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Almost every single individual in the world will interact with medicine at some point in their lifetime, it is a truly cross-cultural experience. Having lived overseas, and observed various levels of access and cultures surrounding healthcare, the characteristics of one can severely affect the other. High levels of access to healthcare can surprisingly backfire, arising from a lack of experience with the negative effects of a lack of access; while lower levels of access can lead to higher levels of social value placed on these technologies due to the prevalence of various negative health effects. The following thesis explores the solution to a lack of access to healthcare technology, and a movement against access to healthcare technologies. The technical project outlines the design of a waste paper processing plant for the enzymatic hydrolysis of cellulose to glucose and the fermentation of this glucose to penicillin and its associated downstream processing. The facility utilizes cellulase enzymes to convert waste paper to glucose, with the goal of providing an environmentally friendly pathway to produce the feedstock for the penicillin fermentation using Penicillium chrysogenum. The penicillin is then separated from the fermentation broth using a rotary drum vacuum filtration, centrifugation, crystallization, and a fluidized bed dryer. The selected location of the plant was South Africa, with the goal of increasing equitable access to antibiotics, My STS project explored historical pharmaceutical activists and applied this lens to modern day vaccine skeptics. The document first looks at the historical women’s movement fighting for the regulation of the patent drug industry in the 19th century U.S. This was then compared to two first hand interviews with members of the vaccine skeptic community to analyze the methods and characteristics of the movement, and see how that has affected its success. These successful methods and enabling characteristics were then utilized to make a recommendation on how they can be exploited to successfully communicate science in the future. Both of my projects increased my understanding of how to be a successful engineer. The technical project in particular opened my eyes to the engineering process by designing a plant that exceeded production goals, and was economically feasible. While the STS project showed me how groups can be mobilized to fight for what they believe is right, and how this can be utilized by myself as an engineer to push for policies that I believe in. I would like to thank Professors Prpich, King, and Carta within the Chemical Engineering Department for their assistance in developing my groups technical project. Finally, Eric Anderson and Professor Sean Ferguson both acted as exemplary advisors throughout the previous year in completing my thesis.

The speed and scale at which Liverpool is redeveloping is indicative of global advances in market-driven geo-economic restructuring, while the creative economy model has been one of the central tenets of urban regeneration over the past forty years. This paper focuses on the construction of a new creative quarter on Liverpool’s North Shore Dock, and the modes of creative resistance that are being enacted by some residents in the area. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork that has been carried out over the past two years, this research foregrounds the tensions that exist between two different forms of creativity, and the ways in which these are negotiated, in particular through the use of community-oriented film screenings as part of an activist repertoire that was developed by one artistic collective in the campaign to save their building from demolition. Overall, the paper offers some insight regarding different (often opposing) forms and ideologies of urban redevelopment, pointing towards an alternative politics of place that distances itself from the ever-expanding sphere of the market and the so-called creative economy.

