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The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." The author agrees with many of Go's conclusions, notably with his statements that the Chinese no longer dominate the Philippine economy nor do they control it, that not all the Chinese in the Philippines are rich, that the Philippine Chinese community is not a fertile ground for the spread of communist ideology, that Chinese girls are willing to marry Filipinos, that never before in the history, be cause of the changes that have taken place, has the prospect of integrating and assimilating the Chinese into the mainstream of Filipino society appeared brighter than it does today. Chinese in the Philippines are far from homogeneous. Because of the existence of disparate factions sometimes working at cross purposes, the Chinese are not a monolithic group, nor are they united. However, one cannot deny the fact that the Chinese, especially the China-born, are clannish in the sense that they continue to cling to their family, clan, village, and district associations.

The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." Some 30 or more years ago, the Chinese may have dominated a big portion of the retail trade but, as Go has emphasized, they never did control the economy of the nation. With the Retail Trade Nationalization Law in full force and effect for the past 18 years, Chinese domination of this facet of the economy has become a thing of the past. At the rate Filipinos are taking over retail business in the Philippines, it would not be presumptuous to assume that, perhaps 10 years from now, Chinese retailers in the Philip- pines will have been reduced to a minimum number, or entirely wiped out. The economy is made up of interdependent parts. It includes commerce, industry, agriculture, mining, servicing, and other sectors. Commerce alone embraces the retail and wholesale market and import and export trade. The Chinese investments in this country are mainly in commerce, including retail, wholesale, import, and export.

Presents several abstracts related to geography. "The Distribution of White Settlement in Kenya," by Donald R. Petterson; "Early Chinese Settlement in Borneo," by Tsuen-Kung Chang; "Patterns and Problems of Land Tenure in the Lesser Antilles: Example of Antigua," by John P. Augelli.

Comments on articles about diffusion of technology. Information on the economic transformation of Manchuria, China; Economic and non-economic factors in technology diffusion.

The article offers various United Nations atomic energy news. The United Nations Atomic Energy Commission met on September 10 and 11, 1947 and adopted the second report to the Security Council. The nations who voted in favor of the report are Australia, France, United States, Brazil, Canada, and China. Russia rejected the report, and Poland abstained. The proposals submitted by Russia involves the investigation of mining and production facilities and accounting of atomic materials, and the conduct of investigations in case of violation of the weapons ban.

The article presents a study on the amount news space alloted to foreign news and the types, pattern and flow of foreign news disseminated by Arab daily newspapers. The study uses content analysis and quantitative analysis of sample newspaper. Results reveal that over 50% of the news in all papers is political and the U.S. as well as Russia are given the greatest amount of coverage, followed by China and Great Britain. It adds that the direction of Arab coverage of foreign news can be expalined by various criteria, such as the attitude of foreign country to the Arab-Israeli problem.

Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

The article presents information on the beginning of credit finance on the China coast. The volume and area of the Chinese trade in private hands expanded as the English East India Company abandoned its Indian trade monopoly in 1813 and its China trade monopoly in 1834. The market for Chinese goods in the United States also developed, at first on the initiative of the American houses on the Atlantic seaboard and then with the connivance of English agency houses. Western finance on the Chinese Coast at the time was confined almost exclusively to the entrepreneurial context of trade, hence it was from the extension of trade that advances were made in methods of finance. The eastward expansion of the China trade to the Atlantic seaboard of the United States brought China traders into the financial orbit of Philadelphia (in the twenties) and New York. The crisis of 1812-1815 forced the China houses to experiment with private bills and, after the crisis, to develop their use. It also illustrated the main elements upon which the earlier China trade was based, and the weaknesses of large scale and expanding trade operations entirely based upon bullion movements.

