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This article evaluates relationship between the U.S. press and U.S. elections. U.S. people often find the way U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt won elections with a majority of the press against him as something unprecedented. The author brings out the detail analysis of press right from its initial days to the present scenario. He reports that in the early days there was federalist domination in newspaper activity. The reasons for federalist dominance in the press are clear. The early papers were published chiefly in the seaports and commercial towns, and they generally stood for and expressed those patriotic aims characteristic of the politics to promote commerce with Great Britain and to establish a sound U.S. financial system. There were six Presidential elections during the period of federalist domination of the press, and in half of them the winner was elected without the help of a newspaper majority. In the next four Presidential campaigns, parties tended to divide on sectional lines rather than upon the old and familiar questions of policy, while new issues made other new groupings.

The article presents a study on how ballot order affects voting patterns particularly in the case of the Irish 1973 General Election. The study indicated that candidates who come first in the alphabetically sorted list of candidates will have a distinct advantage. This conclusion was further validated in another study of the June 1973 Assembly elections in Northern Ireland. The study thus called for randomizing the order in which names are placed on the voting paper in elections.

The article presents a factorial analysis of the relation of the press to voting in Chicago, Illinois. It was possible to obtain for 47 selected areas in the city of Chicago information regarding the home coverage of the four leading daily newspapers. For the Republican primary elections (April, 1930 and February, 1931) the percentage of the total vote received by each of the leading candidates was used, and for the general elections the percentage of the total received by the Democratic candidates. The U.S. national dailies "Chicago Tribune" and the "Chicago Daily News" both opposed the Republican party in the Republican primary of 1931, endorsed the Democratic candidate for mayor in the final election, opposed the U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt for the presidency, and endorsed the Democratic candidate for governor. Since the Republican candidate ran against the Democratic candidate in the mayoralty election, these two newspapers were consistently opposed to the Republican faction in state and local politics.

The article discusses community forces with regard to a study of the non-partisan municipal elections in Seattle, Washington. The neighborhood in its various forms of group expression is a very dominant factor in community development in Seattle. Its influence is felt perhaps more on the executive than on the legislative side of city government, but even on the legislative side the neighborhood shows its influence in cases where the legislation pertains to local questions, such as street, park, and playground developments. Neighborhood consciousness is unusually pronounced in Seattle. Topographical peculiarities, hills, valleys, canals, lakes and rivers divide the city into a large number of very definite and more or less isolated geographical districts which form the basis of neighborhood consciousness and local interest. There are also in the city at the present time 12 neighborhood papers in addition to several racial and foreign language papers that serve local groups. The significance of these local organizations to the life of the city is in aggregate far beyond the appreciation of the average citizen. Few indeed are the local improvements which are not brought about directly or indirectly by the influence of local organizations.

The article presents a study on the relation between the position of a candidate's name on the ballot list and the number of votes he is likely to receive. The study was based on three types of elections that took place in England. The study showed that positional bias was absent in the British General Elections of 1964 but was significant in the Greater London Council Elections of 1964, 1967 and 1970 and the provincial Local Government elections in May and June 1973.

Newspaper endorsements played an important and measurable role in determining the outcome of the 1964 Illinois at-large election for state representatives. In this election, it was possible to vote for 177 candidates. To help the electorate cope with this major voting task, newspapers throughout Illinois provided information generally not available elsewhere, as well as recommendations which could be used compatibly with party loyalties. Localism and the endorsements of civic and special interest groups also affected voting in this election, but less so than newspaper endorsements. Aggregate statistics provide the basic and most appropriate data source for these conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a paper delivered by the author at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association in Boulder, Colorado in September 1955. In the article, the author describes the three current forms of election behavior research: historical, ecological and survey. He recommends the conscious merging of these three, suggests other methodological cross fertilizations and outlines four areas of research which he thinks are especially fruitful. The author, formerly a partner in Elmo Roper and Associates, recently started his own organization, Louis Harris and Associates. To the best of the author's knowledge, a truly comprehensive analysis of election behavior research in the Western world has not been done in detailed, inventory terms. The paper represents only selective observations about some of the places people have been in this area of analyzing voting. It discusses those avenues which in the author's view are some of the promising areas for further research and finally some concrete suggestions on the care and feeding of those who plan to engage in future research efforts.

