses Arab scholars' opinions. Finally, it presents the process and findings of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rule of Saladin in the Ayyūbids State represents a rich and complex historical period in terms of political and religious aspects. One of the most significant events of this period is the execution of the Muslim philosopher Sheikh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī and the extensive political and religious implications that followed this dramatic event. Despite being known as a benevolent ruler who generally supported scholars, Saladin displayed a harsh attitude towards philosophical studies and education. This led to an increase in the number of madrasas focusing on Islamic sciences, as opposed to philosophical sciences, in the cities under Ayyūbid rule and turning these areas into centers of knowledge. The execution of al-Suhrawardī vividly illustrates the complexity of Saladin’s relations with scholars and the political sensitivities of the time. Al-Suhrawardī’s innovative philosophical ideas and political relationships particularly concerned the influential Shāfiʿī-Ashʿarī scholars in Aleppo, leading to his perception as a threat by religious and political structures and initiating the process of his execution. This situation sheds light on the internal political dynamics during Saladin’s rule and the religious dynamics of the time. Saladin’s reign was heavily intertwined with the Crusades and sectarian conflicts in the Islamic world. While contending with the Crusaders and striving for unity in the Islamic world, Saladin supported the widespread Islamic schools of thought such as Shāfiʿī, Ḥanafī, and Mālikī, but adopted a stricter stance against the Ismāʿīlī and Ḥanbalī sects and scholars due to the influence of Ayyūbids-era scholars. This policy significantly impacted Saladin’s relations with Islamic states. The execution of al-Suhrawardī holds historical significance as it highlights the contradictions in Saladin’s relations with scholars and the political sensitivities of the time. This event reveals the complexity of the relationship between AlSuhrawardī, the son of Saladin and the ruler of Aleppo, al-Malik al-Ẓāhir, and the political sensitivity of the period. Al-Malik al-Ẓāhir demonstrated his loyalty to his mentor alSuhrawardī by punishing those who encouraged him to issue the order for his death, thus exposing Saladin’s conflicting nature with the scholars and the political sensitivities of the time. This situation is an example representing the complexity of the political and religious structure of the Ayyūbids State and the challenging balances of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of civilizations established by qualified human resources is to progress by educating people within the framework of their own values. In this respect, the success of civilizations is closely associated with the quality of the people they educate. Likewise, it is clear that religion and the moral principles that arise from religion have a great role in shaping civilizations. At this stage, the vital role of teachers and educational institutions, which play an intermediary role in transferring knowledge to the next generations, emerges. Undoubtedly, Zoroastrianism is one of the religions that was born centuries before Islam and influenced today's Iranian geography and its surroundings. It is the Âvestâ, the holy book of Zoroastrianism, which emphasizes moral teachings. During the Sassanid period (224-651), Zoroastrianism, which gained the official religious identity of the state, existed in a wide geography. Likewise, with a population of around two billion, Islam is the second most common religion today. The religious education initiated by the Prophet in Al-Erkam gained momentum with the Masjid al-Nabawi and reached its peak with the teaching people in the provincial mosques during the Khulafa-yi Rashidin and Umayyad periods. In this respect, it can be said that the foundations of Islamic civilization were built on the education given in masjids. However, the fact that masjids also serve as educational institutions does not prejudice their identity as "places of worship". Because Islam considers the study of knowledge as worship itself. Adopting good thought (pendâr-ı nîk), good speech (goftâr-ı nîk) and good behavior (kerdâr-ı nîk) as basic principles, the clergy of the Majûsîs were called "mobedân" and their temples were called "âteşkede"; Muslim clerics were called "scholars/ulema" and their places of worship were called "masjids/mosques". The main purpose of this article is to make a comparison between the clergy (ulema-mobedân) and temples (masjid-âteşkede) in religious education in Islam and Zoroastrianism by revealing the functions of the two in religious education. The study prepared by document analysis method, which is one of the qualitative research methods; It has been prepared by making use of classical Islamic sources, Zoroastrianism sources and modern research. In the article, the social classes in ancient Iranian society and the concepts of "mogh", "mobed", "âtesh" and "âteskede" are introduced. However, since it has been the subject of many researches in Turkey, there is no need to explain the concepts of ulema and masjid/mosque. Considering the limitations of the research, religious education in Zoroastrianism with the Sassanid period; In Islam, on the other hand, the hijra is limited to the first century. Since the religious policy of states directly affects many political, religious, social and cultural developments, the subject has a direct relationship with Islamic History. Undoubtedly, there are obvious differences between Islam and Zoroastrianism on many points. However, masjid/mosques are the essence of Islam; On the other hand, the âteskedes came to the fore as important temples and religious education institutions of Zoroastrianism. While Muslims are building a great civilization on the basis of religious education on the basis of "sincerity" and "voluntariness"; The Sassanids, who made Zoroastrianism the official ideology of the state, strengthened the state through religious education. For this reason, it is recommended that the founding philosophy of the Nizâmiye Madrasahs, which were opened by the Great Seljuks to fight against Shiite factions, should be sought in the religious education of the Sassanid period. As a matter of fact, the fact that Nizâmülmük refers to the religious policy of the Sassanids in his works called Siyâsetnâme and Ghazzâlî refers to these policies in his Nasihatü'l-Mülûk proves us right. In this respect, it is deemed necessary to compare the temples and clergy of two different religions in terms of their place and function in the history of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prophet conveyed the divine message to the people first in Mecca and then in Medina after the migration 23 years of invitation, thus laying the foundations of the transformation from a society dominated by shirk to a social structure in which the belief in tawhid is essential. Sending letters of invitation to Islam to kings and rulers in various regions of the Arabian Peninsula, especially after the Treaty of Hudaybiyah in 6/628, represents a strategic step taken to expand the geographical and political borders of the new religion. These letters were used as a diplomatic tool in the process of the spread of Islam, enabling direct communication with regional leaders and encouraging their acceptance of Islam. At the same time, this initiative can be considered an important turning point Islam's political and religious influence. The Prophet sent one of the letters to Khawza b. Ali, the Christian ruler of Yamama, who had close relations with the King of Sasanian Khusraw Pervez. However, Khawza did not accept the invitation and stipulated that he should be made a partner in the administration, citing his important position within his tribe. When the Prophet heard about this, he would not give him even a hair from the ground and prayed to Allah to protect him from evil. In the period called the year of the envoys, delegations from various regions came to Medina to meet with the