The article presents authors' comments on two research papers on economic development of China by economists Ta-Chung Liu, Kung-Chia Yeh and Alexander Eckstein. In his paper Eckstein has argued that the Chinese followed in Soviet footsteps of concentrating on capital-intensive industrial projects during their First Five Year Plan. During the Second Five Year Plan, however, they opened up a second front of labor-intensive investments in both industry and agriculture, thereby embracing technological dualism. The article discusses in brief Eckstein's underestimation of the Soviet rate of investment, the extent of "technological dualism" in underdeveloped areas and the reason for disparities between China and the Soviet Union in labor productivity growth rates. Moreover, the article asserts that paper of professors Liu and Yeh is a major contribution to the literature on Communist China. It is a study, which is a short-run contribution sheds light on specific economic developments in China from 1949 to present, and in a long-run contribution pointedly reminds that there is nothing so basic or central to economics as its' principles.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for prisoners of war (POW). In the wars of the last 50 to 100 years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. The article does not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor does it discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected men. Instead, this paper will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated. To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, it has been chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred.

This paper is to study the demand for money during the Chinese inflation of 1945-49. Based on the Chinese experience, the results confirm the hypothesis that during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money. The estimated value of the coefficient of cash balances adjustment close is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. This study, based on the Chinese experience, confirms the hypothesis that, during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money (Cagan 1956). Although the velocity of money increased during the hyperinflation, the demand function for money is predictable if the model includes the variable of the expected rate of change in prices. Furthermore, the magnitudes of the parameters in the estimated demand function indicate that the hyperinflation in China was not self-generating, that is, independent of money supply. This study has also investigated the assumption of a lag in the adjustment of real cash balances through the process of hyperinflation. The empirical findings suggest that the value of the coefficient of adjustment is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural traits from China have been slowly entering Europe for more than two thousand years. Some of these, such as gunpowder, the compass and paper have been of outstanding importance while others have created but passing fads. It is impossible to identify all of the influences of Chinese origin which have entered European culture during this long period. Even in the case of clearly recognized Chinese traits the records are inadequate as to many of the details of their westward journey. Despite the incompleteness of our knowledge, a brief survey of the existing in formation throws light on some aspects of European cultural history and on some of the mechanisms of diffusion. There were four main periods of contact between China and the West. The first was the era of silk trade with Rome and the ancient Mediterranean world which lasted from the first century B.C. to the middle of the sixth century A.D. The rise of the Arab Empire in the seventh century began a long period of relations between China and the Near East in which the Moslem world acted partially as a barrier but also as an intermediary between China and Europe. The Mongol Empire of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made possible brief direct contacts of Europe with China. Modem relations of China and the West began with the Age of Discoveries in the sixteenth century.

The main objectives of our paper are to examine economic, political, social, demographic, and professional factors in the United States and Taiwan which may account for Chinese scholars' decisions to stay in the United States or their reluctance to return to Taiwan. Our paper is divided into five sections. Sections I and II provide background and definition of terms used in the paper. Sections III and IV present data and statistical analysis. The final section summarizes the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show that in spite of the favorable factors, the Schultz hypothesis remains plausible for a newly settled region; that is, no significant growth of agricultural productivity may be expected for the region in the long run if production is based on traditional factors. To support the argument an attempt is made to derive an agricultural productivity index through constructing aggregate output and input indices for the northeastern region of China—Manchuria. The region has an area approximately equal to that of the states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Minnesota combined. After it was open to immigration in the late nineteenth century, agricultural population rose from half a million in the 1880s to 20 million in the mid-1920s and 34 million in 1957. The increase was largely derived from the expansion of traditional inputs. Manchuria, therefore, provided a typical case of newly settled traditional agriculture. Section II outlines the approach employed to derive the productivity index for Manchurian agriculture. Section III presents the principal findings. An interpretation of these findings is contained in section IV. Section V is a short summary of conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The press in communist China is essentially a political instrument with which the regime conducts socialist and communist education among the masses. During the last few years the regime has developed the press into a specialized apparatus with each of its parts designed to reach a specific audience and to serve a definite function. The author says that with a regular readership comprising a majority of the vast population, the press is indeed the most important instrument used by the regime in the conduct of socialist and communist education. The performance of the press, therefore, may well determine the pace and even the success or failure of the communists' adventure in remolding the Chinese people's ideology. To ensure maximum effectiveness and absolute political reliability, the regime has found it necessary to put this giant press apparatus under rigid control and close supervision. Through organizational control the regime determines the structural setup of the press. It is the regime that decides when, where, and how many newspapers should be founded.