Politização da juventude rural no ativismo socioambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) O objetivo deste artigo é o recente processo de politização juvenil das crianças autoconvocadas (APL) em um território rural no âmbito da luta socioambiental. Especificamente, o departamento de San Carlos, na província de Mendoza (no Vale do Uco), onde ocorrem quase duas décadas de luta e resistência contra a megamineração poluidora, usando como escudo legal a Lei Provincial 7722. A lei, ameaçada desde sua promulgação, reúne a grande Assembleia pela Água Pura (AMPAP) apoiada por diversas organizações sociais “unidas pela água”. Trataremos do APL como grupo autônomo e gerador de reivindicações que vêm renovar o campo do ativismo socioambiental, especificamente o feminismo e um novo debate sobre os bens comuns naturais. Trata-se de um trabalho exploratório, realizado em plena pandemia, com desenho qualitativo, que se insere nos estudos da juventude, também rural e com contribuições da ecologia política. Analisaremos aspectos centrais do processo de politização, principalmente sua implantação até seu avanço no governo local de San Carlos com a conquista da criação de um Observatório Ambiental em 2021, uma experiência pioneira em Mendoza. Palavras-chave: jovens rurais, ativismo, comuns naturais. Politización de las juventudes rurales en el activismo socio ambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) RESUMEN. El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el reciente proceso de politización juvenil de les pibes autoconvocades (LPA) en un territorio rural en el marco de la lucha socio ambiental. Concretamente el departamento de San Carlos de la Provincia de Mendoza (en el Valle de Uco) donde allí se viene desarrollando casi dos décadas de lucha y resistencia contra la mega minería contaminante, tomando como escudo legal a la Ley provincial 7722. En torno a esta ley, amenazada desde su sanción, se aglutina la gran Asamblea por el agua pura (AMPAP) sostenida por diversas organizaciones sociales “unidos por el agua”. Nos ocuparemos de LPA en cuanto grupo autónomo y generador de reivindicaciones que vienen a renovar el campo del activismo socio ambiental, concretamente el feminismo y un nuevo debate sobre los bienes comunes naturales. Este es un trabajo exploratorio, realizado en pandemia, de diseño cualitativo, que se inscribe en los estudios de juventud, también rurales y con aportes de la ecología política. Analizaremos aspectos centrales del proceso de politización, principalmente su despliegue hasta su avance en el gobierno local de San Carlos con el logro de la creación de un Observatorio ambiental en el 2021, experiencia pionera en Mendoza. Palabras clave: juventudes rurales, activism, bienes comunes naturals. Politicization of rural youth in socio-environmental activism (Mendoza, Argentina) ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is the recent process of youth politicization of the self-convened children (LPA) in a rural territory within the framework of the socio-environmental struggle. Specifically, the department of San Carlos in the province of Mendoza (in the Uco Valley) where almost two decades of struggle and resistance against polluting mega-mining have been taking place there, using Provincial Law 7722 as a legal shield. The law, threatened since its enactment, brings together the great Assembly for Pure Water (AMPAP) supported by various social organizations "united for water". We will deal with LPA as an autonomous group and generator of claims that come to renew the field of socio-environmental activism, specifically feminism and a new debate on natural commons. This is an exploratory work, carried out in a pandemic, with a qualitative design, which is part of youth studies, also rural and with contributions from political ecology. We will analyze central aspects of the politicization process, mainly its deployment until its advance in the local government of San Carlos with the achievement of the creation of an Environmental Observatory in 2021, a pioneering experience in Mendoza. Keywords: rural youth, activism, natural commons., Politização da juventude rural no ativismo socioambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) O objetivo deste artigo é o recente processo de politização juvenil das crianças autoconvocadas (APL) em um território rural no âmbito da luta socioambiental. Especificamente, o departamento de San Carlos, na província de Mendoza (no Vale do Uco), onde ocorrem quase duas décadas de luta e resistência contra a megamineração poluidora, usando como escudo legal a Lei Provincial 7722. A lei, ameaçada desde sua promulgação, reúne a grande Assembleia pela Água Pura (AMPAP) apoiada por diversas organizações sociais “unidas pela água”. Trataremos do APL como grupo autônomo e gerador de reivindicações que vêm renovar o campo do ativismo socioambiental, especificamente o feminismo e um novo debate sobre os bens comuns naturais. Trata-se de um trabalho exploratório, realizado em plena pandemia, com desenho qualitativo, que se insere nos estudos da juventude, também rural e com contribuições da ecologia política. Analisaremos aspectos centrais do processo de politização, principalmente sua implantação até seu avanço no governo local de San Carlos com a conquista da criação de um Observatório Ambiental em 2021, uma experiência pioneira em Mendoza. Palavras-chave: jovens rurais, ativismo, comuns naturais. Politización de las juventudes rurales en el activismo socio ambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) RESUMEN. El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el reciente proceso de politización juvenil de les pibes autoconvocades (LPA) en un territorio rural en el marco de la lucha socio ambiental. Concretamente el departamento de San Carlos de la Provincia de Mendoza (en el Valle de Uco) donde allí se viene desarrollando casi dos décadas de lucha y resistencia contra la mega minería contaminante, tomando como escudo legal a la Ley provincial 7722. En torno a esta ley, amenazada desde su sanción, se aglutina la gran Asamblea por el agua pura (AMPAP) sostenida por diversas organizaciones sociales “unidos por el agua”. Nos ocuparemos de LPA en cuanto grupo autónomo y generador de reivindicaciones que vienen a renovar el campo del activismo socio ambiental, concretamente el feminismo y un nuevo debate sobre los bienes comunes naturales. Este es un trabajo exploratorio, realizado en pandemia, de diseño cualitativo, que se inscribe en los estudios de juventud, también rurales y con aportes de la ecología política. Analizaremos aspectos centrales del proceso de politización, principalmente su despliegue hasta su avance en el gobierno local de San Carlos con el logro de la creación de un Observatorio ambiental en el 2021, experiencia pionera en Mendoza. Palabras clave: juventudes rurales, activism, bienes comunes naturals. Politicization of rural youth in socio-environmental activism (Mendoza, Argentina) ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is the recent process of youth politicization of the self-convened children (LPA) in a rural territory within the framework of the socio-environmental struggle. Specifically, the department of San Carlos in the province of Mendoza (in the Uco Valley) where almost two decades of struggle and resistance against polluting mega-mining have been taking place there, using Provincial Law 7722 as a legal shield. The law, threatened since its enactment, brings together the great Assembly for Pure Water (AMPAP) supported by various social organizations "united for water". We will deal with LPA as an autonomous group and generator of claims that come to renew the field of socio-environmental activism, specifically feminism and a new debate on natural commons. This is an exploratory work, carried out in a pandemic, with a qualitative design, which is part of youth studies, also rural and with contributions from political ecology. We will analyze central aspects of the politicization process, mainly its deployment until its advance in the local government of San Carlos with the achievement of the creation of an Environmental Observatory in 2021, a pioneering experience in Mendoza. Keywords: rural youth, activism, natural commons. This is an exploratory work, carried out in a pandemic, with a qualitative design, which is part of youth studies, also rural and with contributions from political ecology. We will analyze central aspects of the politicization process, mainly its deployment until its advance in the local government of San Carlos with the achievement of the creation of an Environmental Observatory in 2021, a pioneering experience in Mendoza., Politização da juventude rural no ativismo socioambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) O objetivo deste artigo é o recente processo de politização juvenil das crianças autoconvocadas (APL) em um território rural no âmbito da luta socioambiental. Especificamente, o departamento de San Carlos, na província de Mendoza (no Vale do Uco), onde ocorrem quase duas décadas de luta e resistência contra a megamineração poluidora, usando como escudo legal a Lei Provincial 7722. A lei, ameaçada desde sua promulgação, reúne a grande Assembleia pela Água Pura (AMPAP) apoiada por diversas organizações sociais “unidas pela água”. Trataremos do APL como grupo autônomo e gerador de reivindicações que vêm renovar o campo do ativismo socioambiental, especificamente o feminismo e um novo debate sobre os bens comuns naturais. Trata-se de um trabalho exploratório, realizado em plena pandemia, com desenho qualitativo, que se insere nos estudos da juventude, também rural e com contribuições da ecologia política. Analisaremos aspectos centrais do processo de politização, principalmente sua implantação até seu avanço no governo local de San Carlos com a conquista da criação de um Observatório Ambiental em 2021, uma experiência pioneira em Mendoza. Palavras-chave: jovens rurais, ativismo, comuns naturais. Politización de las juventudes rurales en el activismo socio ambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) RESUMEN. El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el reciente proceso de politización juvenil de les pibes autoconvocades (LPA) en un territorio rural en el marco de la lucha socio ambiental. Concretamente el departamento de San Carlos de la Provincia de Mendoza (en el Valle de Uco) donde allí se viene desarrollando casi dos décadas de lucha y resistencia contra la mega minería contaminante, tomando como escudo legal a la Ley provincial 7722. En torno a esta ley, amenazada desde su sanción, se aglutina la gran Asamblea por el agua pura (AMPAP) sostenida por diversas organizaciones sociales “unidos por el agua”. Nos ocuparemos de LPA en cuanto grupo autónomo y generador de reivindicaciones que vienen a renovar el campo del activismo socio ambiental, concretamente el feminismo y un nuevo debate sobre los bienes comunes naturales. Este es un trabajo exploratorio, realizado en pandemia, de diseño cualitativo, que se inscribe en los estudios de juventud, también rurales y con aportes de la ecología política. Analizaremos aspectos centrales del proceso de politización, principalmente su despliegue hasta su avance en el gobierno local de San Carlos con el logro de la creación de un Observatorio ambiental en el 2021, experiencia pionera en Mendoza. Palabras clave: juventudes rurales, activism, bienes comunes naturals. Politicization of rural youth in socio-environmental activism (Mendoza, Argentina) ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is the recent process of youth politicization of the self-convened children (LPA) in a rural territory within the framework of the socio-environmental struggle. Specifically, the department of San Carlos in the province of Mendoza (in the Uco Valley) where almost two decades of struggle and resistance against polluting mega-mining have been taking place there, using Provincial Law 7722 as a legal shield. The law, threatened since its enactment, brings together the great Assembly for Pure Water (AMPAP) supported by various social organizations "united for water". We will deal with LPA as an autonomous group and generator of claims that come to renew the field of socio-environmental activism, specifically feminism and a new debate on natural commons. This is an exploratory work, carried out in a pandemic, with a qualitative design, which is part of youth studies, also rural and with contributions from political ecology. We will analyze central aspects of the politicization process, mainly its deployment until its advance in the local government of San Carlos with the achievement of the creation of an Environmental Observatory in 2021, a pioneering experience in Mendoza. Keywords: rural youth, activism, natural commons. Este es un trabajo exploratorio, realizado en pandemia, de diseño cualitativo, que se inscribe en los estudios de juventud, también rurales y con aportes de la ecología política. Analizaremos aspectos centrales del proceso de politización, principalmente su despliegue hasta su avance en el gobierno local de San Carlos con el logro de la creación de un Observatorio ambiental en el 2021, experiencia pionera en Mendoza., Politização da juventude rural no ativismo socioambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) O objetivo deste artigo é o recente processo de politização juvenil das crianças autoconvocadas (APL) em um território rural no âmbito da luta socioambiental. Especificamente, o departamento de San Carlos, na província de Mendoza (no Vale do Uco), onde ocorrem quase duas décadas de luta e resistência contra a megamineração poluidora, usando como escudo legal a Lei Provincial 7722. A lei, ameaçada desde sua promulgação, reúne a grande Assembleia pela Água Pura (AMPAP) apoiada por diversas organizações sociais “unidas pela água”. Trataremos do APL como grupo autônomo e gerador de reivindicações que vêm renovar o campo do ativismo socioambiental, especificamente o feminismo e um novo debate sobre os bens comuns naturais. Trata-se de um trabalho exploratório, realizado em plena pandemia, com desenho qualitativo, que se insere nos estudos da juventude, também rural e com contribuições da ecologia política. Analisaremos aspectos centrais do processo de politização, principalmente sua implantação até seu avanço no governo local de San Carlos com a conquista da criação de um Observatório Ambiental em 2021, uma experiência pioneira em Mendoza. Palavras-chave: jovens rurais, ativismo, comuns naturais. Politización de las juventudes rurales en el activismo socio ambiental (Mendoza, Argentina) RESUMEN. El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el reciente proceso de politización juvenil de les pibes autoconvocades (LPA) en un territorio rural en el marco de la lucha socio ambiental. Concretamente el departamento de San Carlos de la Provincia de Mendoza (en el Valle de Uco) donde allí se viene desarrollando casi dos décadas de lucha y resistencia contra la mega minería contaminante, tomando como escudo legal a la Ley provincial 7722. En torno a esta ley, amenazada desde su sanción, se aglutina la gran Asamblea por el agua pura (AMPAP) sostenida por diversas organizaciones sociales “unidos por el agua”. Nos ocuparemos de LPA en cuanto grupo autónomo y generador de reivindicaciones que vienen a renovar el campo del activismo socio ambiental, concretamente el feminismo y un nuevo debate sobre los bienes comunes naturales. Este es un trabajo exploratorio, realizado en pandemia, de diseño cualitativo, que se inscribe en los estudios de juventud, también rurales y con aportes de la ecología política. Analizaremos aspectos centrales del proceso de politización, principalmente su despliegue hasta su avance en el gobierno local de San Carlos con el logro de la creación de un Observatorio ambiental en el 2021, experiencia pionera en Mendoza. Palabras clave: juventudes rurales, activism, bienes comunes naturals. Politicization of rural youth in socio-environmental activism (Mendoza, Argentina) ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is the recent process of youth politicization of the self-convened children (LPA) in a rural territory within the framework of the socio-environmental struggle. Specifically, the department of San Carlos in the province of Mendoza (in the Uco Valley) where almost two decades of struggle and resistance against polluting mega-mining have been taking place there, using Provincial Law 7722 as a legal shield. The law, threatened since its enactment, brings together the great Assembly for Pure Water (AMPAP) supported by various social organizations "united for water". We will deal with LPA as an autonomous group and generator of claims that come to renew the field of socio-environmental activism, specifically feminism and a new debate on natural commons. This is an exploratory work, carried out in a pandemic, with a qualitative design, which is part of youth studies, also rural and with contributions from political ecology. We will analyze central aspects of the politicization process, mainly its deployment until its advance in the local government of San Carlos with the achievement of the creation of an Environmental Observatory in 2021, a pioneering experience in Mendoza. Keywords: rural youth, activism, natural commons. 'Uco) où se déroulent près de deux décennies de lutte et de résistance contre les méga-mines polluantes, utilisant la loi provinciale 7722 comme bouclier juridique. depuis sa promulgation, regroupe la grande Assemblée pour l'Eau Pure (AMPAP) soutenue par diverses organisations sociales "Unis pour l'eau". Nous traiterons de LPA en tant que groupe autonome et générateur de revendications qui viennent renouveler le champ de l'activisme socio-environnemental, spécifiquement le féminisme et un nouveau débat sur les biens communs naturels.

Researchers often describe the core of the particularities of feminisms in the Nordic region to include references to historical collaborations between Nordic states and feminist movements. This makes co-optation a fundamental question. ‘Co-optation’ can capture the ambiguities that feminist scholars and activists simultaneously can express when considering so-called ‘woman/women’ or ‘gender-friendly’ welfare states. These indicate a feminist success and imply that the collaboration has led to high levels of gender equality. However, the Nordic states have simultaneously reinforced democratic deficits and exclusions by benefiting certain gendered groups more, while leaving others disadvantaged. Relatedly, postcolonial, anti-racist and indigenous feminists have been critical of so-called ‘Nordic exceptionalism’, in which a denial of racial discrimination and colonial violence exists alongside racism in Nordic societies. This has within Nordic feminisms led to the marginalization of mobilizations by migrant women and Sámi feminists. Critics often emphasize the usefulness of intersectional approaches. Starting from a critical perspective to ‘gender-friendly’ welfare states, ‘Nordic exceptionalism’, and different uses of intersectionality, this paper suggests a two-dimensional approach to the study of the complex notion of co-optation - defined as controversial politics of inclusion and exclusion, in the pursuit of better strategies for feminist struggles for social justice and equality. The paper is part of a study on ‘Feminisms in the Nordic region. Neoliberalism, Nationalism and Decolonial Critique’ (Keskinen, Stoltz & Mulinari, eds., forthc. at Palgrave Macmillan, book series on ‘Gender and Politics’).