The article presents a pre-election survey in a semi-literate society. Public opinion survey techniques have become very useful instruments for the administrator of the now rapidly developing under-developed areas. In this article, the authors describe some of the special problems involved in a pre-election survey done in Africa. They conclude that, though the difficulties are different from those facing researchers in Western society, the techniques developed in literate countries can be applied in radically different environments. Public opinion surveys among the indigenous populations of African territories present problems, which are intriguing but as yet very little explored. Self-governing institutions are being established in some of these territories more rapidly than are educational institutions and the ballot-paper is already in the grasp of many a hand that has never held a pen. This inquiry was on too small a scale to bear the weight of much generalization but it does suggest that the difficulties of making public opinion surveys among predominantly illiterate African populations are not insuperable.

Information about the annual meeting of the British Ecological Society held on January 5-6, 1950, at the Department of Botany, University College in Leicester, Engalnd is presented. The meeting, which was attended by 60 members and guests, opened with ecological exhibits and a method demonstration. The general meeting started with a signing of the minutes of the last annual meeting, followed by the council's report, election of officers and members, and presentation of various studies.

This article presents information on latest issues related to the U.S. economy in 1972. The Electoral College on March 24 chose Walter W. Heller as nominee for president-elect of the American Economic Association in the balloting to be held in the autumn of 1972. Under a change in the bylaws reported in the Papers and Proceedings of this Review, May 1971, additional candidates may be nominated by petition, delivered to the secretary by August 1, including signatures and addresses of not less than 6 percent of the membership of the Association for the office of president-elect and not less than 4 percent for each of the other offices. The American Economic Association is interested in purchasing certain issues of the American Economic Review and the Journal of Economic Literature published in 1970 and 1971. The issues must be received in excellent condition before payment is made. Postage is to be paid by the shipper. The Journal of Economic Issues announces the new location of its editorial offices. The Journal is a joint publication of the Association for Evolutionary Economics and the department of economics and Bureau of Economic and Business Research at Michigan State University, under the editorship of Professor Warren J. Samuels.

This article presents news notes. Announcement was made at the 1959 convention of the American Documentation Institute at Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania of the election of the new officers of the Institute for the year 1960. The Council of the American Documentation Institute has discussed at length the matter of U.S. representation to the Federation Internationale de Documentation and especially its own future role. In view of the clearly developing need to broaden and strengthen U.S. representation in FID, a resolution was passed by the ADI Council.

The present of political elections in Schleswig-Holstein during the years paper is based on a study movements, parties, and the German region of which was carried out 1932 to 1934. Since the people's delegates to legislative bodies are elected for definite areas, the ecological approach to the analysis of election results is so to speak suggested by the very nature of the data. This would not be the case if elections were conducted by occupational or other non-territorial units. Besides, the political behavior of most people is to a large extent conditioned by the opinions and actions of other persons with whom they live in close proximity, particularly in rural society. The student of political movements in pre-Nazi Germany had the advantage that a multiple party system lends itself better than a two party system to this kind of analysis, and furthermore that the system of proportional representation favored the organization of political parties around definite social interest groups, and therefore emphasized the correspondence between social classes and political parties. Consequently the party constellation in any area came very close to an expression of the class structure of that area.

This paper explores two related problems, which have grown out of a concern with dynamic aspects of Swedish voting behavior. In trying to apply a model of voting behavior primarily designed to analyze American data to the Swedish multiparty system have raised some descriptive questions, which at least partly can be answered on the basis of some recent survey work in Sweden. The first topic concerns the relationship between social mobility and political preference. The Center Party has traditionally had its strongest support among the farmers and other rural voters but has lately made some inroads among urban voters. Now there is in Sweden, as in other industrial nations, a fair amount of intergenerational mobility. The white collar class has been growing fast during the last decades and can be expected to grow further. Many members of the new middle class come from homes where the father was a worker. These upwardly mobile people have a Socialist heritage but now belong to a class where the norm is rather anti-Socialistic.