The study of Asian societies has not yet had its share of attention within the framework of comparative sociology as a whole. As one step towards remedying this situation, a one-day conference, called by the British Sociological Association, was held in London, England, at the School of Oriental and African Studies on December 2, 1961, to discuss the position of sociology in Asia. Papers dealing with India, China, Japan, Malaysia, Thailand and Indo-China and Burma were presented at the conference. Coverage was thus fairly comprehensive, though certain areas, including the whole of the Middle East, were left out on this occasion. The aim of speakers present at the conference was to assess the present state of knowledge about societies they were considering, with special reference firstly to sociologists of Asian nationality and secondly to the current contribution of British scholarship. Papers that were presented, while they showed wide variation in the state of sociology in different countries, also showed for Asia as a whole a volume of work being done which western sociologists could ill afford to ignore. Some criticism arose in the discussion of the idea of regional research entrees and of inter-disciplinary teams assembled for area studies. There was discussion also of the alleged problem of translating sociological concepts into Chinese or Japanese.

The paper presents an overview of current recycling policies in contemporary China within the broader context of China's efforts to protect and improve her social and physical environment. Starting with an interpretation of China's traditional agriculture as a 'recycling' and energy producing economy, different efforts to improve the use of organic waste materials in agriculture are shown to have had positive results which, however, could be further improved by modern methods of recycling developed in the USA and other industrialized countries. The recovery of materials and their re-use or, as it is called in the Chinese literature, 'turning the harmful into the beneficial' may be regarded as one of the guiding principles of China's anti-pollution policies not only in agriculture but also in industry where both labor intensive methods and modern equipment are in operation. Control of inputs and location are shown to play an additional role in China's environmental policies. The paper concludes with a presentation of the Chinese interpretation of the causes of environmental disruption in the light of Chinese sources available in translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family Structure is a core social unit and fundamental social change necessarily involves a redefining of such a basic structural element. The leadership of the People's Republic of China, largely through specific attention to mate selection and marital arrangements and rituals, has attempted to strengthen the conjugal bond and weaken the filial bond in the Chinese family. Information gathered from press reports, and more importantly, Chinese families, suggests significant changes have occurred in the area of mate selection. It was found that a marriage between two well-acquainted individuals characterizes one-half of rural marriages and all urban marriages of respondents since 1958. The socially and geographically mobile youth are most likely to many freely because they are beyond parental control, and they have participated in heterosexual peer relationships in school and on the job. Closer examination reveals, however, that changes in the more complex areas of obligations and responsibilities to the household and parents are much slower to manifest. The ultimate form and style of the family relationships will be in large part determined by the balance between the community and peers and the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses operations research in China. This type of research was emerged during the liberation of mathematics in the country. Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, mathematics has striven forward. Linear programming, numerical analysis, mathematical statistics, and differential equations are the most important mathematical methods that have been applied. The essential achievement of this direction of research is not the results already attained but rather its profound influence for the future.

Copyright of Demography (Springer Nature) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper attempts to uncover what seem to be the principal problems pertaining to the choice of technology and technique which the Chinese planners have faced in each of several phases since the inception of the Chinese People's Republic, and examines the way in which the Chinese have apparently attempted to solve these problems. Although some attempt is made to evaluate the main findings, lack of information still prevents a detailed evaluation of the specifies of the Chinese choice of technology and technique, and of its relevance elsewhere, and attention is mainly concentrated here on the broad nature of the problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his analysis of choke of technique in China, Shigeru Ishikawa argues that changes in choice of technique remit both from changes in objectives and limiting factors and from expansion in the range of technical alternatives available, and suggests that Chinese planners in the post-Cultural Revolution period enjoy a substantially wider range of alternatives than was available at the time of the Great Leap Forward. In this paper we accept Dr. Ishikawa's findings that there was a marked advance in the level of technologies and techniques attained in the modern manufacturing sector and considerable progress in the techniques of small-scale industries in China in the 1960's, and examine some of the factors that contributed to this increase in the range of technologies during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on inflation in China from 1937 to 1947. A conclusive study of the development of inflation in China is impossible without more complete data pertaining to the aggregate effect of the wars on China's economy, and it can be made only after the nation has returned to normal. Although the data presented in this paper and the statistics derived there from are not all that one could wish for, they are nevertheless more complete than anything hitherto available, and on a number of critical points, are fairly adequate. The use of these provisional data may likewise find justification in the fact that more definitive figures will probably not be obtainable for many years to come. Perhaps no nation has experienced a more serious inflation than China during the war and postwar years since 1937. In order to survey the current situation, it seems appropriate to review first the manner in which inflationary pressures were set up during the war. In this section the survey is devoted to the developments up to V-J Day in August 1945. Postwar events will be dealt with in the succeeding sections. The movements of prices, as emphasized by the official indices furnish an appropriate starting point.