This scoping review aims at exploring what we have learned so far on the topic of activism during - and after - COVID-19. This should serve as a background paper for a special issue entitled Global Perspectives on Activism during COVID-19. The authors draw up the following preregistration using the general-purpose registration form created by Van den Akker and colleagues (2020, v. 0.92). The form is available at: https://osf.io/preprints/metaarxiv/3nbea Metadata Target discipline: Political Psychology Title: Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to Activism and Covid Author(s) / contributor(s): Sharon Coen, Michela Vezzoli, and Cristina Zogmaister. The authors will contribute equally to this work. Tasks and roles: Each of the three authors will contribute to each aspect of the scooping review Review methods Type of review: Scoping review Review stages: 1. Identification of the Keywords for the main search: a. Initial search in SCOPUS, WOS, PSYCARTICLES; keywords (“protest*” OR “activis*”) AND (“covid” OR “coronavirus”) b. Screening of titles, abstracts, and keywords 2. Specify the research question and methodology 3. Pre-Registration 4. Main extraction using the databases 5. Elimination of duplicates 6. Abstract and title screening to eliminate the off topic papers 7. Evaluation of quality 8. Analysis 9. Synthesis 10.Write-up Current review stage: Phase 3: Preregistration Start date: 📅 Phase 1: June 18th, 2021; Phase 4: July 23rd, 2021 End date: 📅 October 17th, 2021 Background: This review aims at exploring what we have learned so far on the topic of activism during - and after - COVID-19. This should serve as a background paper for a special issue entitled Global Perspectives on Activism during COVID-19 (see https://www.frontiersin.org/research-topics/21210/global-perspectives-on-activism-during-covi d-19#overview). Primary research question(s): This review aims at synthesizing the existing theoretical and methodological approaches adopted by researchers to empirically explore activism in the context of COVID-19. Software: Rayyan Funding: None Conflicts of interest: None Overlapping authorships: None Search strategy Databases: Scopus, Web of Science, PsycINFO. Inclusion and exclusion criteria: Inclusion criteria: a) Published in 2020 or 2021; b) Empirical Work (both quantitative and qualitative) clearly outlined in the abstract; c) Language is English; d) Only published articles and preprints will be considered; e) Data were collected during the COVID pandemic. Exclusion criteria: a) The abstract does not refer to data collection; b) Does not directly address COVID-19 and activism as a core aspect; c) Does not directly address activism as a core aspect; d) Studies deemed to be of low methodological rigour (i.e. quality evaluation is less than 3 on a 1-5 scale) will be excluded. Query strings: ("COVID-19" OR "pandemic" OR "coronavirus" OR "2019-ncov" OR "sars-cov-2" OR "cov-19") AND ("protest*" OR "activis*" OR "collective action" ) Search validation procedure: We performed a Google Scholar search using the search terms “protest activism covid pandemic” to make sure the most influential papers in the area (as determined by the search algorithm) were present in our search. The top 5 papers listed were: 1. Zajak, S., Stjepandić, K., & Steinhilper, E. (2021). Pro-migrant protest in times of COVID-19: intersectional boundary spanning and hybrid protest practices. European Societies, 23(sup1), S172-S183. 2. Cobbina, J., LaCourse, A., Brooke, E. J., & Chaudhuri, S. (2021). Protesting During a Pandemic: Narratives on Risk Taking and Motivation to Participating in the 2020 March on Washington. Crime & Delinquency, 67(8), 1195-1220. 3. Wakefield, J. R. H., Bowe, M., & Kellezi, B. (2021). Thy will be done: Exploring the longitudinal rewards of religious group membership enactment during volunteering. British Journal of Social Psychology. DOI:10.1111/bjso.12478 4. Carlsen, H. B., Toubøl, J., & Brincker, B. (2021). On solidarity and volunteering during the COVID-19 crisis in Denmark: the impact of social networks and social media groups on the distribution of support. European Societies, 23(sup1), S122-S140. 5. Borbáth, E., Hunger, S., Hutter, S., & Oana, I. E. (2021). Civic and Political Engagement during the Multifaceted COVID‐19 Crisis. Swiss Political Science Review. DOI: 10.1111/spsr.12446. We expect to find these in our searches. Procedures to contact authors: Not relevant for the Scoping Review. Screening Screening stages: We will eliminate the papers outside of the scope of this review, as indicated in the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Firstly, based on title, abstract, keywords, and metadata (i.e., year, language) we will exclude materials that meet the following criteria: 1. All papers published before 2020; 2. Papers in languages other than English; 3. Materials different from published articles and preprints. 4. Papers that do not include empirical work; 5. No data being used; Next, based on the full manuscript, we will exclude materials that meet the following criteria: 6. Data were collected before the COVID pandemic; 7. Does not directly address COVID-19 as a core aspect; 8. Does not directly address activism as a core aspect; 9. Studies deemed to be of low methodological rigour (i.e. quality evaluation is less than 3 on a 1-5 scale) will be excluded. Screened fields / blinding: Title, abstract, language, metadata - although the software provides info on the authors, this is not considered in the screening phase. Screening reliability: Interrater reliability will be assessed both at initial screening phase and consequent quality assessment, as well as analysis phase by recoding 10% of the material considered by each coder. Screening reconciliation procedure: Discrepancies will be resolved by discussion with the aim of reaching a unanimous decision. Sampling and sample size: All materials meeting our criteria will be considered. Data management and sharing: Data management will be conducted through Rayyan. The results will be made available in .csv format on osf.io upon publication. Synthesis and Quality Assessment Quality assessment: a. understandable language; b. clear theoretical framework; c. clear definition of constructs; d. clear and detailed methodology; e. the design allows to answer the research question. Synthesis plan: Articles will be classified on the basis of the theoretical framework of reference and the methods adopted. Using content analysis, we will synthesize the literature on the basis of following criteria: - Topic of the protest/activism; - Theoretical framework; - Variables of interest; - Methods; - Main results (lessons learned).

Publié parallèlement au dossier Contester la métropole, l’entretien collectif « Et tout, le monde, déteste la métropole ? » est consacré aux luttes urbaines contre la métropole. Ce texte propose une discussion de cet entretien collectif à partir d’une perspective périurbaine et revient en particulier sur le passage concernant les luttes qui prennent place à l’extérieur des métropoles. Dans ce passage, le discours des intervenants se nourrit de l’image aujourd’hui dominante du périurbain et les intervenants instruisent alors une critique de ces espaces qui les conduit à sous-entendre que ceux-ci ne sont pas un lieu d’engagement. Ils expriment également une vision ignorant directement les engagements périurbains. Ce texte de discussion a pour objectif de contribuer à une meilleure connaissance du périurbain et tente de déconstruire les représentations génériques de ces espaces qui apparaissent dans l’entretien. Il donne ainsi des éléments sur la catégorisation sociospatiale du périurbain, qui fait le plus souvent l’objet de simplifications. Prolongeant l’entretien, ce retour vise également à montrer que le périurbain est, parallèlement aux villes, un lieu d’engagement pour les classes moyennes, sous une diversité de formes. Published alongside the special issue Contester la métropole, the collective interview “Hey hey, ho ho, metropolis has got to go?” focuses on urban social movements fighting metropolises and the process of metropolization. This paper discusses this collective interview from a peri-urban perspective – with a particular focus on the section about protests outside metropolises. In that section, the authors relay the dominant images of peri-urban areas and imply there is no political engagement in these spaces. They also express a vision unattuned to existing forms of peri-urban political engagement. This paper aims to contribute to a better knowledge of peri-urban spaces; in order to do so, it attempts to deconstruct the generic representations of peri-urban areas which appear in the interview. It thus provides details on the socio-spatial categorisation of peri-urban areas in France, which is often oversimplified. It also shows that alongside cities, peri-urban spaces are sites of middle-class political engagement, and reveals the diversity of forms this engagement takes.

International audience; This paper addresses the professional trajectories of women in geography who were or are based at the University of São Paulo (USP) and who belong to generations which faced the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985). Theoretically inspired by the ancient Greek notion of parrhesia in the Foucauldian sense of resistance and 'fearless speech', this paper extends recent literature on feminist historical geographies and histories of radical geography, and responds to pressing needs for challenging Anglo-American hegemonies in these fields. To this end, I draw upon exceptional sources, such as autobiographical archival materials and three interviews with 'privileged witnesses', to make internationally known outstanding cases of female leadership that disrupt narratives on 'big men' which have hitherto hidden these stories. Although most of these women do not display explicitly a feminist label, their trajectories show how feminist practices were put in place, sometimes implicitly, by female scholars mostly coming from working-class and migrant backgrounds. These cases from the Global South further expose the feminist and radical principle that emancipation should not be conceded from above but taken from below.

Attitudes to digital communication technologies since the 1990s have been characterized by waves of optimism and pessimism, as enthusiasts have highlighted their democratic and liberating potentials, while critics have pointed to the socially, politically and psychologically deleterious consequences of unchecked digital capitalism. This paper seeks to develop an analytical framework capable of appreciating and assessing the capacities of such technologies both to genuinely enhance democratic agency, and to become tools through which capitalist power is enhanced with widespread negative consequences. The paper in particular deploys my concept of ‘potent collectivity’ in order to name the type of democratic agency that such media technologies can be seen both to enable and enhance under certain circumstances, and to inhibit under others. It also considers the affective qualities of ‘potent collectivity’, and in particular the utility of a Deleuzo-Spinozan concept of ‘collective joy’ as designating the affective quality typical of ‘potent collectivity’. The paper uses the specific example of left-wing political activism in the UK during the period 2015-17 to illustrate the potential for platform technologies to enable new forms of democratic mobilization, while arguing for an analytical position that eschews any simple celebration of the liberating potential of new technologies; remaining sensitive to the negative features of ‘platform capitalism’.

This paper critically examines epistemological, ontological and axiological tensions of activism in three related contexts. These are, first, (primarily medical) volunteer tourism ideologies and practices in Central America –including US-American teenagers volunteering in medical centres where, entirely untrained, they do sutures and injections, deliver babies, and help with amputations. Second, the paper considers and critiques local norms (e.g. widespread homophobia) and materials (e.g the use of short-handled agricultural hoes) that may be discursively constructed as resistance to western imperialism. Finally, the critique turns back on the researcher gaze itself, problematizing the notion of academic activism in spaces, like these, where criticality itself is an imported –arguably luxurious– folly. Local people, it is apparent, do not want convoluted theorizing or Western hand-wringing; they want proper medical care. The paper therefore considers the extent to which academic work in such spaces can call itself activism at all. Three years of ethnographic research inform the paper (2013 to 2015, predominantly in Guatemala and Nicaragua), including hundreds of hours of interviews and participant observational fieldwork, in Spanish and English, with local stakeholders (e.g. teachers and homestay hosts) and Western volunteer tourists. The paper is theorized with reference to postcolonialism, critical medical ethics, models of structural violence, and Gutiérrez’s liberation theology.