Prophet, which was a great opportunity for the spread of the religion. While some of the tribes accepted to become Muslims, others were satisfied with the jizya agreement and recognized the authority of Medina. One of these delegations was the delegation of the sons of Hanifa from the Yamama region. The delegation, which is said to have consisted of ten-odd people, accepted Islam after meeting with the Prophet. Although it is rumored that Musaylima b. Habib, the main figure of this study, came to Medina with this delegation, whether he met the Prophet face to face or waited by the belongings of his tribe is within the scope of our discussion. After staying in Madinah for a few days, the delegation of Bani Hanifa returned to their homeland. After their return to Yemen, Musaylima began to exchange letters with the Prophet at the end of 10/631; in his letters, he expressed his partnership in prophethood. Taking advantage of the news of his illness after his farewell pilgrimage, he announced his partnership in prophethood. He started his activities with those who supported him from his tribe and started to convey the revelations he claimed to have received. As in the case of Musaylima, the events of apostasy and rebellion, which occurred at the end of the Prophet's life, seriously affected the Islamic society during the caliphate of Abu Bakr. In the sources, the wars of Prophet Abu Bakr in to ensure tranquility in the peninsula are generally mentioned under the title of ridda wars. However, it does not seem very accurate to define all the revolt movements as ridda. As there were different reasons for the uprisings, all the disobedient societies couldn't be included in Islam. Even if some tribes did not accept Islam, they were under the political sovereignty of the Islamic State of Medina because they had made a jizya agreement. Some tribes only wanted to be exempted from zakat, although they fulfilled their other obligations. Later rebellions against the authority were manifested in the form of refusal to pay zakat, or the idea that the agreement had ended with the Prophet's death, or support for those who claimed to be prophets. This study examines how and in what way Musaylima b. Habib, the leader of a rebellion movement that threatened the survival of the Islamic State with the support he received from his tribe, Bani Hanifa, who emerged with the claim of prophethood, affected the process of Islamization of the Yamama region. The effects of Musaylima b. Habib's activities on the political, social and religious dynamics are analyzed in detail, and the transformations and consequences of this rebellion in the Islamic society are evaluated. At the same time, the article evaluates how the people of Yamama were first introduced to Islam, to what extent the integration of the society into the new religion took place, and why they supported a person who claimed to be a partner in prophethood in a very short period. The fact that Musaylima, as the leader of his tribe, wanted to be a partner in the prophethood, just as Khawza b. Ali had previously offered the condition of being a partner in the government for Musaylima to accept the invitation, and that he struggled towards this goal underlines that Musaylima was one of the most resistant regions of the peninsula. The Battle of Yamama/Akraba, which resulted in breaking the resistance in the region and the people of Yamama accepting the authority of Prophet Abu Bakr and embracing Islam, was one of the most violent wars the Arabian Peninsula had ever witnessed. Based on the points, this study reveals that the process of adaptation to Islam contains various elements of balance within itself. This examination of both individuals and regions will provide a multidimensional perspective on the spread and acceptance of Islam and will make important contributions to future research. In this context, the findings of this study will enable the development of new methodological approaches to the history of Islam and enrich the existing literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Near East University Islamic Research Center / Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi İslam Tetkikleri Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Journal of Near East University Islamic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Near East University Islamic Research Center / Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi İslam Tetkikleri Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Journal of Near East University Islamic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Darüşşifa Journal of Islamic Medical History Research is the property of Darussifa Journal of Islamic Medical History Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Burdur Theology Journal / Burdur İlahiyat Dergisi is the property of Burdur Mehmet Akif Ersoy Universitesi lahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Firat University Faculty of Theology / Fırat Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Firat University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Câhiliye devrinin son bulup İslâmiyet’in yayılmaya başladığı dönemde Adnânî kabilelerden Temîm kabilesinin lideri olan Akra‘ b. Hâbis, Müslüman olmadan önce bir Mecûsî’ydi. Kendisi fiziki olarak zaman zaman alay konusu olan kel ve topal olmak gibi birtakım dezavantajlara sahipti. Kabile lideri olması ve güvenilirliği nedeniyle Ukâz panayırı başta olmak üzere çeşitli yerlerde insanlar arasında hakemlik görevini üstlenmiştir. O, Câhiliye döneminde kabileler arasında vuku bulan Yevm Külâb ve Yevm Zübâle savaşlarına katılmıştır. Yevm Zübâle savaşında kendisi aktif rol oynamış, esir düşmüş ve diyetle serbest kalmıştır. Mekke’nin fethinden kısa bir süre önce Müslüman olmuştur. Arkadaşlarıyla yaptığı iştişareler sonucunda İslâmiyet’i kabul etmiş; hayatı boyunca bu kararından vazgeçmemiş ve kabilesinin de İslâm ile şereflenmesine vesile olmuştur. O dönemde yeni Müslüman olanların kalplerini dine ısındırmak amacıyla müellefe-i kulûb uygulaması hayata geçirilmişti. Akra‘ b. Hâbis de müellefe-i kulûb kapsamına dâhil edilmiş ve bu kapsamda ganimetlerden pay almıştır. Bu uygulama sayesinde Hz. Peygamber döneminde Huneyn ganimetlerinden ve Hz. Ali’nin Yemen’den gönderdiği altın parçacığından pay alan Akra‘ b. Hâbis, Hz. Ebû Bekir döneminde de müellefe-i kulûba yapılan yardımlardan faydalanmıştır. İslâmiyet’in yeşermeye başladığı o dönemde her yeni Müslüman gibi o da bilmediği, anlam veremediği konularda yaptığı çıkışlarla bazı âyetlerin nüzûl sebebi, bazı hadislerin bizzat sebeb-i vürûdu olmuştur. Bu meselelere bakıldığında esirleri geri almak için Temîm heyetiyle Medine’ye geldiğinde mescitteki tavrı, Hz. Peygamber’i torunuyla oynarken gördüğünde şaşkınlığını gizleyemeyerek verdiği tepki, haccın kaç defa yapılacağı ile alakalı soru sorması, mescitte bevletmesi gibi durumlar kayda değer konulardandır. Kaynaklarda askerî özellikleri ve faaliyetleri ile alakalı ayrıntılı bilgi bulunmayan Akra‘ b. Hâbis, Resûlullah ile Mekke’nin fethine, Huneyn ve Tâif gazvelerine katılmıştır. Hz. Ebû Bekir döneminde Enbâr ve Dûmetülcendel fetihlerinde bulunmuştur. Hâlid b. Velîd’in emriyle Enbâr’a giden öncü kuvvete komuta etmiştir. Dûmetülcendel’de ise Vedîa b. Kelbî’yi esir alma başarısını göstermiştir. Bu savaş sonucunda ordudan bazı kişilerle beraber Hâlid b. Velîd’den, Dûmetülcendel ordusundaki Temîmlileri öldürmemesi konusunda talepte bulunmuştur. Bazı tarihî kaynaklar Hz. Ömer döneminde gerçekleşen Yermük savaşında Akra‘ b. Hâbis’in on oğluyla birlikte öldüğünü ifade etmişlerdir. Bu iddia onun bu dönemdeki faaliyetlerinin tespitini zorlaştırmış ve Hz. Ömer döneminde kayda değer bir faaliyeti tespit edilememiştir. Hz. Osman dönemindeki faaliyetlerine bakıldığında ise Vali Ahnef b. Kays tarafından Tohâristan fetihleri kapsamında Cûzcân’ın fethiyle görevlendirildiği görülmektedir. Emrine verilen askerî birlikle Cûzcân’a giden Akra‘ b. Hâbis şehri fethetmiştir. Cûzcân, Müslümanlar açısından kolaylıkla fethedilen bir yer olduğu gibi Akra‘ b. Hâbis’in de komutan olarak fethettiği tek yer olmuştur. Cûzcân fatihi olan Akra‘ b. Hâbis bu fetihten sonraki bir yıllık süre içerisinde vefat etmiştir.