According to the author, the desire for social change is not sufficient. Irrationality in social action must be replaced by careful planning as to which strategies are selected to attain specific goals. This paper discusses various social action strategies and suggests significant ethical boundaries. Administrative rule-making and the election process are highlighted as priorities to be considered by social workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on voting behavior has focused attention on the importance and stability of party identifications in governing individual acts of voting, and on the sum of party identifications as representing a prevailing disposition of the electorate that is only marginally affected by the immediate issues and candidates in any election. This paper seeks to infer this underlying distribution of party identifications from the election returns over the whole period of presidential and congressional elections, and to explain the pattern of regular oscillations that appears to emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents one of Mr. Harris's last statements as a survey researcher for private political clients. He has announced that he and his organization, Louis Harris and Associates, Inc., will not do polling for candidates and political parties in the future. As part of his new plans, Mr. Harris has recently signed a six-year agreement with CBS, for his firm and himself, to conduct election research. The Harris firm will continue to do marketing work for commercial and industrial clients, who have in the past, and will continue in the future, to constitute a major part of its business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scientific study of communication and opinion grew up in close alliance with election polling and market research. As such it focused on the man on the street and assigned equal weight to each voice. The reintroduction of considerations of social structure into the study of communication and public opinion has given that field new vitality and new relevance for the study of public policy. The four papers in this section present interview data from elite samples. Most of those articles relate communication to the social structure. In this section David Riesman brings to bear on Stouffer's "Communism, Conformity and Civil Libertie," a series of perspectives on communication of interviewers with elite members (as against ordinary cross-section respondents), and on the interviewing process as a form of social rhetoric. The other three articles in this section are studies of community leadership in the United States on matters of public policy. They are all concerned with identifying the influentials, tracing their patterns of communication, and plotting their community centered versus cosmopolitan identifications and contacts.

The article studies ways of using a speakers bureau in a political campaign. Much has been written about political strategy and tactics, but little or nothing of the pick and shovel work that is actually necessary to put together and run a political campaign. Most people infinitely prefer the thrill of discussing what may be brilliant political coups, to the necessary drudgery of organization. Yet, the most astute strategy remains a scrap of paper, or only a mental reaction, unless there is an organization to carry it out. The person with experience in political campaigning will find here much that appears rudimentary. However, there is a vast difference between possessing comprehensive knowledge and experience, and actually crystallizing that knowledge and experience so that it can be put to profitable and effective use. The plan of organization herein set forth has been prepared in great detail in order to guard against failure to use all the personnel and means available; to guard against failure to perform every necessary task; to insure that no important factors or details are neglected or overlooked; and to bring about as much teamwork and coordination as possible.

The article describes a study on the political ecology of Louisiana. The basic political tendencies have been persistent over long periods since their support is in distinct social strata and their strongholds are in certain geographic regions of the state. The study also shows that these tendencies correspond to the major parties on the national scene and that in certain crucial federal elections they find expression through defections from the party which dominates the Solid South. In this research paper, the author shows that these basic tendencies continued to prevail during the presidential and gubernatorial elections of 1952 and to demonstrate how they influenced the result of the presidential election. The theme may be stated as the continuity of basic political tendencies in a situation of change. In political ecology, one proceeds on the assumption that in the political system an analysis of the geographical distribution of support for a party or candidate enables one to find out what social classes and what other categories of voters make up that support.

The Committee on Honorary Memberships nominates the following persons for honorary membership in the American Sociological Society. In nominating the persons, the Committee would like to make certain comments concerning the important function of the Committee at this time. It is said that in making selections for honorary memberships, the process is handicapped because of the lack of knowledge of the work of sociologists in the foreign countries. In the future the Committee on Honorary Memberships can function more efficiently if it has this knowledge and can give sufficient time to the consideration of eligible persons for this distinction. This is especially important since the position of the United States in international relations has caused the American Sociological Society to play an important role in the development of sociology. The Committee on Honorary Memberships has a special responsibility to the Society and the discipline. Therefore, one of the first tasks of the Committee is to make possible greater intellectual cooperation among the sociologists of the world by extending honorary memberships.

The article presents information on minutes of the Ohio Valley Sociological Society's 30th annual business meeting. It was held on May 3, 1968 at Statler-Hilton Hotel in Detroit, Michigan. The results of the 1968 election of the society were announced. Dwight G. Dean was elected president-elect. Shailer Thomas was elected to a three-year term, 1968-71, as secretary. Reports were heard from the standing committees, namely, publications, development and membership. Chairman of the publications committee Norman Washburne reported for that committee. Included in the report was the announcement of the winner of the undergraduate paper competition. Dwight G. Dean reported for the Development Committee. It was reported that the committee was currently exploring means of greater communication and articulation between undergraduate and graduate departments. A request was made that notices of retirement of members be reported to the secretary of the society. Retired members are eligible for benefits of a full membership in the society.