In Helsinki, summer 2010, a group of friends challenged each other to just consume at local independent stores for two weeks long. This challenge became an event of public calling for controversy, rallying support for small independent shop owners, in opposition to large retail chains. This forms the premise of a case study, according which this paper will argue that the design of an event as such is not only relevant in forms of activism, but is also relevant for design in general, especially when design addresses behavior change or lifestyle change. A qualitative study based on Maffesoli’s theory of neo-tribalism identifies this event as mediated and designed. Although more study is needed, this paper suggests that an event as such fosters a certain image, celebrates certain behavior and that it entails a behavior change for those that join it. As such, it is a powerful means for design when it comes to behavior change: Designing with behavior for behavior.

Avui dia qualsevol persona pot convertir-se en activista digital. Però com es comuniquen col·lectius afins a moviments socials organitzats i democràtics? Quin tipus d'estratègies fan servir? Quin és el paper de la comunicació? És utilitzada només a nivell extern amb l'objectiu de fer arribar un missatge a la ciutadania o és també capaç de generar xarxes de coordinació internes? En el present Treball Final de Màster s'estudien des de la teoria una sèrie de conceptes clau com el poder, la comunicació política i la participació per entendre, a posteriori, quin és el seu paper en les campanyes de comunicació de transformació social fetes per quatre col·lectius escollits amb una mirada diversa: el Sindicat Popular de Venedors Ambulants -per la seva vinculació amb la lluita antiracista-, l'associació Amnistia Internacional -com a referent de la defensa dels Drets Humans-, el Sindicat de Llogaters i Llogateres -per la seva defensa de l'accés a l'habitatge-, i el col·lectiu Fridays For Future Barcelona -vinculat amb l'acció per la justícia climàtica. Aquests col·lectius tenen elements comunicatius estratègics comuns? Existeix un tipus de comunicació activista? Els resultats revelen que l'estratègia a l'hora de crear les campanyes de comunicació de la marca activista no disten de les campanyes de comunicació fetes per les grans corporacions i empreses. On realment hi ha la diferència és en el missatge i en el com es comunica. No obstant, la comunicació digital també planteja límits per l'activisme. De les conclusions extretes a partir de l'anàlisi de quatre campanyes de comunicació se'n proposa una guia pràctica de comunicació activista. Hoy en día cualquier persona puede convertirse en activista digital. Pero, ¿cómo se comunican colectivos afines a movimientos sociales organizados y democráticos? ¿Qué tipo de estrategias usan? ¿Cuál es el papel de la comunicación? ¿Es utilizada solo a nivel externo con el objetivo de hacer llegar un mensaje a la ciudadanía o es también capaz de generar redes de coordinación internas? En el presente Trabajo Final de Máster se estudian desde la teoría una serie de conceptos clave como el poder, la comunicación política y la participación para entender, a posteriori, cuál es su papel en las campañas de comunicación de transformación social hechas por cuatro colectivos escogidos con una mirada diversa: el Sindicato Popular de Vendedores Ambulantes -por su vinculación con la lucha antirracista-, la asociación Amnistía Internacional -como referente de la defensa de los Derechos Humanos-, el Sindicato de Locatarios y Locatarias -por su defensa del acceso a la vivienda-, y el colectivo Fridays For Future Barcelona -vinculado con la acción por la justicia climática. Estos colectivos tienen elementos comunicativos estratégicos comunes? Existe un tipo de comunicación activista? Los resultados revelan que la estrategia en la hora de crear las campañas de comunicación de la marca activista no distan de las campañas de comunicación hechas por las grandes corporaciones y empresas. Donde realmente hay la diferencia es en el mensaje y en el como se comunica. No obstante, la comunicación digital también plantea límites por el activismo. De las conclusiones extraídas a partir del análisis de cuatro campañas de comunicación se propone una guía práctica de comunicación activista. Today anyone can become a digital activist. But how do collectives related to organized and democratic social movements communicate? What kind of strategies do they use? What is the role of communication? Is it used only at an external level with the aim of getting a message to citizens or is it also capable of generating internal coordination networks? In this Master's thesis, a series of key concepts such as power, political communication and participation are studied from a theoretical perspective in order to understand, a posteriori, what their role is in the communication campaigns for social transformation carried out by four collectives chosen with a diverse perspective: the Sindicato Popular de Vendedores Ambulantes (Popular Union of Street Vendors) -because of its link with the anti-racist struggle-, the association Amnesty International -as a reference for the defense of Human Rights-, the Sindicato de Locatarios y Locatarias (Union of Tenants) -for its defense of access to housing-, and the collective Fridays For Future Barcelona -linked to the action for climate justice. Do these collectives have common strategic communication elements? Is there a type of activist communication? The results reveal that the strategy in creating the communication campaigns of the activist brand is not different from the communication campaigns made by large corporations and companies. The real difference is in the message and how it is communicated. However, digital communication also poses limits for activism. From the conclusions drawn from the analysis of four communication campaigns, a practical guide to activist communication is proposed.

In recent years, there has been an increasing visibility of intersex people’s issues and experiences of human rights violations amongst international human rights institutions and monitoring bodies. At the United Nations, to date, there are more than 500 treaty bodies’ concluding observations taking notice of human rights abuses against intersex persons and calling member states to fulfil their human rights obligations. This paper follows the inclusion and visibility of intersex issues in the text of the United Nations treaty bodies’ concluding observations. I looked for explicit mentions of the word “intersex” in treaty bodies’ report documents and reviewed how the concluding observations and recommendations of these bodies resonate with demands coming from intersex activist groups. I found that the main issues included in the treaty bodies’ reports concern intersex genital surgeries (IGS), autonomy claims, and demands for redress and support mechanisms, and while these issues have gained visibility, there are also a number of demands by intersex activists that remain less visible, if not invisible altogether. This paper aims at providing evidence of the increasing visibility and awareness of human rights monitoring bodies have over intersex people’s rights.

Orientador: Débora Mazza Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação Resumo: A presente pesquisa buscou, através de fontes documentais de natureza variada, c compreender os espaços de educação da classe trabalhadora paulistana entre 1920 e 1950, mais precisamente entre os trabalhadores e trabalhadoras militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB). Foram consultados os números dos jornais colaborativos A Classe Operária, cartas, fotografias, memórias escritas de velhos militantes, assim como as memórias orais de filhos e netos. A análise dos materiais sugeriu que os espaços de participação política foram também compreendidos como espaços de educação e de resistência formativa. Para a classe operária da cidade de São Paulo do início do século XX, prioritariamente imigrante, sujeita a precárias condições de vida e trabalho, o ensino formal não era uma realidade. A educação oficial começa a dar os primeiros passos no ideário de universalização, porém ainda é restrita e não atinge a todos. Como forma de resistência popular, no entanto, a educação surge por outros vieses: o partido, o sindicato, os jornais colaborativos, o ensino mútuo, as agremiações populares Abstract: This research sought, through documentary sources of varied nature, understand the educational spaces of São Paulo working class between 1920 and 1950, more precisely among the working men and women militants of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB). The numbers of collaborative papers The Working Class were consulted, letters, photographs, memoirs of old militants, as well as the oral memories of children and grandchildren. The analysis of the materials suggested that the spaces of political participation were also understood as education spaces and formative resistance. For the working class of the city of São Paulo from the early twentieth century, primarily immigrant, subject to precarious conditions of life and work, formal education was not a reality. The official education begins to take the first steps in the universalization of ideas, but it is still limited and does not reach everyone. As a form of popular resistance, however, education arises for other biases: the party, the union, the collaborative papers, mutual education, popular associations Mestrado Ciências Sociais na Educação Mestra em Educação CAPES

Social entrepreneurship is a relatively novel phenomenon in our country, but despite its importance to the third sector and potential connections to other more traditional forms of social participation, there are hardly any studies that have addressed the analysis of such relationships. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the disposition of young people to engage in social entrepreneurship, to study the relationships between entrepreneurship and other forms of social participation, and its relationship with the moral obligation to participate socially in order to determine the extent to which the entrepreneurship paradigm has penetrated among young people as a formula for addressing social problems. Through a paper questionnaire, 261 university students provided information on the previous issues. The results evidence the existence of significant relationships between social entrepreneurship and other forms of social participation. The intention to start social entrepreneurship is lower to the intention to implement other forms of fundamentally civic participation. Finally, moral obligation only predicts the intention to undertake socially through its relationship with the intention of developing other forms of social participation. The results are discussed. El emprendimiento social es un fenómeno relativamente novedoso en nuestro país, pero a pesar de su importancia para el tercer sector y de las potenciales conexiones con otras formas más tradicionales de participación social, apenas se encuentran estudios que hayan abordado el análisis de tales relaciones. El propósito de este trabajo es analizar la disposición de los jóvenes a desarrollar emprendimiento social, estudiar la vinculación que tiene el emprendimiento con otras formas de participación social, y la relación que mantiene con la obligación moral de participar socialmente para determinar hasta qué punto el paradigma del emprendimiento también ha calado entre los jóvenes como una fórmula para afrontar los problemas sociales. A través de un cuestionario en papel, 261 estudiantes universitarios aportaron información sobre las cuestiones previamente apuntadas. Los resultados hallados evidencian la relación entre emprendimiento social y otras formas de participación social. La intención de emprender socialmente es inferior a la intención de poner en práctica otras formas de participación fundamentalmente cívicas. Finalmente, la obligación moral sólo predice la intención de emprender a través de su relación con la intención de desarrollar otras formas de participación social. Se discuten los resultados hallados.