Bu çalışmada 198 numaralı Sivas Şer‛iyye Sicil defterlerinde bulunan idâne kayıtları incelenecek ve analiz edilecektir. İdâne borçlanma anlamına gelen hukukî bir terimdir. Toplumların vakıalarından birisi de yetimliktir. Yetim kişi kendi ihtiyaçlarını karşılayacak yaşa gelinceye kadar ilgiye ve himayeye muhtaçtır. Özellikle de ailesinden kalan taşınır ve taşınmaz malların muhafazası ve kendisinin kullanabileceği yaşa kadar muhafaza edilmesi gerekmektedir. Osmanlı Devleti’nde yetimlerin malları reşit olma çağı kabul edilen yirmi yaşına gelinceye kadar mahkeme tarafından belirlenen vasîler tarafından muhafaza edilmekteydi. Osmanlı Devleti 1851 tarihinden itibaren Emvâl-i Eytâm Nezareti kurmak suretiyle yetimlerin mallarını muhafaza ve onları işletme sorumluluğun kendi uhdesine almıştır. Bu nezaretin amacı yetimlerin mallarını öncelikle güvenilir esnaflar olmak üzere piyasa arz edecek ve faiz gelirleriyle yetimin parasının ekonomik şartlarda değer kaybetmesinin önüne geçecekti. Nezaret bunu takip etmek için bünyesinde defterler oluşturmuştur. İdâne kayıtları müstakil defterlerde tutuluncaya kadar şer‛iyye sicil defterlerine de kaydediliyordu. Sivas’a ait ve sınırlı olan şer‛iyye sicil defterlerinden 198 numaralı ve 1895-1909 tarihli defter de tamamen idâne borç senetlerinden oluşan bir defterdir. Bu defterde alacaklı, borçlu, paranın piyasaya arzı, faiz oranları, borçluların profilleri gibi değişik kayıtları bulabilmekteyiz. Sandıktan borç alanların şehrin yerli aileleri, kadın girişimciler, esnaf, mülkî erkân, eğitimci, tarikat erbabı kişilerden oluştuğunu gördük. Aldıkları borçların geri ödemesinde dönemin ekonomik şartlarına göre %9 ile en düşük, %50 ile en yüksek oranda bir faiz uygulamasıyla paranın finans çevrelerinde kullanılması dikkat çeken hususlardandır. İdâne kayıtları ekonominin hangi alanında paranın nemalandırıldığını göstermemekle birlikte, toplamda 487 bin 283 kuruş piyasaya arz edildiği anlaşılmaktadır. Bu meblağın 126 bin 229 kuruş gibi bir faiz getirisi olmuştur. Bu da ortalama %21 gibi bir orana tekabül etmektedir ki günün ekonomik şartlarında iyi bir orandır.

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Research / İslâmi Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkey Economical & Cultural Solidarity (TEK-DAV) Foundation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although Mecca was a city dominated by a desert climate, it enabled the emergence of the wealthy and elite merchant class. The Quran's use of commercial terminology in its messages to its audience highlights the importance of trade for the people of Mecca during that period. However, how Mecca, located in a hot and arid region suitable for agriculture, acquired this commercial position needs to be explained. Numerous factors contributed to Mecca's transformation into a commercial center. Various events at the local, regional, and international levels contributed to Mecca's advancement of trade after the 6th century and its rise to prominence as one of Arabia's most important commercial centers. This study aims to investigate the Byzantine-Sasanian conflict as one of the key factors contributing to Mecca's commercial rise and its connection to the Meccan trade. The Silk Road and the Spice Route served as the ancient world's primary trade routes. The routes transported valuable eastern goods to Byzantine markets, which Byzantium needed and spent fortunes on. However, the fact that both routes passed through Sasanian territory made it difficult for the Byzantines to access these goods during times of war, prompting them to seek alternative routes. The Byzantine-Sasanian conflict, which erupted in 502, also represents the period when the Byzantines began to search for an alternative route. The inability to utilize the Red Sea Route, which emerged as the most important alternative due to various reasons, made the West Arabian Coastal Route, which passed through Arabia, an important route. The weakening of the Arab states ruling in northern and southern Arabia during this period because of the war created a need for a new actor to maintain trade on this route. The Quraysh tribe came into prominence in this context to take its place on the historical stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamic history in Mecca, between the seventh and tenth years of the relatives of Prophet Muhammad, known as the Hashimites, experienced a boycott that lasted for approximately three years, encompassing social, economic, and psychological dimensions. Some academic studies in Turkey have speculated about the boycott, and these studies mostly focus on the boycott page and the destruction of the inscriptions on it. Due to the lack of reasonable and consistent conclusions regarding the destruction of the page from primary sources, convincing responses cannot be provided to the discussions and objections in this context. To address the obscurity surrounding the destruction of the page and contribute to academic studies on the early years of Islam, this study, titled "The Destruction of the Boycott Page" has been conducted. After a brief summary of the boycott incident in the study, the nature of the page, the writing material of the period, and the destruction of the boycott page will be discussed. Assuming that parchment was used as the writing material in the Meccan community during the period when the page was written, the quality of parchment as a writing material and the nature of the destruction of the writings on it will be analyzed in light of some scientific data. Comparative inferences will be made regarding how and by which factors the parchment boycott page might have been destroyed, based on laboratory studies on deteriorations in parchments kept in closed spaces such as museums, archives, and libraries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aqra' who was the leader of the Temīm tribe, one of the Adnānite tribes, at the end of the Jāhiliyyah period and the beginning of Islamic spread, was a Zoroastrian before he became a Muslim. He had some physical disadvantages, such as being bald and lame, which made him a subject of ridicule from time to time. Being a tribal leader and trustworthy, he served as an arbitrator between people in various places, especially at the Ukâz fair. He participated in the battles of Kulâb and Zubāla, which took place between the tribes during the Jāhiliyyah period. He himself played an active role in the battle of Zubaila, was captured and released on parole a diet. He became a Muslim shortly before the conquest of Mecca. He accepted Islam after consultations with his friends; he did not give up on this decision throughout his life and was instrumental in his tribe being honored with Islam. At that time, the practice of mu'allafa alqulûb was implemented to warm hearts of new Muslims to religion. 