China's first public opinion poll was fittingly inaugurated on the her national anniversary, October 10, 1942. To Americans, accustomed to reading daily reports on the state of their opinion, this may not seem an important event, but in China it marks the first real recognition of the value of understanding public attitudes apart from their concrete expression in political activity. Even today many of China's scholars and officials do not believe in the existence of public opinion in the sense Americans have come to take for granted. According to one American-trained professor of political science and member of China's People's Political Council, public opinion in China is restricted to the articulate, educated minority. His views are entirely consistent with the Chinese historical tradition of government by scholars, but they are not consistent with the actual facts of political force in China today. Even in this restricted group of intellectuals, any opinion which differs from that of official circles must be discounted. Such is the semi-official view of public opinion in China, and so this initial step in public opinion surveys, made in spite of this attitude, is doubly encouraging.

The article focuses on various methods of news reporting in China. To report the vast area of China, with nearly a quarter of the world's population, only a few correspondents of foreign news agencies and newspapers were regularly stationed there. The larger American news agencies, and a few American daily news-papers, stationed foreign correspondents in Shanghai, China, which became news center for all of continental Asia. When Sino-Japanese War broke out anew in July 1937, Americans had only a handful of correspondents in the Orient. Conditions of work of foreign correspondents in China and those in Europe are radically different. In China, the foreigner meets a strange language, which often remains a mystery to him for life. To get news to cable home, these correspondents are forced to tap the following poisoned springs of misinformation. Natives are employed to read, translate and digest the local China press.

The iron and steel manufacturing apparatus in mainland China has been developed through several major stages, each of which manifests a distinctive pattern underlined by certain overriding factors. From the embryonic period at the turn of this century to World War II, transportation, capital availability, and market condition were alternately the chief determinant in the location of this industry. Since the Communist take-over and through the various construction and expansion programs, particularly as a result of the development of new resources, a new pattern has taken shape which tends to guide the future growth of this industry. This paper offers a locational analysis of the major nuclei in the emerging pattern and their effect upon the development of the secondary centers in the various regions of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malthusian theories are not an exclusive intellectual discovery of European writers. They have occurred elsewhere, in period of rapid population increase. In this paper, a Chinese example is analysed and the relevant essays translated. The essays were written at the same time that Malthus published his ideas and contain most of Ii is philosophical notions but are not supported by any statistical evidence. Unlike those of Malthus in Europe they did not evoke any controversy in China, although their author was well known as a man of letters and close to the central authority. Today, of course, Malthusianism is a subject much discussed in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares the consumption level of urban households in Japan and China during the mid-1950's. Tables are presented on the composition of consumption expenditures by major groups and on the per capita consumption in quantities for some commodities. Food expenditures are higher in China than in Japan. The clothing consumption in China is mainly composed of clothes for which Japanese prices are relatively low compared with prices of suits and other clothing. Finally, the rates with Chinese expenditure weights are higher than the official exchange rage while the rate with Japanese expenditure weights is nearly equal to the official exchange rates.

Jinminpi (the "People's Money") is the currency now circulated in communistic China. It is usually abbreviated as JMP$. Only the People's Bank of China issues the notes. They are inconvertible paper money, and neither gold nor foreign exchange has been provided as reserves. Chinese communists generally follow Soviet communists. There is no exception in accounting. The cash control system in Communistic China is practically an extension of that in the Soviet Union. Simply speaking, there are three parts in the Soviet Ruble Control System: cash control; credit control; and transfer control. The democratic cash control differs from the Soviet cash control, not only in the operation but also in the object. The chief purpose of the democratic cash control is to insulate the abnormal fluctuation of cash circulated in foreign countries in order to stabilize the external value of the currency in foreign exchange market. By the cash control system; the central bank effectively controls the receipts and disbursements of all organizations. Since the cash in hand and cash settlements are limited, the volume and speed of money in circulation can be reduced and controlled by the central bank. Prices can, therefore, be stabilized.