In this paper we assess to what extent Oprah Winfrey’s speech during the Golden Globes 2018, situated in the new context of the #MeToo movement and the Time’s Up initiative, destabilizes the modes of recognition of gender violence, offering an example of the operationalization of the concept of ‘ethical witnessing’ in communication media brought about by celebrities. In order to do so we consider the connections she establishes between the fight for rights and other fights for recognition, redistribution and participation; the degree of transgression of the reified models of identification of the subjectvictim and the focus on the capacity of agency; and the type of relationship that develops between the subject who gives testimony and the witness. The paper concludes that Oprah’s intersectional approach to gender violence, her focus on agency and resistance (verging on heroism), her role as both witness of her own victimization and facilitator of others’ testimonies, and her activism and inspiration for others to engage socially and politically, comes close to transgressing the boundaries of the current mode of recognition and representation of gender violence. Nevertheless, the widely accepted image of Oprah as an authority assumes a hierarchical relation that contravenes an ethical dimension of witnessing. In addition, in line with a liberal position, Oprah reimagines the ‘good victim’ as an empowered individual who overcomes vulnerability, and she envisions the eradication of gender inequality as something that comes from the top down. En este trabajo evaluamos hasta qué punto el discurso de Oprah Winfrey durante los Golden Globes 2018, ubicado en el nuevo contexto del movimiento #MeToo y la iniciativa Time’s Up, desestabiliza los modos de reconocimiento de la violencia de género, ofreciendo un ejemplo de operacionalización del concepto de ‘testimonio ético’ aplicado a la acción de celebridades en los medios de comunicación. Para hacerlo, consideramos las conexiones que se establecen entre la lucha por los derechos de las mujeres y otras luchas por el reconocimiento, la redistribución y la participación; el grado de transgresión de los modelos reificados de identificación del sujeto-víctima y el enfoque en la capacidad de agencia; y el tipo de relación que se desarrolla entre el sujeto que da el testimonio y el testigo. El documento concluye que el enfoque interseccional de Oprah respecto a la violencia de género, su enfoque en agencia y resistencia (rayando en heroísmo), su papel como testigo de su propia victimización y facilitador de los testimonios de los demás, y su activismo e inspiración para que otros participen social y políticamente, están cerca de transgredir los límites del modo actual de reconocimiento y representación de la violencia de género. Sin embargo, la imagen ampliamente aceptada de Oprah como autoridad toma una relación jerárquica que contraviene una dimensión ética del testimonio. Además, Oprah vuelve a imaginar a la “buena víctima” como una persona empoderada que supera la vulnerabilidad, al mismo tiempo que concibe la erradicación de la desigualdad de género como algo que se genera de arriba hacia abajo. Neste trabalho avaliamos até que ponto o discurso de Oprah Winfrey durante o Globo de Outro de 2018, situado no novo contexto do movimento #MeToo e a iniciativa do Time’s up, desestabiliza os modos de reconhecimento da violência de gênero, oferecendo um exemplo da operacionalização do conceito de ‘testemunho ético’ (‘ethical witnessing’) trazido por celebridades nos meios de comunicação. Para isso nós consideramos as conexões que ela estabelece entre a luta pelos direitos das mulheres e outras lutas por reconhecimento, redistribuição e participação, o nível da transgressão dos modelos reificados de identificação do sujeito-vítima e o foco na capacidade de agência, e o tipo de relação que se desenvolve entre o sujeito que dá o testemunho e a testemunha. Este trabalho conclui que a perspectiva interseccional para violência de gênero de Oprah, seu foco na agência e resistência (beirando o heroísmo), seu papel como ambas as testemunha da sua própria vitimização e facilitadora dos testemunhos dos outros, e seu ativismo e inspiração para outros se engajarem socialmente e politicamente, chega perto à transgressão das fronteiras do corrente modo de reconhecimento e representação de violência de gênero. No entanto, a amplamente aceita imagem da Oprah como uma autoridade assume uma relação hierárquica que contravém uma dimensão ética do testemunho. Ainda, alinhada com uma posição liberal, Oprah reimagina a “boa vítima” como um indivíduo empoderado que supera vulnerabilidade, e imagina a erradicação da desigualdade de gênero como algo que vem de cima para baixo.

This paper begins with a brief overview of the origins and continued use of standpoint theory in the social sciences. It highlights both historical and contemporary challenges to the utility of standpoint theory as a critical scholarly tool, including developments such as intersectionality and transgenderism / transracialism. Specifically, the implications of a post-truth era for standpoint theory are considered alongside the affective turn, purity politics and the critique of critique. Given the slow, but steady, erosion of the ivory tower in which academics enjoyed privileged access to ‘truth’, this paper concludes with the need to foster scholar activism via new forms of knowledge politics that move beyond existing approaches to standpoint theory.

The history of black struggles in Britain has often centred on spaces of violence and resistance. While there has been significant attention paid to how racism is articulated through particular places, less has been said about anti-racism being communicated through its associations with space and place. Using Tottenham (north London) as a case study, I draw on ethnographic observations at demonstrations and public meetings, in addition to semi-structured interviews with anti-racist activists resisting policing in post-2011 London. This paper argues that, over time, racist metonyms describing places racialised as black have led to the rise of a metonymic anti-racism. Metonymic anti-racism is used alongside more overt anti-racist language, and has profound implications for understanding struggles against police racism in Britain. The paper analyses these implications, contextualizing them historically, in light of neoliberalised racial discourses and how anti-racist metonyms shape articulations of black struggle against policing in post-2011 Tottenham.

In northern Europe and Scandinavia, there is a tradition called Didaktik. It can be seen as both the art of teaching and as the “science for teachers”, helping us teachers answering didactic questions about WHY?, WHAT? and HOW? to teach (and support learning). Many areas of subject-specific Didaktik have in recent decades evolved from mainly practice-based methodology to quite independent research areas. This applies, for example, to the field of science-Didaktik (i.e., Science Education). Part of this field has a special interest in educational activities for socio-ecojustice. For instance, it can include complex issues used in teaching to build bridges across different curriculum subjects, among them STEM-subjects, in support of sustainability, reflexive Bildung and socio-political activism. The focus in this paper is on socalled didactic models and modelling aiming at actions for socio-ecojustice. In particular, the paper presents a model for eco-reflexive Didaktik, an example of a didactic model. Didactic modelling is the name for the processes when didactic models are used and developed, often by researchers in collaboration with practitioners. The didactic model in focus here is based on philosophical ideas and orientations, such as holism, critical realism, egalitarianism, altruism, reconstructionism and critical pedagogy.

Author(s): Livier, Ruth | Abstract: The 45th administration’s Zero Tolerance policy at the southern U.S. border has resulted in the systemic criminalization of refugee asylum seekers.[1] The stories of horrific child abuse have been revealed by the tireless efforts of journalists, public leaders, whistleblowers, and activists. This paper takes a look at LOUD, a Latinx-lead grassroots activist group created by entertainment professionals in response to this state sponsored violence. It analyzes the ways in which the group has used social media and digital tools in the course of their activities, the records they are (co-) creating, and the archival needs that these have revealed. Finally, this paper thinks through the group’s needs for an optimal digital data collection and records management system and the ways in which archivists trained in human rights might be key allies in their efforts. My hope is that this article sheds light on the strategic collaboration between artists and archivists in the activist arena as events unfold.[1] My refusal to name him in a consistent manner is a deliberate act of resistance. @font-face { font-family: "Cambria Math"; }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; }p.MsoFootnoteText, li.MsoFootnoteText, div.MsoFootnoteText { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; font-size: 10pt; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; }span.MsoFootnoteReference { vertical-align: super; }span.FootnoteTextChar { }.MsoChpDefault { }div.WordSection1 { }

This paper explores the individual transformation of a group of young activists from the Moroccan February 20 Movement through their involvement in protest. The paper focuses on different development milestones in each individual path, by identifying the personal experiences of the activists and analysing their interactions with the national and regional environment. Based on an anthropological approach, the paper addresses the idea of political subjectivation as a concept aimed at absorbing and investigating the forms and stages in which the interlocutors decided to engage in «action». It also focuses on the course of producing their own transformations, which which helped them understand new representations of their surroundings.

Anti-racism in Europe operates in political, policy, and civic spaces, in which organizations try to counter racial discrimination and violence. This paper applies a textual analysis to the European discourse of the transnationally connected anti-racism movement that shaped the European Union (henceforth EU) anti-racism action plan 2020–2025. The plan seeks to address structural racism in the EU through an intersectional lens. Alana Lentin, however, cautions that the structuring principles of anti-racism approaches can obscure “irrefutable reciprocity between racism and the modern nation-state”. Against the backdrop of a critique intersectionality mainstreaming in global anti-racist movements, this paper draws on Kimberly Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality to critically examine the practices outlined in the EU anti-racism action plan to understand (1) the extent to which the EU anti-racism action addresses the historical baggage of European imperialism, (2) the influence of transnational anti-racism organizations such as the European Network Against Racism (henceforth ENAR) in reinforcing universalisms about notions of humanity in anti-racism activism through language and (3) the limitations that the EU anti-racism action plan poses for the empowerment of racially marginalized groups of people.

This paper explores the role of activism as an inflection point for engagement with religious and cultural identity by younger generations of Sikhs in the US. The response of young Sikh activists and the effects on the community are examined in the context of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the US. The paper begins with the reflections of a Sikh activist about her personal journey learning about Sikh faith and history, and her activism and personal interests. Important themes that reflect the attitudes of contemporary Sikh activists and organizations are discussed. The effects of the post-9/11 backlash against Sikhs in the US are compared to Guru Nanak’s experiences of and response to violence, strife, and injustice. The social, psychological, and spiritual benefits of service for those who provide service and care are explored in relation to Sikh philosophy, and from the point of view of contemporary cultural and historical studies of Sikh seva (selfless service) and humanitarianism. The paper concludes that many Sikhs, particularly those coming of age in the late 20th and early 21st century, often referred to as millennial and Generation Z, view social justice activism, humanitarianism and Sikh seva as central and equal to other pillars of Sikhism like worship and devotional practices.

Social Responsibility and Diversity are two principal tenets of the field of library and information science (LIS) as defined by the American Library Association’s “Core Values of Librarianship” but that often remain on the margins of LIS education, leading to limited student engagement with these concepts and limited faculty modeling of socially responsible interventions. In this paper we take up the need to increase the role of both in articulating the Core Values of Diversity and Social Responsibility in LIS education and argue that the field should broaden to place LIS students and faculty in dialog with contemporary social issues of social inequality and injustice whenever possible. The paper also examines two specific cases of socially responsible activism spearheaded by LIS faculty and how these experiences shape, and are shaped by, curricular commitments to addressing the Values of Social Responsibility and Diversity in LIS in the classroom and through research. The development of a social responsibility orientation and skillset along with literacies of diversity, the paper argues, leads to better-prepared practitioners and an LIS community that is more actively engaged with its environment. The impetus for students to act can be empowered by faculty modeling a commitment to Social Responsibility and Diversity in their own professional lives.