'Aqra' was included in the scope of muellefe al-kulūb and received a share of spoils in this context. Thanks to this practice, Aqra', who received a share from the spoils of Hunayn during Prophet's reign and a piece of gold sent from Yemen by Ali, also benefited from the aids given to the muellefe alkulūb during the reign of Abu Bakr. Like every other new Muslim in that period when Islam was beginning to flourish, he became the reason for the revelation of some verses and the reason for some hadiths with his outbursts on issues he did not know and could not make sense of. When these matters are considered, his behavior in the mosque when he came to Medina with the delegation of Tamīm to take back captives, his reaction when he saw the Prophet playing with grandson, his questioning about how many times the Hajj should be performed, and his urination in the mosque are among the noteworthy issues. Aqra', whose military characteristics and activities are not detailed in the sources, participated in the conquest of Mecca, Hunayn and Tāif with the Messenger Allah. He participated in the conquests of Anbâr and Dûmetaljandel during the reign of Abu Bakr. He commanded the vanguard force that went to Anbar on the orders of Khalid b. Walid. In Dûmetaljandel, he succeeded in capturing Wadîa. At the end of this battle, he and some members of the army asked Khalid not to kill the Temīmīs in the army of Dūmetaljandel. Some historical sources have stated that Aqra' died with his ten sons in the battle of Yarmouk, which took place during the reign of 'Umar. This claim made difficult to determine his activities during this period and no significant activity of his during the reign of 'Umar could be identified. When we look at his activities during the reign of 'Uthman, we see that he was assigned by Governor Ahnaf to the conquest of Jūzjān within the scope of Tohāristan conquests. Aqra' went to Jūzjān with military unit under his command and conquered the city. Not only was Jūzjān easily conquered place for Muslims, but it was also the only place that Aqra' conquered as commander. Aqra', conqueror of Jūzjan, died a year after this conquest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formation period of Islamic historiography covers the first three centuries of Islam. During this period, Muslims made a very important contribution to historiography, especially by expanding the types of historiography around four main categories: sirah and maghazi, general, specific and city/regional histories. In this way, Muslims have made a breakthrough in historiography in world history. Research into historical writings predating Islam sheds light on the depiction of other societies and Arabs, while also elucidating the distinct reasons and features underlying the evolution of historical writing within the Islamic tradition. It becomes increasingly evident that Islamic historiography evolved with a unique emphasis on integrating previous knowledge, reflecting the framework of the Islamic faith. The Medina and Kufa schools are suggested to have spearheaded this development, outlining the framework for Islamic historiography in four primary classifications. These examples not only identify the categories within the formative era but also elucidate the methods and fundamentals of historiography. The aim of this study is to dispel the prevailing defeatist mind-set among Muslims and challenge the misconception that they have had no impact or contribution to historical writing by reconnecting them to the roots of their own historical tradition. This approach will enable Muslims to transcend both Western historical narratives and fiction, as well as the limiting and oversimplified perspectives they entail. It is the historiographical principles, experiences, and knowledge of Islam that will provide an avenue for liberation from contemporary constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study will examine and analyse the idâne records found in the Sivas Shar'iyya Registry Books numbered 198. Idāna is a legal term meaning debt. One of the facts of societies is orphanhood. Orphans need care and protection until they are old enough to meet their needs. In particular, the movable and immovable properties the family leaves must be preserved and protected until the age when they can be used by themselves. In the Ottoman Empire, the property of orphans was kept by guardians appointed by the court until they reached the age of twenty, which was considered the age of majority. From 1851 onwards, the Ottoman Empire took the responsibility of protecting and managing the of orphans' property by establishing The Orphans Custody (Emvâl-i Eytâm Nezareti). The custody aimed to offer orphans' property to the market, primarily to trusted tradesmen, and to prevent the orphan's money from losing value in economic conditions through interest income. In order to monitor this, the custody created book within its organisation. Until the idāna records were kept in separate books, they were also recorded in the shar'iyya registry boks. One of Sivas's the limited numbered Shar'iyya registry books, numbered 198 and dated 1895-1909, is a book consisting entirely of idāna debt notes. This book, may contain various records such as creditors, debtors, the supply of money to the market, interest rates, and profiles of debtors. Borrowers were local families, women entrepreneurs, tradesmen, local officials, educators, and members of religious orders. It is noteworthy that in the repayment of the loans, the money was used in financial circles with interest rates ranging from a low of 9% to a high of 50% according to the economic conditions of the period. Although the idāna records do not show in which area of the economy the money was invested, a total of 487 thousand 283 kuruş was offered to the market. This sum yielded an interest return of 126 thousand 229 kurus. This corresponds to an average rate of 21 per cent, which is a reasonable rate in the economic conditions of the day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Islamic belief, the Ka'bah is the most ancient temple on Earth. This temple is the center of Muslims’ faith and worship. The Ka'bah, representing divinity and servitude in Islamic belief, serves as the focal point for Muslims during their prayers and functions as a gathering center for pilgrimage (hajj and umrah). While the commonly known name for this center is the Ka'bah, its alternate names also provide extensive information about the temple. Records indicate that before the Islamic period, every cube-shaped house was referred to as the Ka'bah. The term ‘Ka'bah’ was used generically, not as a proper name, encompassing various concrete and abstract meanings. The temple is named the Ka'bah due to its height, square shape, and honor. The article will delve into the content and depth of the term ‘Ka'bah,’ derived from the word ‘kaʻb’. Furthermore, this article will elucidate twenty-one names of the Ka'bah found in literature, spanning the Age of Ignorance (Jahiliyyah) and the Islamic period. It aims to illustrate the Ka'bah’s connections with various fields such as religion, history, geography, society, literature, commerce, politics, and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kurumsal istihdam anlamında Orta Asur dönemine kadar uzanan hadım varlığı, tarih boyu belirgin bir rağbet gören temel kölelik türleri arasında zikredilebilir. Hadımların Cahiliye devri de dâhil olmak üzere İslâm’ın ilk yıllarındaki varlıklarının eserlerde bahis konusu olduğu gözden kaçmamaktadır. Mukavkıs (ö. 21/642 [?]) tarafından hediye olarak gönderilen köleler içerisinde bulunan Kıbtî kökenli Me’bûr da söz konusu hadımlar arasında yer almaktadır. Hz. Mâriye’nin (ö. 16/637) ağabeyi veya amcaoğlu olduğu yönünde kayıtlar bulunan ve ona hizmet etmesi nedeniyle çeşitli odakların iftira ve suçlamalarına maruz kaldığı anlaşılan Me’bûr hakkında, kaynaklarda oldukça kısıtlı bilgi yer almaktadır. Bu bilgiler çerçevesinde öne çıkan yönünün hadımlığı olduğunu ifade etmekte yarar vardır. Bu makale, Me’bûr’un Mukavkıs tarafından Hz. Peygamber’e gönderilişi, fizyolojik bir özellik olarak hadımlığı ve tematik bir bahis çerçevesinde klasik kaynaklarda yer alan Hz. Mâriye ile ilgili bir suçlamaya konu olması gibi temel tarihî meseleler üzerinde durmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda onun hadımlığı etrafında nakledilen rivayetler, makalenin temel odak noktasını oluşturmaktadır.