The article focuses on the relationships of information and personal characteristics to vote choice. This paper discusses one aspect of an electoral campaign, a campaign debate, by which information about candidates and their stands on political issues are communicated to the voter. A political campaign permits candidates to communicate to voters. In the process of communicating, the candidates attempt to project favorable images, discuss the issues most helpful to themselves, and manipulate symbols to elicit voter support. The media links candidates to publics by serving as a conduit for informational exchanges. As a conduit the press relies primarily on information provided by the candidates, seeing itself as mirroring events, with the result that the public is provided a bland, uniform, filling, but not satisfying diet of campaign information. In dealing with the supply of information, the usual psychological and sociological variables may be included as modifiers of informational exchanges.

This note attempts to add a historical dimension to formal theories of coalition formation. It is based on the electoral success of previous government coalition members. The modified theories are tested using data collected for a previous article, "Government Coalitions in Western Europe." Furthermore, the hypothesis that coalitions correctly predicted by the simple theories also last longer is tested, using the same data [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theoretical contribution of this paper involves a reformulation and a generalization of the view of voting behavior originally expounded in The Voter Decides. The basic variable of party identification has been expanded to include any belief which constitutes a standing commitment to vote in a certain way. Hence, differences across political cultures which involve the basic belief systems about partisan competition may be recognized and taken into account. The short-term forces which accompany any election are seen as motivational vectors which may deflect the basic commitment of the individual, bringing about a desertion from the normal partisan vote in certain cases. This general model of voting has been applied to the case of France in the late 1960s. One variable essential to the achievement of long-term political stability in France is the willingness of the electorate to continue its support of the current Gaullist majority in the Assembly, or alternately, to fall in line behind a coherent majority on the Left. By grouping the electorate according to the strength of standing commitment, those voters who contributed to the Gaullists' 1968 victory are examined to explore the likelihood that they will remain loyal to the Gaullists in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that Lord Rhodes, a life peer, has been created a Knight of the Garter, the premier Order of Chivalry in England. He is well-known as Hervey Rhodes and was elected as Member of Parliament for Ashton-under-Lyne in a by-election created by William Jowitt's elevation to the peerage. Rhodes was a holder of the Distinguished Flying Cross from the Great War and Bar as an Observer. Furthermore, he held office as Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade from 1964 until 1967. In addition, Rhodes served as Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire from 1968 and made a Privy Councilor in 1969.

The 1960 American Association for Public Opinion Research Conference was held jointly with the World Association for Public Opinion Research (WAPOR) in May 1960 at the Hotel Traymore in Atlantic City, New Jersey. In addition to eleven formal sessions and six round tables, there were two evening sessions, one of the them was a panel session on ways of covering the 1960 U.S. election. Professor Samuel A. Stouffer was chairman of the panel on elections. Two of the formal sessions were organized by WAPOR. Abstracts were presented of various research papers given at the formal sessions prepared by their individual authors, their summaries of the round-table discussions were prepared by session chairmen or individuals appointed by the chairmen. The evening session on the U.S. election was also summarized. There was also the presentation of the Julian L. Woodward Award to Clyde N. Hart at the banquet.

This article focuses on a legislation on marking ballots. The ballot law of every state contains a section on how to mark the paper ballot. This section, brief in some states and detailed in others, covers the following points: the method of marking, materials to be used, the use of the write-in privilege and of pasters, and instructions to be printed on the ballot. For this study, which is limited to general elections, the laws and the ballots of all the forty-eight states have been examined. When there is irregularity of marking the practice is to allow the intention of the voter, if discernible, to prevail. Five states allow a combination of the cross mark and scratching or lining out. The Georgia law prescribes the use of the cross in the party- column parentheses for straight ticket voting, but requires that the voter line out the names of undesired candidates when a split ticket is voted. The Texas voter may vote a straight ticket by running a line vertically through all party columns voted against; he may vote a mixed ticket by running a line horizontally through the names of such candidates as he desires to vote against in the column of his preferred party and writing in the name of the candidate for whom he wishes to vote or leaving unscratched the desired names in other columns.