In this paper we assess to what extent Oprah Winfrey’s speech during the Golden Globes 2018, situated in the new context of the #MeToo movement and the Time’s Up initiative, destabilizes the modes of recognition of gender violence, offering an example of the operationalization of the concept of ‘ethical witnessing’ in communication media brought about by celebrities. In order to do so we consider the connections she establishes between the fight for rights and other fights for recognition, redistribution and participation; the degree of transgression of the reified models of identification of the subject-victim and the focus on the capacity of agency; and the type of relationship that develops between the subject who gives testimony and the witness. The paper concludes that Oprah’s intersectional approach to gender violence, her focus on agency and resistance (verging on heroism), her role as both witness of her own victimization and facilitator of others’ testimonies, and her activism and inspiration for others to engage socially and politically, comes close to transgressing the boundaries of the current mode of recognition and representation of gender violence. Nevertheless, the widely accepted image of Oprah as an authority assumes a hierarchical relation that contravenes an ethical dimension of witnessing. In addition, in line with a liberal position, Oprah reimagines the ‘good victim’ as an empowered individual who overcomes vulnerability, and she envisions the eradication of gender inequality as something that comes from the top down. En este trabajo evaluamos hasta qué punto el discurso de Oprah Winfrey durante los Golden Globes 2018, ubicado en el nuevo contexto del movimiento #MeToo y la iniciativa Time’s Up, desestabiliza los modos de reconocimiento de la violencia de género, ofreciendo un ejemplo de operacionalización del concepto de ‘testimonio ético’ aplicado a la acción de celebridades en los medios de comunicación. Para hacerlo, consideramos las conexiones que se establecen entre la lucha por los derechos de las mujeres y otras luchas por el reconocimiento, la redistribución y la participación; el grado de transgresión de los modelos reificados de identificación del sujeto-víctima y el enfoque en la capacidad de agencia; y el tipo de relación que se desarrolla entre el sujeto que da el testimonio y el testigo. El documento concluye que el enfoque interseccional de Oprah respecto a la violencia de género, su enfoque en agencia y resistencia (rayando en heroísmo), su papel como testigo de su propia victimización y facilitador de los testimonios de los demás, y su activismo e inspiración para que otros participen social y políticamente, están cerca de transgredir los límites del modo actual de reconocimiento y representación de la violencia de género. Sin embargo, la imagen ampliamente aceptada de Oprah como autoridad toma una relación jerárquica que contraviene una dimensión ética del testimonio. Además, Oprah vuelve a imaginar a la “buena víctima” como una persona empoderada que supera la vulnerabilidad, al mismo tiempo que concibe la erradicación de la desigualdad de género como algo que se genera de arriba hacia abajo.

Indigenous LGBTIQ people are a marginalised group that do not have the luxury of representation on a broad range of social and cultural issues. The development of various online projects aims to challenge that. This paper is a discussion of the development of a blog project which supports Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander LGBTIQ peoples through link sharing online on social media. The themes of identity, social media, and Indigenous activism are rehearsed in this paper to demonstrate the potential for emerging projects that challenge oppressive politics

Bohna is the traditional ethnic dress woven and worn by Dhimal women. It is an everyday dress which Dhimal women wear it in all kinds of social spaces and events: home, fields, markets, cinema halls, colleges, mela, and other places. In the recent decades, with the resurgence of indigenous political movements and Dhimals' localized social movements for revival of their customary practices, bohna has emerged as a powerful marker of Dhimal indigenous identity. This paper examines the historical, cultural and political embeddedness of bohna in Dhimal society. The paper highlights the creative agency of Dhimal women by showing how weaving and exchange of bohna recreate and connect the embedded relations of affection, exchange and mutual obligations between Dhimal women.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v8i0.10724Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 8, 2014; 99-112

This paper explores the relation of fear to activism in private and constrained circumstances of chronic risk and anxiety. Asking how people contest domestic violence, given the intensity of the fear that it generates, the paper reframes their responses as practices of activism. It draws on qualitative research that charts the nature, experience and effects of fear over time. Using seismology as a metaphor for this process, the analysis describes complex and often hidden shifts in emotions over periods of years, as interviewees describe being simultaneously constrained by fear and actively using fear to manage and contest violence. Their practices of resistance are small scale, largely invisible to others, and have a messy and non-linear relationship with the process of leaving that some eventually undertake. Such action is only necessary in a social and political climate which continues to place more emphasis on individual than social responsibility for domestic violence. I examine what this resistance adds to recent accounts of activism, concluding that isolated actions constitute activism when they anticipate or engender collective social and political change at other scales.

This paper explores how engaging in and with philosophy in the streets has unique and special potential for children doing philosophy both inside and outside the classroom. We highlight techniques drawn from research into the political, social and activist potential of street art, and we illustrate how to apply these techniques in a P4C context in what we call guerrilla philosophy. We argue that guerrilla philosophy is a pedagogically powerful method to philosophically engage students whose ages range from 11-13. In calling attention to the power of guerrilla philosophy to engage students philosophically, we are tacitly assuming a Deweyan philosophical approach (Dewey 1916, 1925, 1934), which emphasises (1) the importance of promoting civic-mindedness as a social value; (2) the reliance on imaginative, creative and experiential forms of learning as essential to education ; and (3) a vision of the classroom as an embodiment of the larger civic community to which we all belong and in which we all must cooperate and engage (Dewey 1916). This paper traces these three themes in Dewey’s philosophical views of education and democracy, and considers how they are given a twenty-first century interpretation through street art, guerrilla philosophy and children’s activism.

Whether scientists should be advocates for conservation has been amatter of debate in the scientific community and literature (Brussard and Tull, 2007; Lackey, 2007; Noss, 2007; Chan, 2008; Nelson and Vucetich, 2009; Scott and Rachlow, 2010; Parsons, 2013; Rose and Parsons, 2015). Some are set against it, such as Lackey (2007), who considers that while scientists should be involved in the policy process, they should not show any preferences for conservation policies, nor even use valueladen terms in their work, such as good, healthy, or degradation. On the other side of the spectrum, Noss (2007) argues that everyone has opinions and values and, when it comes to making policy recommendations, who better to do so than scientists, who are closest to the facts? However, Noss (2007) also highlights that there is a style of advocacy appropriate for scientists and another for environmental activists. Hixon (2000) adds that scientists are citizens, like everyone else, and as such have an obligation to engage in political debate and policy, because if they do not (as Noss, 2007 alluded to), decisions are made by those who are less familiar with the scientific method, and do not have as good a grasp of the facts as scientists do. In some sectors of the marine conservation field, advocacy is being seen as increasingly important. For example, Shiffman and Hammerschlag (2016a) found that 75% of shark biologists they surveyed said that shark scientists should advocate, and 53% said that policy statements should be included in their papers. However, for many scientists, advocacy is still almost a “dirty word” and they are staunch in their belief that scientists should remain in the ivory tower and remain “pure” (Rose and Parsons, 2015), and that scientists who engage in advocacy are not being objective and/or are no longer a “real” scientists (Parsons, 2013). But what exactly is advocacy? Also, what is the difference between advocacy and activist, and why in particular is activism often viewed so negatively? This paper discusses some of these issues.

This paper argues that Plato’s Socratic Dialogues can effectively model the process through which musical activism is understood by listeners. The Socratic Dialogues, as an abstract model, are first analyzed for advantages and disadvantages when using them to understand musical activism. This analysis breaks the dialogues into two stages: “Deconstruction” and “Collaboration.” The model is then applied to the song “Ebola is Real” by F. A., Soul Fresh, and DenG, a work that arose from the outbreak of Ebola virus disease in Liberia in March 2014. The song was supported by UNICEF and has a clear activist agenda. The song structure, lyrics and commentary on the song are examined with the Socratic Dialogues in mind. The paper concludes that Plato’s Socratic Dialogues offer a clear model for understanding the complex processes and relationships at work in musical activism.

This paper is the first synthesis of ongoing research on three grassroots free health centers for the uninsured in Athens, Greece. It poses two main questions: how and why do individuals mobilize and become health care activists? How do they communicate their choice? This paper claims that health care activism in the observed sites is an exclusionary strategy of social reproduction of the impoverished middle-class and that it takes place, also, through language. Social reproduction is related to four factors: different levels of impact of the crisis among classes; unequal distribution of social, cultural and economic capital; the incorporation of biomedicine and its power structures; and the moral economy of “solidarity”. This paper sketches a genealogy of “solidarity” and uses both ethnography and analytical philosophy to trace its use among activists.

Cet article analyse les réseaux d’acteurs d’une association locale de défense de l’environnement (Environ) et les effets de ces réseaux sur la structuration de la zone géographique d’action de l’organisation. Il s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique au sein de deux associations implantées dans le quadrant sud-est du périurbain lyonnais. Une attention particulière est portée à la façon dont les relations s’inscrivent dans l’espace et à comment l’espace laisse, en retour, une trace importance sur celles-ci. L’association dispose d’un fort ancrage local, en lien avec l’appartenance de ses membres à des réseaux d’interconnaissance localisés. Les tentatives d’absorption de l’association par la deuxième (La pie verte) se sont heurtées aux rapports de pouvoir entre les deux structures associatives. This paper analyses the networks of one environmental activist organization and the consequences these networks have on the structure of the organization’s geographical coverage. The findings presented are drawn from field research carried out within two environmental organizations in peri-urban Lyon, France. Particular attention is paid to the way in which the interactions between the two organizations are framed and affected by the spaces in which they take place. The organization has a local social, related to the local level interpersonal ties of activists. The desire of one organization to integrate with the other was compromised by the social dominance hierarchy between the two groups.