Bu makalenin konusu, tarihî süreç içerisinde İslâm ordularıyla Bizans sınırında yaşayan ve Bizans’ın lehine sınır güvenliği için çalışan Cerâcime topluluğudur. Bu topluluk, İslâm tarihi ve Hıristiyan kaynaklarında farklı adlarla anılmıştır. Söz konusu durum, kaynaklarda bir kavram kargaşasının yaşanmasına sebep olmuştur. Böylece Cerâcime ile Merdeîler ve Mârûnîler’in durumu hakkında farklı görüşler ortaya atılmıştır. Bu bağlamda bazıları bu üç ismin de aynı topluluğu ifade ettiğini söylemiştir. Buna karşılık başka bir grup üç ismin farklı toplulukları ifade ettiğini söylerken üçüncü bir grup ise Cerâcime ile Merdeîler’in aynı topluluğu ifade ettiğini ancak Mârûnîler’in farklı bir topluluk olduğunu söylemiştir. İslâm tarihi kaynakları ile Hıristiyan kaynaklarında aynı bölgede yaşanan olaylarda bu toplulukların isimlerinin geçmesi sebebiyle böyle bir sorun ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu konunun seçilmesindeki amaç da söz konusu belirsizlikle ilgili ortaya atılan görüşlerin değerlendirilmesi ve İslâm Devleti ile Bizans arasında özellikle Emevîler döneminde yaşanan mücadelelerin daha sağlıklı bilgiler üzerine inşa edilmesine katkı sunulmasıdır. Çalışma, muhteva gereği miladın ilk yüzyılları ile Emevîler dönemi arası zaman dilimini kapsamış ve problematik bir üslupla yazılmıştır.

Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān was one of the Companions of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) who became a Muslim with the conquest of Mecca. He belonged to the family of Benū Umayya, which had an important position in the Arabian Peninsula. His father Abū Sufyān was one of the prominent people of Mecca and before he became a Muslim, he was a fierce enemy of the Prophet (pbuh) who tried to prevent the Prophet (pbuh) from preaching the message. Abū Sufyān, who continued this enmity until the conquest of Mecca, converted to Islam with his family on the day Mecca was conquered, and afterwards he was counted among the mu’allafa qulūbuhum and was given a large amount of loot by the Prophet (pbuh). Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān, the eldest son of Abū Sufyān who was known as "Yazīd al-Khayr" (Yazīd the Good), stood out with his morals and was considered one of the best sons of Abū Sufyān. After becoming a Muslim, he participated in all the battles including the Battle of Ḥunayn (8 A.H./630 A.D.) and served as a commander in many of them. In addition, Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān took part in many administrative duties during the Prophet's (pbuh) reign, especially as the governor of Taymāʾ and Nadjrān. After the passing of Prophet (pbuh), he also participated in the conquest movements that took place during the period of the khulafāʾ al-rāshidīn (Rashidun Caliphate) and assumed important duties as a soldier, commander and governor. Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān was appointed by the first caliph Hazrat Abū Bakr as the commander-in-chief of an army that included Abū ʿUbayda b. al-Djarrah, Khālid b. Saʿīd b. al-ʿĀs, and Shurahbīl b. Ḥasana to carry out the conquest of Damascus. On the other hand, he took part in the Battle of Adjnādayn, which took place in the 13 A.H. and ended with the victory of the Muslims. Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān, who continued his conquest movements during the reign of the second caliph, Hazrat ʿUmar, who came to power in the 14 A.H., played an important role in the conquest of Damascus in the same year, and after the conquest of Damascus, he was appointed as the governor of Damascus. Thus, Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān became the first Muslim governor appointed to Damascus. Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān, who continued to serve as a commander after becoming governor, participated in many wars, especially the Battle of Mardj al-Rūm, and achieved important successes and conquered many cities and regions. Especially in the Battle of Yarmouk against Byzantium, when the army was dispersed and some soldiers and commanders fled, he continued to fight in the centre of the army with his father Abū Sufyān and played an important role in the victory. Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān, who attached importance to knowledge in addition to his warrior personality, asked the caliph of the time, Hazrat ʿUmar ibn al-Ḫaṭṭāb, for people who would teach the people of Damascus the Qur'ān and Fiqh during his governorship of Damascus, and upon this, Hazrat ʿUmar sent Muʿādh b. Djabal, ʿUbāda b. al- Ṣāmit and Abū’l-Dardāʾ to Damascus. Shortly after all these developments, Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān died as a result of the Amwās Plague (17 A.H./638 A.D.), which took place during the reign of Hazrat ʿUmar and caused the death of many Companions. He also narrated hadiths from the Prophet (pbuh). In our research, Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān's ancestry, his family, his conversion to Islam, the battles he participated in during the Prophet's (pbuh) reign, and his activities during the reigns of Hazrat Abū Bakr and Hazrat ʿUmar are analysed. In this study, multiple sources have been utilized, especially works in the genres of ṭabaqāt, futūḥāt and urban history, and contemporary research sources have also been benefited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Muslim societies and in societies where different belief systems dominate, one of the personalities researched is the Prophet Muhammad. While some of the studies conducted in this field were objective, some were biased studies addressing their own societies. When we examine the studies conducted in the current century, it is clear that there is a visible scientific development. Such studies are important for different societies to understand each other's perspectives. The book we are reviewing fills an important gap in terms of understanding how Islam is perceived through the eyes of four Russian authors in particular and the Russian society living in that geography in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of BEÜ Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Bulent Ecevit University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Theology / Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Theology / Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Artuklu Akademi is the property of Artuklu Akademi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Artuklu Akademi is the property of Artuklu Akademi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Badr Ghazwa, one of the events that marked the period of the Prophethood, resulted in the victory of the Muslims and assumed an important function in terms of gaining power for the Muslims. The Meccan polytheists, who suffered a great defeat against the Muslims in the Badr Ghazwa, lost almost all of their leadership. According to generally accepted narrations, the polytheists left seventy dead and seventy captives at Badr Ghazwa. In the sources, the number of prisoners is mentioned as seventy, seventy-four, and more than seventy. The number seventy may be used as an allusion to the number of captives, or the number of captives may be rounded up and expressed as an approximate number. When the lists of captives given in the sources are evaluated together and those who are not included in the lists but are understood to be captives based on the narrations are added, the number of captives reaches seventy-one. It is seen that the captives taken in the Badr Ghazwa assumed positive/negative effective roles in the events of the following period. In this context, the examination of Badr captives is important in terms of facilitating the understanding of the developments after Badr Ghazwa. Our research aims to reveal the attitude towards Islam and Muslims by examining how the captives played a role in the relations between the two sides. There have also been changes in the attitude over time. In our study, the reasons for the change in the attitudes of some captives who exhibited a negative attitude in the early periods of Islam in the following years were tried to be determined, and it was investigated whether these captives, who took sides against Islam and Muslims, served Islam or not. Although there are many studies on the Badr Ghazwa, there is no study that analyses the situation of the captives in detail and compiles information about them. It is hoped that this study will contribute to the understanding of the developments after the Badr Ghazwa in the context of the function undertaken by the prisoners. In the study, the decision taken about the captives was mentioned, the release of the captives was mentioned, and the attitude and behaviour of the released captives after the Badr Ghazwa were examined. Taking into account their status and time of becoming Muslim, headings containing the attitudes they showed were opened and each captive, about whom we found information, was included under the relevant heading. Except for two people who were punished with death for their excessive enmity against Islam and Muslims and their actual persecution, the captives were decided to be released with ransom, and the ransom amounts varied according to the financial means of the captives. In addition, some captives were released in return for a promise/collateral, as well as captives who were released without ransom. It is seen that one of the captives was released in exchange for a Muslim captured by Quraysh. Although the names of the captives who were freed from captivity in return for teaching them to read and write cannot be found, it is known that such an option was put forward for those who could not afford the ransom. Among the captives who were freed, some committed anti-Islamic activities and died as polytheists, as well as some who were Muslims. It is seen that nine of the captives died in shirk. Twenty-four people accepted Islam at different times. This number constitutes one-third of the captives. Four of these captives converted to Islam after their release from captivity. Half of the captives who are known to have converted to Islam, twelve of them, belonged to the group of Tulekah, those who converted to Islam during and after the conquest of Mecca. The other thirty-eight captives were not known to have converted to Islam; since they were mostly khalīfs, mawlās, and others who did not hold important positions in society, there is no information about most of them, except for the mention of their names among the captives of Badr. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early periods, Arabic music generally consisted of a single maqam called "al-Hidā/al-Hudā" and "al-Nashīd" and plain melodies. Later on, the influence of Iranian music, which started with the conquests, enabled rich melodies and a versatile maqam culture to enter Arabic music. As a result of this effect, Said b. Misjah (d. 96/715) in Mecca, Sāib Ḥāṣir (d. 63/683) in Medina, spread the rich tunes of Iran to the Hijaz. The singer Jamila (d. ?), who is the subject of this article, was also influential in the beginning of a new style in Madina by taking these tunes from her neighbour, Sāib Ḥāṣir (d. ?). Jamila, who combined her God-given talents and beautiful voice with Sâib's tunes on the oud and enriched them even more, was also known for her good performance on the Persian oud. The cultural life in Madina, described in our article, has been tried to be discussed through the songs sung by Jamila and the poems that are the subject of these songs. Although there is little information in the sources about the singer Jamila, which is the subject of our article, it was prepared on the basis of Kitab al-Aghani as the main source. Apart from authors such as Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) and Yaqut al-Hamawi (d. 626/1229), who focused on subjects, literatüre, and history of poetry because the relevant source did not specify the style of expression and dates, Ibn Saʿd (d. 230/845), Al-Baladhuri (d. 279/892-93), Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (d. 852/1449), Andalusian scholar and poet Ibn 'Abd Rabbih (d. 328/940) were tried to support with the books of tabaqat and rijal. As well as contributing to the understanding of a different aspect of some painful events of the Umayyad period, and the deep sadness it left in the society, the article also tried to shed light on the cultural life of Madina. A female singer named Jamila es-Sulami was active in the social and cultural life of Madina during the Umayyad period (661-750). Jamila married an unnamed mawla from Benu'l-Ḥārith b. Khazraj, but there is no information in the sources on whether they had children or not. His Iranian teacher, Saib Hasir, from whom Jamila learned to sing, contributed to Jamila upbringing and understanding of the perfection in her tunes. Considering that Saib Hasir played his songs accompanied by the oud, we can think that he was one of the first to bring Persian music and Persian tunes to Medina. Jamila has an important place not only in the music history of her period but also in the music history with her softness in her melodies as well as her dominance in high-pitched voices. In addition, Jamila, who plays "instrumental tunes" with the oud, also mentioned her name with this feature. Jamila, who did not merely imitate the style of Sāib Ḥāṣir but developed a new style of his own, became an authority visited by famous musicians from Mecca and Medina because of this knowledge, and among them, names such as Ibn Surayj, al-Gharīḍ (d. 98/717?), Saīd b. Misjah and Muslim b. Muḥriz (Ibn Muḥriz) are also seen. It is mentioned in the sources that they gave an open-air concert together in Medina. In Mecca and Madina, although the assemblies were organised with men and women, it is seen that the assemblies had their own sense of decorum, and curtains were drawn over the section where concubines sang. We observe that large music assemblies were established in this period and these meetings attended by famous mugannies were accompanied by instruments such as oud and tambourine. In this period, it is seen that the houses of singers played the role of a kind of music school, and it is reported that the well-known mugannis who lived within the period of Jamila in Madina visited her at her house and practiced music with her. Jamila, who was among the pioneers of her time, held a mirror to Madina as an important person of culture and art. Shown by the music authorities of the period, as the most accumulated gift of God's blessings on taganni, Jamila stated how this knowledge was bestowed upon her was inspired not by education, but by inspiration; that it was a kind of God-given. There is no information in the sources about the death or date of death of Jamila, whose reputation exceeded the borders of Madina, who left behind many students who continued her own school and style with immortal melodies, and who inspired the famous musicians of her time. During the relevant period, Madina, where concubines usually sang at weddings and other ceremonies, met concerts attended by many musicians with Jamila, the poems of the great poets of Arabic literature as well as the poets of that period became the lyrics of the mugannis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is history a science or an art? There are several ways of looking at this well known and frequently debated question. One way would be to look at the categorization of disciplines as made by the Academia Europaea. This organization has given a great deal of thought to the matter, resulting for the moment in the rather practical solution of essentially distinguishingn four broad categories: Humanities, Social Sciences, Natural Sciences and Life Sciences. It is noticeable that, apart from the Humanities, all other scholars use the term 'science' to describe their work. But not all of them will be considered as scientists proper because, in the English language, the word science (or sciences) in its simple form, without any adjective, refers exclusively to the natural sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The institution of naqib al-ashraf was established in order to follow the lineages of the sayyids regularly and to fulfill some of the practices brought by their distinguished positions. It is known that the naqib al-ashraf qaim-i maqams, who are the local representatives of the naqib al-ashrafs in the center, were chosen from the respected and distinguished sayyid families in the region where they lived. The person about whom we can have the most information among the naqib al-ashraf qaim-i maqam who served in the early periods in Bursa is Sayyid Cafer Pasha. Cafer Pasha belongs to a reputable sayyid family in Bursa with roots in Tabriz. As a result of this prestigious position, family members from their grandfather Emir Gazi have been appointed to important duties such as being the trustee of the foundations of Sultans and ensuring that they are put in order. After the death of Cafer Pasha, his son Sayyid Mehmed was appointed as the Naqib al-ashraf qaim-i maqam, and in the following years his grandson İbrahim continued the same task. Thus, as far as it is known, three members of the family served as naqib al-ashraf qaim-i maqam of Bursa. This study investigates the history of a sayyid family, which was locally known but not very famous and consequently about whom little is known by following the limited information in the court records and archival documents. In this way, while the names of the five ancestors of Cafer Pasha before him could be determined, information about many different areas of life, from the birth of his eight generation children and grandchildren to their marriages, property-trading, inheritance disputes and relations with foundations, could be obtained. Thus, the social position, social, economic and legal relations of a respected but not famous sayyid family in Bursa in the 17th century were tried to be revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research is to investigate the life and personality of Jarīr b. Abdullah and to study his delegation and conciliation acts. Some of the previous academical studies are about his military and political activities as well as his relationship with his own tribe. Jarīr b. Abdallāh is a companion (sahābī) who stands out with his researcher identity, kindness, truthfulness, companionship and mercy, courage, commandership, peacemaking and managing ability, balanced attitude, hadith narration and poetry. Before Islam, Jarīr was the chief of the Bajīla tribe, a sect