The article presents information about various news and announcements related to operations research. The First General Meeting of International Federation of Operational Research Societies was held at Aix-en-Provence, France on 5 September 1960, it was attended by the official delegates of the member societies. The Secretary of the Federation, Charles Goodeve, reported that the First International Conference had yielded a surplus of nearly 1,000 pound, that the ten Member Societies had a combined membership of 4,243, that an application for membership had been received from the Operations Research Society of Japan, and that be would propose a levy for 1961 of five shillings per qualified member. The meeting considered three proposals. The meeting expressed approval of all three of these proposals and all three were later formally approved by a mail ballot. This ballot also formally approved the five-shilling levy for 1961 and the membership of the Operations Research Society of Japan effective January 1, 1961.

For some time the Constitution and By-laws Committee and the Council of the Society have been considering whether, in the light of the experience gained during the first eight years of the Operations Research Society's existence, any revisions in the Constitution and By-laws should be made. As a result of much thought and discussion, the Council has voted to present to the membership revisions of both the Constitution and the By-laws prepared by the Committee. There follows a discussion of changes proposed, a discussion of the need and basis for a concurrent increase in the Society's dues, a description of the method of presenting these issues to the membership of the Society and a statement on when changes will be effective if ratified by the voting members. Finally, there is a detailed comparison of the old Constitution and By-laws with the proposed revision. The main points of the proposed revision of the Constitution and By-laws are the vice-president becomes president upon the expiration of his term as vice-president, he thus becomes a president-elect, although he is not given this title, references to sustaining membership in the Society are deleted, requirements that candidates for Associate Membership be sponsored by two members and be elected by the Membership Committee are dropped.

To investigate further the relationship between ideological orientation (autocratic-democratic) and personality factors (authoritarian-equalitarian), measures of both were taken on 258 day and evening college students. After completing a questionnaire containing three personality subscales and one political orientation subscale, from one to seven days before the 1964 presidential election, the subjects were asked to indicate their presidential preference. Those who preferred Goldwater (N = 84) scored significantly (p < .01) more toward the authoritarian or autocratic side on all four questionnaire subscales than did those who preferred Johnson (N = 174). The results indicate a relationship between conservative voting and authoritarianism-autocracy in several areas of personality and attitude functioning. Characteristics of the two voter groups were derived and are described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Japan experts have argued that increasing prosperity of the nation will help maintain the so-called "one and one-half party system," thus forecasting a bright future for the conservative Liberal-Democratic Party. Even though Japan emerged as one of the world's leading industrial nations, the incumbent Liberal-Democratic Party had experienced a considerable amount of loss in its electoral strength during the l960s, and there seems to be every indication now that Japan is headed for a multi-party cleavage system. This paper attempts to analyze and explain the socio-economic basis of this cleavage system by drawing on aggregate data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study which focused on the analysis of power in certain voting situations in which the probability that an actor will exert power is circumscribed by the rules of a voting body. Description of the Brams model; Computation for a rank ordering of voting partners for each member of the hypothetical voting body; Comparison of the results of applying the Brams and Dahl indices.

Deals with the internal processes that governs party positions in elections. Stages of elections; Contingencies of behavior during elections; Description of multi-stage election systems; General problems of external actions constrained by internal processes.

Discusses the integration of the behavior of the government as an endogenous part of an economy. General hypothesis of government behavior; Representation of the ideological preferences of the government by the relative valuation attached to different political issues or goals; Overview of voting decisions and election outcomes.

The article offers news on the colleges of the Institute of Management Sciences. The newly formed College on Logistics recently held elections for several offices. The San Francisco session of the College on Organization presented papers and then conducted a business meeting. The College on Measurements in Management sponsored a session at the 1965 American Meeting in San Francisco on Measurements for Planning Control.

The article discusses the factors underlying change in the South African general election of 1970. The general election of 1970 represented the first occasion in approximately a quarter of a century in which the United Party was able to make significant gains at the expense of the governing National Party. The "swing" of 4.3 per cent to the United Party was a small but important one. It is conceivable that a large number of English voters who supported the Nationalists in 1966 and who returned to the United Party were influenced by the split within the National Party, although they may not have been aware of this reason when deciding to shift their allegiance. There seem to have been several influences bearing on the behaviour of young Afrikaners. Amongst these are some of the products and by-products of the "permissive society." Differences between the younger and older generations of Afrikaners have been evident over the past few years and have manifested themselves in such diverse activities as style of clothing, views on enjoyment, sexual mores and the meaning of religion. A re-orientation of political thinking might simply be an outgrowth of this influence.