The article presents comments of the author on a paper on the iron and steel industry by Kuei-Sheng Chang. He has adopted a useful approach in analyzing the locational pattern in terms of major nuclei associated with secondary centers in the various regions in China. Based on my current research, however, I fear that the picture of Communist China's iron and steel industry that emerges in this paper is one exaggerated achievement and it is likely to mislead some readers who have not followed recent developments.

The section of "Yarn Production and Properties" focuses on the progress of technologies in the field of yarn production. It is stated that a steady progress has been seen recently in traditional methods of yarn production, the large-scale establishment of new areas of technology, and the prospect of commercial exploitation of even newer concepts within the not too distant future. It is also reported that the pace of technological developments was described in a recent paper presented to the Overseas Conference of the Textile Institute in Hong Kong, China in November, 1973.

The divisions of the ceramic `table-ware' industry into different production subgroups and the flow of finished products into various markets are indicated in the chart below. `Body' is here used as the shaped but unpainted piece. The following topics will be treated in this paper. Some problems of finishing manufacturers: Before the war, they were a kind of merchant employer (toiya) and had a predominant power over body manufacturers and painters. This was indicative of the backwardness of Japanese economy. Noritake China has an overwhelmingly predominant position in this industry. The Specialized production (which means the division of production processes among finishing manufacturers, body manufacturers and painters, as expressed in the above chart) still exists even though the merchant-employer system has disappeared; but it seems to have backward characteristics compared to integrated manufacturers. Though there is the problem of overproduction in the background, this industry has been working at full capacity.

The article comments on trade and finance in China in the period 1784-1834. The first contrasts the decline of the great monopolistic companies with the rise of the free trade elements, and the second looks upon the trade as a bilateral buyer-seller relationship. The first covers the rivalries between the European elements, the second provides the basis of interpreting European relations with China. In most studies, a combination of both patterns are used, but always with an eye to the elements of contrast rather than those of similarity. Hence the differences between the great companies and the private traders are seen to work towards the eventual dissolution of the great Companies. In concentrating on the rivalry between the Company and the private traders, and on the deterioration of relations with China, the real significance of the opium trade is often missed. The first point requiring re-emphasis is that opium was the first commodity in over two hundred years of western trade to China which made a substantial impact on the China market, it was one of the main causes for the subsequent reversal of China's trade balance. Until then silver dollars were the main means of payment for the purchase of Chinese products.

This paper discusses the stability of prices and the condition of economic development in Mainland China from 1951 to 1963. Information is provided on the extent of inflation since 1951 and its significance to the economy of the country. The government has two basic approach form maintaining a balance between aggregate supply and demand on the consumers' good market. The urban wage bill and state and co-operative purchases of farm products are two principal sources of purchasing power over which the authorities exercise control. Consumer taxes are the most important measure for closing the inflationary gap.

For the past fifteen years, comparisons of the economic organization and development of India and Communist China have had a strong fascination for analysts in many parts of the world. The similarities of the economic structures of and problems faced by the two most populous nations on earth and the sharp contrast offered by their economic doctrines have been grist for numerous articles in many languages. The functions of this paper are to: briefly review the years 1950-57 so as to take into account recent scholarship by others; evaluate selected major developments since 1957; and offer some conclusions on the subject of Indian vis-a-vis Mainland Chinese economic progress since 1950. The performance of China's economy and particularly her industrial growth rate vis-a-vis that of India since 1950 has been grossly exaggerated. This is as true of 1957 and earlier years as it is of "The Great Leap Forward" and the subsequent period of distress. The extent of the exaggeration over the last fourteen years and the extent of whatever differences in performance may actually exist are impossible to determine, at present, given the statistical impasse which prevails. In both cases, the statistical association between the amount and kind of foreign aid received on one hand and the industrial progress registered on the other was self-evidently very high.