of Kahtanie clan, residing in the Serat mountains in Yemen. Unlike others, he was a kind of chief superposable with his tribe. His tribe found integrity with him and had various privileges. When “Jarīr” was said, Bajīla would have come to mind, and when “Bajīla” was said, Jarīr would have come to mind. His tribe preserved various abilities because of him and respected him very much. The name Jarīr was reminding his tribe, and his tribe was reminding Jarīr always. After his own investigation, he believed in Prophet without seeing him and Jarīr came to Madinah with a delegation of 150 from his tribe in the tenth year of hejira and became a Muslim. Being different than other Muslims, the Prophet asked him his loyalty for “advising good to all Muslims”. After this, He missioned himself to be helpful to Muslims and to be a negotiator during problematic times. If he was in Madinah; Prophet used to introduce him to the delegations. According to a saying The Prophet accepted him one of the members of his holly family. Soon after, the Prophet commissioned him for a delegation accompany 150 man of his, to demolish the temple of Zhū al Hhalaṣa known as the “Kaaba of Yemen”, located in Tabale. He fulfilled the duty adequately. After the last hajj, the Prophet gave Jarīr a duty to convince Esved el-Ansî, who was claiming false prophecy, to obey and to convince Zülkelâ’ and Zûamr, the notables of the same region, to help the Muslims of the region against Esved el-Ansî and to be Muslim. The dialogues were successful to make Esved el-Ansî to obey, but Zülkelâ’ and Zûamr could not be convinced to be Muslims. Jarīr worked along with four great caliphs. He fought against renegades who accepted Islam but later converted. He was the right-wing commander in the Battle of Qadisiye, the event that opened the gates of Iran to Muslims during the Omar period; he conquered cities such as Nuhayle, Kussün-Nâtıf, Râmhurmuz and Karmîn, Tuster, Hulvan and Hamadan, located in Iraq and Iran. He served just an assistant commander in the conquest of some cities. He contributed very much to these events. He served as governor of Hamadan for a period during the caliph of Omar. Later, he joined conquest of Azerbaijan under command of Saîd b. Âs and conquered some cities. After the death of, Mugīre b. Şuʻbe, he kept the peace in Kufe. He always established his army from his own tribe, that was his difference from other commanders of the time. He went to Damascus to delegate the Caliph Ali to convince Muâviye to obey the Caliph. Hid did not join the battle between Muâviye and Hz. Ali because he promised the Prophet never to fight against an army who says Lâilahe illallah. During crisis, conciliation of public leaders is needed. Jarīr b. Abdullah was the only person for such kinds of duties. He usually was a person who was trusted by both parties. Nevertheless, despite how competent the conciliators are, the problem could not be solved everytime. Hence, because of the inconvincible rigid attitude of Muâviye and his followers, the delegacy of Jarīr was also unsuccessful. Jarīr continued the duty of delegacy also in the times of Muâviye. In the event of Hucr b. Adî, he took a seperate part by himself and his contribution resulted the forgiveness of some people. In this study, where personal characteristics of Jarīr b. Abdullah was presented as historical reflections, qualitative and quantitative research methods are followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-Muslims are generally categorized into three classes in terms of their relations with the Muslim administration: Non-Muslims who are citizens of a state with which Muslims are at war, Non-Muslims who are citizens of another state but are in the Islamic society for a while through security, Non-Muslims who live as citizens of a Muslim state and are called dhimmis. It is possible to summarize the principle that emerged regarding relations with non-Muslims in the direction of the practices during the period of the Prophet Mohammad and the Rashidun Caliphs as the greatness of Islam and world peace. Accordingly, the method to be followed by a Muslim administration in social relations should be to carry out activities aimed at ensuring peace and tranquility in the world in a balanced manner, without compromising the dignity of Islam. As a matter of fact, although the Prophet Mohammad paid attention to the freedom of Christians in the field of worship, he did not tolerate their activities that were contrary to Islamic principles and aimed at disrupting the social order. The Rashidun Caliphs also closely adhered to the practices of the Prophet Mohammad. The Umayyad period was a breaking point in terms of relations with the dhimmis. Because the Umayyad administration, which had great problems in terms of legitimacy and social support in the process that developed after the caliphate struggle against ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, chose to benefit from Christian elements as support against the opposition. However, it is necessary to exclude ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who was sensitive about Islamic principles. In general, during the Umayyad period, nonMuslims living in the status of dhimmis in the Islamic society showed an important presence in the field of literature as well as in many areas of life. The poets of the Umayyad period originally belonged to Arab tribes. Among these, it is seen that Christian-Arab poets were especially more active in the field of politics and worked as propaganda officers of the Umayyad dynasty. The poetry of the Umayyad period was predominantly about factional politics based on kinship. In this context, political poetry expresses the conflicts between the poets of the groups opposed to the Umayyad dynasty and their rivals. The Umayyads needed and watched over the propaganda of Christian poets who praised them for their system of oppression. Therefore, the Umayyad caliphs greatly valued and favored the poets in order to incline the opposing groups towards them and sometimes to make them respond on their behalf. Christian poets did not always sing poetry for political purposes. Because greed for profit and position was also one of the reasons for writing poetry. A third group of Christian poets wrote poems only to express their feelings. The theme of their poems was usually alcohol. Although there were Christian poets from different tribes during the Umayyad period, it is noteworthy that the Banū Taghlib tribe was at the forefront in this regard. Because the majority of Christian poets belong to this tribe. Other prominent poets belonging to the Benî Tağlib tribe are Aʿshā Taghlibī and Shemʻal al-Taghlibī. Additionally, among the Christian poets belonging to other tribes of the Umayyad period, there are names such as Abū Zubayd al-Ṭāʾī, Ebû Qābūs, Hunayn al-Hīrī, Al-Qāsim b al-Tavīl al-ʻIbādī and Jawwās b. Kaʻtal. There were also poets during the Umayyad period whose Christianity is doubtful. The leading poets of these group are Mūsā b. Jābir, Qutāmī, Kāʻb b. Cuʻayl, Nābighat Banī Shaybān, Al-ʿAjjāj b. Ruʻba, Udayl b. al-Farh and Hudbah b. al-Khashram al-‘Udhrî. However, the prevailing opinion is that these poets were generally Christians before but later became Muslims. As a result, it is possible to summarize the Christian poets of the Umayyad period in three groups in terms of their aims: Those who propagandize the Umayyad dynasty by writing politically themed poems for their benefit, those who sing poetry to gain the satisfaction of the Umayyad dynasty in order to gain personal benefits, and those who sing poetry only for literary pleasure to express their feelings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In essence, Islam is a religion that regulates not only the faith and worship dimension of human life, but also every area of social relations and bases it on morality. When we consider that these principles of Islam started with the history of humanity, it can be thought that the order in question affects every environment where human beings are present. At the beginning of these areas that we are subjected to evaluation in this study; sports and sportive activities. As a matter of fact, the human characteristics that sports and Islam want to build are common. In particular, the existence of concepts such as fair play, leadership, teamwork, respect and morality, which are common in today's sports world, reveals that sports is a platform where moral values are prioritized, as opposed to aiming only to develop physical skills or to create a competitive environment. In addition to this, sporting activities that contribute to character development prepare the ground for people to cope with difficulties, to be patient and most importantly to have self-discipline. In this respect, it reflects the human profile targeted by Islam in social relations. In this study, the importance of sportive activities in the Prophet's era and their reflections on today's world will be discussed. Unlike the existing studies in our literature on this subject, rather than revealing the narrations about the sports branches that the Messenger of Allah himself did or encouraged, the evaluation of the narrations in question with the experts of the field of sports sciences and their place in today's