The article focuses on the first proportional representation election in Cincinnati, Ohio. In November, 1925 the City of Cincinnati elected a city council of nine members through the use of proportional representation. The Hare plan of single transferable vote was used and the entire city constituted a single election district. In this respect, the vote in Cincinnati was notable as it occurred in the largest district in U.S. employing this method. In Cleveland, the only other large American city voting in this manner, four election areas have been established. This type of election is frankly an experiment. Just now, a movement for a wider adoption of the plan seems to be in the ascendancy in U.S. Its success or failure in Ohio should have an important bearing on this issue. For this reason, an analysis of the result of the first vote in Cincinnati may be timely. The idea of a council truly representative is new; people's experience has been with government by majority.

This article presents issues related to press, polls and votes in Great Britain, since the 1955 General Election. A reason for the press reticence to predict is related to the growing professionalism in British politics. In almost every constituency each of the two major parties has a salaried official responsible for handling all parliamentary contests, and these agents behave like most bureaucrats they long for promotion. The net result is fewer election predictions. When editors send their star reporters to cover a by-election, the more sensible of them accept their obvious limitations and make straight for the offices of the agent employed by the party which failed to win the seat at the General Election. At least, that was true in the old days, but with the coming of professional agents no challenger is going to be dogmatic about toppling the established champion unless his prospects are so obviously good that they are no longer newsworthy. Local politicians lose confidence in judgment, and the national headquarters' officials are convinced that his error has provided the enemy with a psychological warfare success just when their morale was beginning to crumble.

The article focuses on last minute changes in voting intention and its effects on public opinion in Australia. Errors in prediction on the part of public opinion surveys are usually ascribed to faulty sampling, unexpected turnout of voters, or changes in voting intention between the date of interviewing and the date of election. This article suggests that in certain types of elections last-minute changes may present a serious problem for forecasters. The article describes the predictions and the steps taken to trace the cause of errors. Political set-up in Australia has been described. The Australian Gallup Poll accurately predicted the vote for the House of Representatives and one of the referendums. It had discrepancies, however, of plus 8.6 per cent and minus 4.6 per cent on the other two referendums. All four predictions were based on interviews with the one cross-section of 2,027 people, a week before polling day. Voting in Australia is compulsory, so an unusual turnout of voters could not have caused an error.

This article contains a compilation, topically arranged, of poll results in the U.S., released by the American Institute of Public Opinion, Fortune, British Institute of Public Opinion, Canadian Institute of Public Opinion, Australian Public Opinion Poll, National Opinion Research Center, and by the Office of Public Opinion Research. Questions covered the period from June 1944 through August 1944. Date lines after each question indicate the date of release and not necessarily the date on which questions were asked. In considering these poll data, the reader should bear in mind certain salient points of reference set forth in the March 1940 issue of the periodical "Public Opinion Quarterly." The poll results include a variety of questions related to socio-economic conditions of the nation. Stress was made on the factors that may influence voting patterns. The poll was pan-U.S. and included Canada and Australia among other nations. There was an overwhelming response to the poll survey.

The article presents abstracts of various articles related to marketing. They include "The Value of the Pound," by Colin Clark, "Election Polling Forecasts and Public Images of Social Science," by Robert K. Merton and Paul K. Hatt, and "Five Steps to Finding Out: Does Your Employee Magazine Pay?" by Ken Davee.

The article discusses a study on the effect of party organization and election expenses in the British 1970 General Election. The study used a variety of statistical methods including Spearman rank correlation, parametric analysis, correlation coefficients and scatterplots. It concluded that there was little theoretical or empirical grounds for justifying a causal relationship between election expenditure and votes.

The article presents a pioneer study of contemporary significance in electoral behavior in reference to a paper on this issue written by Roscoe C. Martin. As far as taste is concerned there was a bias at the outset for selecting an article representing a contribution to an empirically based political science. Martin's piece certainly meets that standard. The article is an early attempt to investigate in a systematic, quantitative fashion a problem that has received considerable attention in more recent volumes of the Quarterly and other scholarly journals, the question of voting behavior in state and local elections. Martin's report of the socioeconomic and institutional factors associated with an Austin municipal election in 1933 precedes the major voting studies conducted on the national, state, and local levels by several years, even decades. But it is not enough merely to say that this study broke new ground in an era when political scientists generally took only marginal interest in studying electoral data; it is also worth remarking that Martin did so in a manner that is still significant for contemporary students of voting.