Two-way communication, participation in creating and sharing content on the Internet and complete human experience enabled in cyberspace or social media affected the emergence of a new form of culture – real virtuality. Social power transforms and moves to cyberspace. The Internet became the most democratic medium and a framework for updating information on various problems and planning actions in order to solve them. This sets up new aspects of resistance and social organizing. The Internet is a powerful technological weapon, and if used in responsible and proper manner, it can be a meaningful instrument to achieve social changes. This research paper thus investigates social networks as tools to achieve social changes, or means for communication and organization of protests, and in broader sense tools for activism. Beside theoretical background and examples of social networks usage for the purpose of protest coordination and organization and communication among activists, such as Arabian Spring and Occupy Wall Street, this paper presents a case study of the Facebook group Anonymous Hrvatska, which was used to organise a couple of protests in Croatia but which did not achieve much attention. The aim of this research paper is primarily to get deeper insight in the role that social networks play in social movements. Next we try to answer whether social networks are just communication tools for organizing protests or whether they even can be catalysts for changes. Furthermore, the goal is toexplore the communication and organization of protests in Croatia based on a case study of Facebook group Anonymous Hrvatska – to investigate if there are some significant differences in ways of using social networks in this context compared to the previous cases.

Despite significant socioeconomic differences between Spain and Germany, the two countries have witnessed the growing presence of activist initiatives addressing housing problems. Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) in Spain and Bündnis Zwangsräumung Verhindern (BZV) in Berlin are struggling to stop evictions and defend citizens’ housing rights. The goal of this paper is to reflect on how politics are developing in relation to austerity and the lack of basic goods for parts of the population. This paper adopts a qualitative methodology based on a comparative case study of PAH and BZV to study the similarities and differences between the two platforms. The paper focuses especially on PAH and BZV ideological and sociological backgrounds, political repertories and political logics. A pesar de las significativas diferencias socioeconómicas entre España y Alemania, ambos países han sido testigos de la creciente presencia de las iniciativas activistas que abordan los problemas de acceso a la vivienda. Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) en España y Bündnis Zwangsräumung Verhindern (BZV) en Berlín luchan para detener los desahucios y defender los derechos de vivienda de la ciudadanía. El objetivo de este trabajo consiste en reflexionar sobre cómo se está desarrollando la política en relación con la austeridad y la falta de bienes de primera necesidad para sectores de la población. En este trabajo se adopta una metodología cualitativa basada en un estudio de caso comparativo entre PAH y BZV con la finalidad de estudiar las similitudes y diferencias entre ambas plataformas. El artículo se centra sobre todo en los orígenes ideológicos y sociológicos, los repertorios y las lógicas políticas de PAH y BZV.

Resumen Este artículo analiza modos de colaboración entre activistas cannábicos, legisladores y asesores entre 2016 y 2017 en Argentina, en momentos en que el uso terapéutico del cannabis se instaló como tema en la arena pública. Para ello se describen etnográficamente prácticas de documentación y confección de archivos de organizaciones cannábicas; reuniones entre madres de usuarios terapéuticos, representantes de asociaciones civiles, políticos y asesores; y actividades de redacción y circulación de proyectos de ley, con foco en la Legislatura de la Provincia de Córdoba. El abordaje se detiene sobre experticias y conocimientos que hacen a la construcción mutua entre activistas y agentes/agencias estatales, configurando tramas de una causa política en las que también participa mi praxis etnográfica. Abstract This paper analyzes the way in which cannabis activists, legislators, and advisors collaborated in Argentina from 2016 to 2017 when the use of medicinal cannabis became a topic of public attention. For this purpose, an ethnographic approach was used to describe documentation and archiving practices of cannabis organizations; meetings between mothers of medicinal users, members of civil associations, politicians, and advisors; and the drafting and circulation of bills, particularly in the Legislature of the Province of Cordoba. This study focuses on the expertise and knowledge of activists and state agents/agencies that, along with my ethnographic practice, mutually construct and shape a political cause.

The explosion of youth revolts in the long 1970s, including the emergence of environmental activism in western Europe, coincided with the democratization of printing technologies, and led to radical transformation in the production and distribution of knowledge. Publishing became cheap and easy due to the appearance of portable versions of formerly costly and heavy printing machinery and a myriad of self-published zines with an environmentalist tone flourished, disseminating a firm rejection to the post-war consensus of consumerism and growth, denouncing the overarching planning organizations, policies, and strategies. Besides criticism, they also present ways of thinking, living, cooperating, and building that follow different rules and values than consumer capitalism. This contribution identifies a gap in European planning history related to the agency of 1970s' environmental activism and explores the potential of environmentalist zines as sources to sustain historical inquiry and help to fill that gap. It proposes conceptualizing zines as 'minor' sources, arguing that the Deleuzian-Guattarian category is a useful concept for reframing previously marginalized voices in planning history. Through the analysis of seven transnationally published zines, the paper demonstrates their validity as sources that document contributions of voices that have been neglected so far. open access

Este artículo explora la construcción de la subjetividad, individual y colectiva, en el discurso testimonial ((auto)traducido) en relación con la obra y la figura de la escritora argentina Alicia Partnoy, exiliada en Estados Unidos durante la última dictadura en Argentina. El estudio de las ediciones del poemario testimonial Revenge of the Apple/Venganza de la manzana, publicadas en Estados Unidos (1992) y en Argentina (2009, 2016), articula las categorías de ethos colectivo y marco de discurso para dar cuenta del posicionamiento subjetivo en estas obras que se originan en prácticas de escritura y (auto)traducción en colaboración. El poemario, que recupera la experiencia de Partnoy como presa política y poeta carcelaria en el penal de Villa Devoto (1977-1979) y como exiliada política en Estados Unidos, se inscribe en la trama del discurso de la solidaridad, en distintos espacios de lucha por los derechos humanos y, particularmente, por los derechos de las mujeres., This paper explores the construction of individual and collective subjectivity in ((self-)translated) testimonial discourse in relation to the work and figure of Argentinean writer Alicia Partnoy, exiled in the US during the last dictatorship in Argentina. The study of the different editions of her testimonial poems Revenge of the Apple/Venganza de la manzana, published in the US (1992) and Argentina (2009, 2016), builds on the category of collective ethos and that of discourse framework to account for the subjective positioning evident in these texts, which originate in collaborative practices of writing and (self-)translation. This poetry collection, which draws on Partnoy’s experience as a political prisoner and prison poet in Villa Devoto Prison (1977-1979) and as a political exile in the US, is inscribed within the threads of a solidarity discourse in different spaces of struggle for human rights and, particularly, for the rights of women.

The main purpose of this paper is to properly honor the legacy of Holocaust historian Paul A. Levine, who had passed away in 2019. This has not happened so far due to several reasons, including the new pandemic reality, that obscured the sorrowful effort of the few people who struggled to maintain the wealth that he had left behind, and saved the archive from being lost forever. Therefore, for the sake of love, empathy, and historical memory, I shall bring forth a few simple suggestions and some questions of high significance: (a) Why should Paul A. Levine be honored one more time? (b) Why was there a need to rescue Levine’s library (in 2020)? (c) What does the library hide in it, and why should it be kept? As the initiator and the historian’s closest friend, in Berlin, I want to tell you about the initiative’s struggles, its first achievements, and its visions. Since present argument draws from both the concept of historical memory and from the issue of the historian's responsibility, I discuss some moral aspects which make more vivid the whole issue; highlighting the importance of private micro-archives for future historiographical Studies of the Holocaust, I argue that maintaining the archive is about more than the initiative’s struggle against indifference towards a particular historian's legacy. Going deeper, in a limited way, into suggested "what-&-why" questions, I furthermore attempt to provide some core ideas that finally could supplement a lost narrative of a historian left in the shade.

During Covid lockdown in 2021, I was invited to offer a masterclass to masters students at Queen Margaret University, Edinburgh: ‘In the leadership module we have a masterclass, groupwork, study time and a plenary that ties together. We even have a book club!!! The aim is to be generic, not nursing/health focused. The learners make space to consider application in their own areas/specialisms. ‘We were wondering if you would like to/could do a masterclass within the strand of healthfulness. We really value your storytelling and know you are really passionate about healthfulness from an ecological perspective. We would love it if you could draw on your experiences of politics, environment... The more creative the better. ‘We would want learners to consider their role in creating healthful cultures and ways that they might go about it.’ How could I resist, given my decades-long passion for transformational practice development and inquiry within a critical creativity landscape in health and social care? In my retirement, I have continued to work successfully in this way in a variety of contexts, including political activism. I responded: ‘I would love to show how healthful cultures can be created, with stories from my person-centred community engagement work in creating a neighbourhood plan [for 21st century local housing development] and campaigning for positive personal and community political responses to the climate and ecological emergency. Stories that show up something of how conditions can be created to enable the ecology of human flourishing to be embodied in action. Also, how I am seeing the stirrings of transformative change in local politics that have previously been very traditional in the way they work with people.’ This article is based on that webinar, because students not only enjoyed it, but we heard that some were also able to transfer the learning to their different professional contexts. Therefore, for this paper, I repurposed and elaborated the material for a wider audience. Health and social care services are increasingly offered in new ways in the community and I imagine more health and social care professionals will be setting up innovative ways of working. I hope, therefore, that sharing my experience of creating cultures where everyone flourishes by doing things differently, as well as critically and creatively with the whole self, will be helpful. I will share four stories of how I do that in a variety of contexts and show you, through images and metaphors, how I have gone about that, first in health and social care but primarily for now in political and campaigning contexts. Through the stories, I will show you what it takes as a person to create healthful cultures. Woven through the article is an introduction to critical creativity and its three mandalas. They are there for you to look at with soft eyes/letting the words wash over you – without digging into meaning at this point. My hope is that you begin to get a sense of where the mandalas fit into the stories and, if you so choose, into your own stories and practice. The parts of the mandalas are italicised in the text as they are mentioned.