sports world will be emphasized. It is aimed to provide a new perspective on this issue, which concerns the common field of Siyar, Islamic history and sports sciences, not from a single aspect, but by bringing together different perspectives as interdisciplinary and ensuring its suitability to the problems of today's sports world. In this respect, we believe that interdisciplinary studies can directly contribute to the development of new theories and the speed of scientific progress. However, since we will evaluate the sportive activities in Islamic history within the cultural and social context of that period, our study in question can contribute to the historical development of sports in the Islamic world, especially in terms of better understanding of Islamic history and sports trends. Because such studies reveal how sport was used as a social and cultural tool in Islamic history and how historical perspectives can contribute to sports sciences. In addition, interdisciplinary studies between Islamic history and sports sciences can enrich both the fields of history and sports science. Such studies can help us better understand the past and present impact of sport in the Islamic world and allow us to evaluate the cultural, social and health-related aspects of sport from a broader perspective. Because in the historical process of Islam, it has always been in interaction with sports in terms of both protecting physical health and prioritizing more moderate and measured behaviors in one's life. As a matter of fact, it is known that the Prophet constantly encouraged the protection of physical health. However, it is known that sports have also been of great importance in terms of war training throughout Islamic history. Because sports were seen as a way to develop war skills such as swimming, athletics, archery, swordplay, riding and jumping. In addition, sports also contributed to the strengthening of religious community consciousness due to the importance of unity, solidarity and solidarity as a team. However, it should be noted that the types and forms of practice of sports in the Prophet's time and the present-day sports world may differ according to the cultural and regional context of the person in the world of sports, which we will discuss in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sasanians, one of the powerful empires in history, began to lose their power over time due to throne struggles, economic crises resulting from expenditures on wars, and disruptions in social and military areas. This power decline, especially during the time of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), continued to increase. Both internal and external throne struggles disrupted the empire's order. Many male heirs were killed during the throne struggles, leading to some women from the royal family taking over the leadership of the country. This situation created a perception that the empire was weakening, and as a result, Sasanian territories became vulnerable to external attacks. Following these developments, the country's prominent figures placed the young III. Yezdicerd, who would become the last Sasanian emperor, on the throne. III. Yezdicerd, who ascended the throne at a young age, gained experience over time and took complete control of the administration. He reorganized the army and restored order in his country, putting an end to the turmoil. While these developments were happening in the imperial territories, the Islamic religion quickly spread beyond the Arabian Peninsula, and as a result, Muslims began to expand their influence. One of these influential regions was the Sasanian territories, which bordered the Arabian Peninsula, providing an advantage for Muslims. With the geographical proximity, during the era of the Rashidun Caliphs, the conquest movements towards Sasanian territories gained momentum. The capture of the Sasanian capital, Ctesiphon, during the time of Caliph Umar marked a turning point for Islamic armies. After the fall of the capital, III. Yezdicerd had to flee. In response, Muslims began to capture Sasanian territories. III. Yezdicerd's escape not only motivated the Muslims but also provided them with a psychological advantage. With this motivation, one of the goals of the expanding Islamic armies was to capture III. Yezdicerd to break the resistance of the Sasanian people and army. In pursuit of this goal, cities where III. Yezdicerd had fled were put under pressure. Due to these pressures, III. Yezdicerd had to constantly move from place to place. As a result of these relocations, he was eventually killed in the city of Merv where he had fled. III. Yezdicerd's death erased the Sasanian Empire from the stage of history. His killing, along with other factors, led to the swift conquest of a significant portion of the imperial territories by the Muslims. The fall of the Sasanians, one of the great military and political powers of the time, at the hands of the Muslims, represents an important turning point in Islamic history. At this point, III. Yezdicerd, who also emerges as an important historical figure for the Muslims, arouses curiosity and holds significance. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the life of III. Yezdicerd through Islamic historical sources and to elucidate the perspectives of Muslim historians on the subject. In this context, the main references for the article, as will be indicated in the bibliography, are limited to some Islamic historical sources written up to the 7th-13th century. The scope of the article constructed with the data obtained from these sources encompasses the life, political and military activities, and death of III. Yezdicerd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prophets, whom Allah has selected and charged as messengers, have conveyed the divine commands to people. Some of the activities of the prophets in this process of conveyance revealed their leadership and presidential aspects in addition to their divine prophethood duties and prophetic missions. Thus, prophethood (religious authority) and sovereignty (political authority) were combined, from time to time, in a single person, as in the prophets David and Solomon, and the term "ruler prophet" was formed in Islamic literature. The actions and political activities of the Prophet, who is the last of the prophets and who constituted the last link in the chain of the prophethood, in Madinah after the migration, likewise enabled the emergence of a state. Due to the political conjuncture, he served as prophet and head of state at the same time in Medina. Therefore, it is certain that the Prophet had political goals and some of his practices were directed towards these goals during the formation of first Islamic society and the process of becoming a state in Madinah. However, whether the Messenger of Allah had political goals simultaneously with his prophethood during the Meccan period is ambiguous, and there has not yet been a comprehensive distinct study on this subject. This article aims to reveal the Prophet's political goals during the Meccan period of his prophethood, in addition to the invitation to Islam, and whether these goals were realized or not, in the light of classical sources and narrations, in relation to the pre-Islamic political environment. As a result of the research conducted, it is seen that the Prophet expressed his desire to establish an Islamic society and state based on religious, social, and moral principles since the first years of his prophethood, and although it was not his main goal and mission, he aimed to create a monotheism-centered structure covering all Arabs and encouraged his interlocutors in this regard. It is understood that his strategic goals, as well as religion and prophethood, were effective both in the obedience of the Arabs living in independent tribes to the Prophet and in the establishment of political and social unity in a large part of the Arabian Peninsula. It is seen that the Prophet, who grew up within the Quraysh tribe, which had political and commercial relations with states such as the Himyerids, Lahmids, Ghassanids, Sassanids and Byzantines, set a number of near and distant goals in line with the interests, demands and dreams of his interlocutors during the Meccan period. These goals, which can be listed as "taking over the administration/management of the Ka'bah and Mecca", "establishing a strong central authority in the Arabian Peninsula", "eliminating Byzantine and Sasanian pressures on the Arabs" and "inheriting the property of Kisra and Kaiser" are related to the absence of a strong central authority in the Arabian Peninsula in general and in the Hijaz region in particular. The Prophet" s immediate goals, which he set in order to raise the morale and spirituality of the Muslims in particular and the Quraysh and the Hijaz Arabs in general in the face of various difficulties and intense pressures, were realized during the Medina period of the prophethood, while his distant goals, such as "possessing the treasures of Kisra and Kaiser, seizing Byzantine and Sasanian lands", occurred in the period of the Khulefâ-yi Râshidîn immediately after his death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies / Türkiye Din Eğitimi Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)