The article reports on the national party platforms and its relation to atomic energy. The election year has shown interesting contrasts between the political parties. The Democrats' platform has favored the international control of atomic energy while the Republicans has not mentioned anything about it. The reason behind this platform is that the Resolutions Committee of the Republican party has not heard any testimony regarding the matter on international control of atomic energy. On the other hand, the Democratic platform has three specific recommendations on atomic energy.

The behavior of several types of bureaucratic organizations during a time of revolution is described. Some of the traditional characteristics of such organizations are modified in response to the changing social and political environment. Objective criteria of selection and rational operation are replaced by subjective claims. Election replaces appointment as the basic criterion in personnel selection. The dependence of the organization upon the larger society becomes clearer. Finally, the common belief that bureaucratic organizations are relatively immune to political revolution because of their conservatism and technical orientation is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on bargaining units and election procedures in public school teacher representation elections in the U.S. From 1961-1965, members of the National Education Association (NEA) and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) have competed with each other in representation elections. In 1965, the AFT had gained the right to represent 75,834 teachers and allied educational personnel against the 13,728 members of NEA. During the 1964 Detroit, Michigan election, the rules were enacted by the board of education, after consultation with the personnel committee of the board and the leadership of the two organizations. Laws promulgated in Oregon, Washington, California, and Connecticut in 1965, are less specific about how bargaining units shall be determined and elections conducted.

In the past year and a half the leaders of organized labor in the United States have waged two eminently successful election campaigns. The first was the campaign involving the union shop elections and the second the political campaign culminating in the elections of November 2, 1948. Success in both of these tests may be fairly attributed to the organizing talent and day-to-day activity of union leaders. In the well-organized industrial areas of the country, the rank and file of union members had had little direct contact with the Taft-Hartley Act. Yet the Taft-Hartley Act was used as a powerful lever by union leaders to pry out the stay-at-home union vote in the 1948 political campaign. Union leaders and officers had had direct contact with the Taft-Hartley Act and with similar state laws. Indeed, perhaps the most important result of the Taft-Hartley Act and the state labor legislation of 1946 and 1947 was the "shock effect" of these laws on union leaders. Union officers and leaders were "alerted" to an extent seldom witnessed in the history of organized labor in this country. By skillful use of the union press and other methods of propaganda and by incessant day-to-day hammering on the issue, they made the rank and file feel what they felt — that these laws threatened the existence of the union. Then, with superb organization on a ward and precinct level, the union leaders went to work. Registration lists were checked against membership lists and against town police lists. Unregistered voters were registered. By the organization of car pools, telephone brigades, shop-gate meetings, and house-to-house doorbell ringing they got out the vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information about admissibility of evidences in the prosecution for election fraud practices. The Supreme Court of Illinois recently had occasion in the case of People versus Fedele, to pass some guidelines regarding the admissibility of evidences in election fraud practices. A handwriting expert called by the prosecution testified that, in his opinion, certain cross-marks were made by a different person than the one who marked the remainder of the ballot. The expert also testified as to certain erasures and substituted crossings on various ballots. He further testified that indentations on the reverse side of various ballots indicated that the cross-marks were made on these ballot while they were on top of other papers, which could not have occurred had the ballots been marked in the ballot booths since the shelves in the booths were made of metal and the voter could write or make a cross upon a single piece of paper on top of the metal surfaces and no such indentation or mark would appear on the reverse side of the paper.

This article presents information on the paper "On Microsporon Infection," by H.-E. Kleine Natrop. The paper describes that at the time of the 3rd International Congress in 1896 microsporon infection was known only in England and Western Europe. Since then it has spread all over Europe. An extensive list of publications shows the gradual spread over Germany. A number of sporadic and epidemic cases have been reported after the second war. Two forms have been noted, the classical and more common and the inflammatory. A few cases were observed in normal adults. All treatments employed, both topical and epilatory, are discussed.

The article presents information on elections being held for members of American Marketing Association (AMA). The author focuses on announcing new members for the period August 1, 1950 to October 31, 1950. It is reported that due to the postponement of elections, the current office bearers of the association will retain their posts till June 30, 1951. New members of the AMA include E. Walton Aylesworth, Marilyn Bielefeldt, and Thomas Dana Cramer. New members Georgina M. De Weerdt and Lars E. Birbach are also discussed.