The article focuses on economic development of China. During 1952-57, the average annual rate of growth of net domestic product was 6 per cent per year in constant 1932 prices. Regulation and control of economic activities were progressively and drastically tightened during the period 1952-57. The severity of the control measures introduced during those years, however, was mild indeed when compared with the developments in 1958. Communes were introduced in 1958. Within a few months, the entire rural population was organized into 26,000 communes, most of which were almost indistinguishable from army camps. In addition to providing an instrument for total political control of the population, the communes afforded a means of integrating agriculture and industry into one gigantic machine that could utilize all human labor resources to the maximum. On top of the continued emphasis on modern and capital intensive industrial development, a massive effort was made to increase production by using labor-intensive techniques on crude equipment. Backyard blast furnaces were built to produce steel in cities and in villages, and such techniques as deep ploughing and close planting were employed in agriculture. All these efforts, in industry and in agriculture, were to bring about a great leap forward in 1958, generally aiming at a doubling of output in one year from 1957 to 1958.

Whilst considerable publicity is given to the economic and social developments in Mainland China, little is heard of the economic and other academic discussions which lie behind these changes. This is due partly to the less publicized character of these debates, and partly to the fact that such discussions are normally conducted in the Chinese language and are thus less accessible because of language difficulties. The current debate on value and profits is of a relatively recent origin. During the earlier years of the Communist regime, and perhaps up to the period of the 1959-61 economic crisis, the official policy was overwhelmingly in favour of alI-out economic planning and the rapid liquidation of private ownership. Throughout this period, emphasis was laid on the socialization of the economy and the movement away from the then existing system, it would have been difficult under these conditions for anyone to raise the issue of putting profit incentives back to work in industry. Even up to the present, the Chinese debate is still largely confined to narrow limits; it appears that the advocates of change merely wanted some material incentives to be introduced (as already happened in the countryside), but they do not openly question the official wisdom of economic planning or State control. To this extent, the present controversy in China is not radically different from that relating to the value-price debate of the Soviet economists during the I950's. This paper proposes to give a brief outline of the main Chinese debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the communications during the cultural revolution. It states that the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in Communist China is accounted as the conflict between Maoists and anti-Maoists. It mentions the three considerations why Mao Tse Tung have launch an unprecendented political movement which includes as a professional revolutionary and guerilla strategist, Mao has the agonies and ardors of revolutionary period, he is fanatic believer in the potency of propaganda or ideological war which means to him the central form of class struggle and seeing himself as the great teacher, great leader and an outstanding supreme commander. It states that Mao had used the Cultural Revolution as a way of dealing with his political opponents.

The article describes and analyzes certain methods of trade monopoly in a rustic environment in China. The field is West Town, in West Yunnan and the time of investigation is between January and May 1942. In West Town there are several guilds of which that of butchers of pigs is not the least important. This guild is said to have had its beginnings about forty or fifty years ago. It was then an independent but not formally organized thing. About six years ago the District Kuomintang Headquarters of Tali urged and helped to organize it into a definite Butchers' Guild and made it subordinate to Butchers' Guild of Tali. Family is the basis of membership in the guild. There are eighteen member families, which comprise all butchers in West Town. The Guild has an executive body of two representatives and two secretaries. The former have charge of external relations and the latter have the duty of managing internal affairs. In reality, however, secretaries only run errands to prepare for ceremonial occasions while all matters of importance are in hands of the two representatives. Officers are elected separately in both areas. Representatives are as a rule the senior-most persons in the trade in each area. But election occurs only when officer express a desire to relinquish their posts.

A number of official and Western estimates of China's national income for the period since 1949 are at present available. The official estimates are based on the Marxian production concept while the Western estimates are, in the main, based on the comprehensive production concept. The periods covered by the estimates vary; and even in cases where the periods covered are the same, the estimates vary in magnitude and, in most cases, in the implied rate of economic growth. Apart from differences arising from the different national income concepts and definitions employed in individual estimates, sources of discrepancies between series of estimates can be traced to the particular sets of primary data employed and also to the particular procedures followed in estimating the national income components. The present paper brings together the various estimates available to date and indicates for each, as far as possible, the basic production concept adopted, the particular national income aggregates estimated, the basic estimation approach employed, and the special procedures used for estimating some of the components of national income. Comparisons of the major series of estimates for the period 1952-1959 are made and the sources of disrepancies between the series are discussed. Finally, some problems are described which a researcher in the West has to contend with in working on China's national income accounting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]