This paper will discuss the 2012 Academy Award-winning short documentary Saving Face and the social action campaign surrounding the film. In the absence of true investigative journalism, documentary film has become a new discourse community that circumvents institutions and uses the Convergence Culture as a mechanism for education and social action. Documentaries such as Saving Face highlight Gerard Hauser’s definition of rhetoric – “the use of symbols to induce social action” – and Hauser’s re-formation of the public sphere as described by Jürgen Habermas. Hauser views the public sphere as one formulated by ideas – or discourse – rather than the identity of the population engaging in the discussion. In other words, the film, and many other documentaries, form new public spheres that break down social, economic, class, and geographic boundaries. These films encourage global discourse and lead to global action. As Christina Tangora Schlacter notes, the critical component of the public sphere “is the concept of a deliberative democracy: one in which there is critical analysis of democratic decisions and where social issues are based on the collective interest of the public…” (36). Where investigative journalism and democratic processes have failed, documentary film has filled in the gaps. Documentary film has the power to both inform and induce social action in a globalized society, using the very tools of globalization to formulate public spheres among disconnected publics. This paper will examine the current trend of documentary film as both investigative journalism and social action through a specific example.

La sociologie du militantisme fait généralement du passage à l’acte la première étape du devenir militant. On gagnerait pourtant à déplacer le regard : comment en vient-on à se sentir politiquement engagé avant même toute institutionnalisation de l’engagement ? Cet article s’appuie sur une observation participante des dispositifs de recrutement de l’organisation trotskyste Lutte ouvrière (LO) et sur une douzaine de récits de vie avec des individus en situation de recrutement, qui ont vocation à être reconduits dans les prochaines années pour mesurer l’évolution du processus d’engagement politique des jeunes recrues. Ces dernières ne peuvent espérer être intégrées comme « révolutionnaires professionnels » avant plusieurs années. Les émotions sont l’instrument de leur transformation subjective et deviennent dès lors une voie essentielle pour pouvoir construire une analyse phénoménologique de l’engagement politique, irréductible à l’adhésion militante., Taking action and joining an activist organization has often been introduced as the foremost questions to be answered by sociology of activist commitment. And yet far too little attention has been paid to commitment outside the institutional frame: long before joining any organization, how do we come to feel politically committed? This paper is based on a participant observation of the recruitment methods of a French Trotskyist organization, as well as a dozen of life stories with young recruits of this organization. Recruits are indeed to undergo several trials before being granted full “professional revolutionary” membership. Emotions actively contribute to spawning the recruits’ political subjectivity through their experience of the recruitment methods. The study of emotions from a phenomenological perspective may thus throw into relief certain features of political commitment that might otherwise be missed.

Institutional change has a human face. This paper explores how a select group of women in China and India experienced economic and political turmoil and why they chose to become change agents. Through in-depth interviews with 40 women from NGOs, government agencies and private business, four broad moments in the evolution of a change agent are identified and discussed: (1) awareness of a double-bind; (2) reframing the tension induced by that double-bind; (3) becoming an agent of change; and (4) building a vibrant network. To highlight these key features, four women’s narratives are discussed in greater depth from recognizing injustice to taking a non-traditional stand. The paper concludes with a call for further comparative work on the role of personal narratives in shaping a movement for change.

The spread and perpetuation of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa has hindered the country’s social and economic growth after apartheid. This paper documents my experiences while working with the Projects Abroad Human Rights Office and specifically my interactions with the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), an organization which has taken a multidimensional approach in order to educate people about HIV/AIDS and attempt to provide access to medicines for millions of South Africans afflicted with the disease. I discuss how TAC has used both traditional and non-traditional methods of advocacy to combat the epidemic and equate access to health care to a social justice issue by empowering marginalized communities. The paper’s dual purpose is to applaud TAC’s continuous success in combating HIV/AIDS with such a multidimensional approach and illustrate how other organizations can utilize such an approach in order to affect social change. To illustrate TAC’s approach, I utilize Lucie White’s three dimensions of lawyering and equate TAC to a single cause lawyer, signifying that White’s characterization of multi-dimensional activism is not limited to individuals, but can rather be applied at the firm level. White’s three dimensions include: (a) advocacy through litigation, (b) advocacy in stimulating progressive change, and (c) advocacy as a pedagogic process. From this analysis, I conclude that TAC’s multi-dimensional approach and specifically its inherent practice of White’s three dimensions has been the root of its success in educating millions about the virus and advocating for access to medicines for those who have contracted HIV. TAC’s innovative advocacy has also mobilized a new generation of South African activists who have helped TAC grow into a vibrant and integral organization within the country’s post-apartheid culture. Such an example can serve as a framework for future organizations who wish to tackle other challenges that face the country.Keywords: HIV/AIDS, Treatment Action Campaign, South Africa, PAHRO, activism

This paper reports on a unique approach to inclusive practice that responds to several critical issues highlighted in the first Universal Design (UD) Conference in Yokohama as well as in more recent literature on universal design. The approach, as explained in the paper, involves a not-for-profit community organization, university researchers, and a design action group comprising practitioners from across the design disciplines, together with other specialist consultants, developing a voluntary capacity an independent housing model for people with disabilities and their families or caretakers. With a focus on relationships and "a system that places human beings at the centre in all respects", this paper presents the approach and the ermerging theoretical framework which addresses three issues that afacan and Erbug (2009) propose hinder the integration of universal design with design practice, namely: theory-practice inconsistency involving the lack of flow-on of universal design awareness into design practice; a way of thinking that exhibits very little empathy with and understanding of the requirements of diverse users; and poorly implemented and coordinated collaboration and communication involving designers and other professionals (pp. 731 - 732).

In this paper the co-authors discuss and describe the challenges of community engaged scholarship. Using an ongoing long-term project about the school prison nexus as an exemplar, the authors propose ways that Ed.D. student DiP’s can be connected with the community. Lessons learned and implications for other Ed.D. programs are shared.

This paper explores the glitch as a generative problem which is capable of introducing unanticipated possibilities and futures into situations. We understand the glitch as a sociomaterial encounter rather than merely a technical error, and argue that it calls for (re)consideration of here-and-now possible futures through practices of response and repair. Exploring the ways that people seek to respond to glitches, we consider two case studies in which unexpected problems provoke those involved to speculate playfully and practically about new possibilities. In the first case, a malfunctioning ‘Teacherbot’ incites new challenges and pedagogical opportunities in an online learning environment. In the second, Hungarian activists creatively use infrastructural and political problems to make new spaces of protest and to press the government to respond to their concerns. Considering these empirical cases allows us to observe how playful and disruptive dispositions have worked to question the terms of possible futures in the real world, and to unsettle the seemingly given terms of power-relations. Glitches are not a panacea, but they can provide an impetus to act from within situations that are uncertain, and can therefore point to new trajectories and possible futures.

The Covid-19 pandemic has seen the rapid growth of collective organizing on the part of patient groups to address scientific and health inequities. This paper considers the emergence of Covid-19 activism as an embodied health movement that draws on and contributes to broader movements for racial, economic and gender justice. Recognizing the central role of emotion in social movements and in the bio-politics of Covid-19, I examine the key presence of the affective domain in social change through three Covid-19 social movement groups. These organizations draw upon anti-racist, feminist, and queer and HIV social movement organizing that position Covid movement building in intersectional histories and futures. I argue that Covid movement activists have built "archives of feeling"-or public cultures of trauma-of commemoration, Covid survivor narratives, and direct action that center affective feelings around grief, representation, and anger, respectively. I suggest that Covid-19 will become a key lens for articulating structural and social inequalities through which broader social movements will leverage their claims for justice-moving towards an integrated social movement. Social movement mobilizing will continue to play a critical role to ensure that the focus in the Covid-19 pandemic shifts from pathogen to society.

Children’s participation is a universal right recognised by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. This right corresponds to an image of children as social actors because of their relevant role in achieving inclusive, equitable, and sustainable development. Participation can take different forms and levels of involvement: consultative, collaborative, and child‐led. This study aimed to explore types and results of child‐led participatory practices. A scoping review was car‐ ried out to find out what evidence is available on child‐led participatory experiences. Based on 674 identified papers, a total of 33 studies met the inclusion criterion. The qualitative analysis employed in this review allowed us to explore the depth and themes of these experiences. The results obtained showed that the experiences analysed differed in (a) the research design and data collection methods of the studies, (b) the age of the participating children, (c) countries in which the experiences took place, (d) specific topics, and (e) outcomes. Moreover, they all shared a non‐adult‐centric view of children’s capacities for transformative action. The review has contributed to improving our understanding of children’s transformative capacities based on the possibilities offered by adults when they adopt a child‐rights approach and inte‐ grate co‐participatory approaches, encouraging us to rethink childhood from other cultural codes inspired by equality, recognition, and agency.

International audience; I develop a model of activism and polarization in the context of electoral competition. Two candidates simultaneously announce policy platforms and seek the support of ideologically inclined activists. Activists compete to influence electoral outcomes by expending costly support for their respective candidates. The presence of activists always moderates the platform choice of candidates, compared to the case of no activism. The central finding of the paper is that the relationship between partisanship of activists and polarization is ambiguous. As activists become increasingly partisan, polarization of candidate platforms reduces or widens depending on the costs of activism. I present normative conditions under which the presence of activism and increased partisanship among activists are both welfare-improving for voters. Finally, introducing a public funding option for candidates increases polarization in the political process.

This paper proposes critical legal engineering (CLE) as a new methodology for legal‐geographic action research. While legal geography is on the rise, geographers rarely participate in legal or judicial process, and when they do – for example, as court expert witnesses – they merely respond to the pre‐established agendas of the legal system. I argue that legal geographers’ knowledge on the nature of law and its relations with society is a source of power that could allow them to set legal agendas and pluralise legal discussions. CLE assumes that legal geographers can put forward technical legal arguments, thus using law’s own tools to implement normative agendas implied in critical research. However, CLE demands a dialectical attitude that preserves the contradiction between political ends and legal technology – while pursuing both of them at the same time. As I show, CLE can realise critical agendas in three ways. First, it co‐opts the legitimacy provided by the legal system, lending it to the agendas that are otherwise perceived as “too radical.” Second, elevated by the law these radical agendas may gain greater power to influence political‐economic realities even before the legal outcomes are decided. Finally, CLE draws out of “technical” legal discussions into the heat of the public debate, thus politicising the law. Having developed this methodological proposition in the course of my research on urban movements, I illustrate it with the strategy of Berlin's campaign Deutsche Wohnen & Co. Enteignen (DWE), which has crafted a legal argumentation based on Article 15 of the German Constitution to pursue re‐municipalisation (or de‐privatisation) of housing.