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C. Wright Mills' The Sociological Imagination (1959) represents one of the most influential texts of postwar American sociology. The title has become a catchphrase that stands for a style of thought that transcends both theoretical dogma and the constraints of mere methodological rule following. This article sets out to show that Mills' vision of the sociological imagination had more in common with the then dominant lines of scholarship than his broadside against Parsonian grand theory and Lazarsfeldian abstracted empiricism in the main part of the book would suggest. Among the tools that Mills introduced as fostering the sociological imagination were 2 × 2 tables. The article traces the use of such tables over time and across scholarly communities and shows that, contrary to Mills' own estimate, these tables describe a common nexus between his own work and that of Parsons and Lazarsfeld. All three scholars made ample use of this formal tool to construct sociological arguments at central places of their oeuvre. Given its shared use across otherwise divergent schools, the 2 × 2 table is a prime example for what historians of science have called paper tools, i.e. statistical formulas, algorithms, tables, diagrams, graphs, etc., that structure scientific research across different schools of thought and theoretical approaches. Drawing on the notion of paper tools, the article advances a post-Kuhnian perspective on the history of sociology that shifts the research focus from substantive ideas to formal tools and demonstrates elements of commensurability among presumably incommensurable schools of thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insight on the knowledge of sociologist Hans Joas concerning the Aristotelian concept of practical wisdom or phronesis as the foundation for creativity. He mentions that his book "The Creativity of Action," explores his different perceptions about creativity. He adds that phronesis is related to the situation without given solution by reflecting on experiences and principles. He says that Joas perceive creativity as expression, production, and revolution.

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Throughout this paper a certain view of theology is assumed, and it seems desirable therefore to begin by an endeavor to state it clearly in a way, which it is hoped, will meet with very general agreement. It does not claim to be a complete view, but it endeavors to bring forward that aspect of theology, which makes a closer union between theologians and sociologists possible and indeed urgent. And in the first place it should be mentioned that by theology is meant Christian doctrine, any other religious philosophy being differently named. Theology, then, is taken to be! in the first place an interpretation of life by its highest and fullest perfection, unified as God. Theology postulates Christ as the perpetual image of God manifested in the world, but realized in fullness in "The Son of Man." In this way people have a working conception of the nature of God. This divine humanity summed up in Christ, is further exemplified by certain persons called the saints, more or less approximating to the ideal type. All Christians are "called to be saints."

The article describes conceptual displacement and migration in science. In the last few years there has been growing agreement among sociologists studying the scientific community that one of their central aims should be to describe systematically the connections between social processes and intellectual development in science. This concern on the part of sociologists with scientific knowledge is very recent, however, and most of the studies at present available deal exclusively with such social aspects of science as the system of professional rewards, the patterns of communication among research scientists, and the nature of social control within the research community.

This paper analyzes the work of two Indian sociologists who defined the contours of sociology in India in the immediate post-independence decades, M. N. Srinivas and A. R. Desai. It argues that their scholarship can be linked to sociology's legacy as anthropology in India and its embeddedness in the episteme of colonial modernity. It contends that Srinivas's methodology, the field view, attempted to make a break with earlier methods, such as book view. However, his three concepts, that of dominant caste, Sanskritization and Westernization were perceived as civilizational attributes and which had organized social change in India. A. R. Desai, a Marxist historical sociologist, made an incisive critique of capitalist exploitation and elaborated the material conditions that led to peasant and working-class revolts. However, his sociology could not unravel the caste-class linkages that organized the Indian 'social' which was embedded in Indian nationalism. This paper suggests that a definitive understanding of modernity emerges in Indian sociology in the late 70s when the feminist, dalit and tribal movements interrogated the material basis of contemporary India's developmentalism and its capitalist and exploitative character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on papers presented in a symposium on the nature and scope of sociology. Like other theoretical sciences, sociology is concerned with knowledge, not action, and thus sociology consists solely in scientific method and techniques, and in the organized body of theory and knowledge developed through the application of these. In this view, social engineering, which is the application of this knowledge to practical problems as through social work, social reform, or Christian social reconstruction, is definitely not sociology, although many sociologists participate in such engineering. When a sociologist participates in social engineering, he should realize that he is stepping over the boundaries of his role as a scientist. Like moral philosophy, sociology studies what can be observed of men's interactions through the use of the senses, but unlike philosophy it proceeds to testing the truth by a purely inductive criterion. In science, the ultimate test of all theories and hypotheses must be an inductive examination of whether they conform to the facts of sensible phenomena. It is this which distinguishes the knowledge of science from that of mathematics, philosophy or theology. It is for this reason that metaphysical principles may not be invoked to prove scientific questions.

The notion of the mechanism is one of the most popular and widely used concepts in science and sociology is no exception. This paper problematizes the widespread and often uncritical use of the term "mechanism" in contemporary sociology. Drawing on the mechanistic worldview associated with leading figures of the scientific revolution, the paper emphasizes the impact of mechanistic thinking on the societal rationalization process identified by Max Weber and the Frankfurt School. The analysis suggests that mechanisms, when applied to sociological theories, may uncritically reproduce a cultural fetish of the rational society with potentially dehumanizing consequences. The author advocates for a critical reflection on the cultural and historical context of mechanisms, urging sociologists to view them not merely as analytical tools but as active contributors to the creation and shaping of social worlds erected on a belief in instrumental reason. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author responds to a paper by Bryan Wilson titled "The Sociologist of Religion as an Expert Witness," that was published in the March 1998 issue. He specifically focuses on practical constraints faced by sociologists who are called in testify in court in cases of social conflict. Elements of epistemology, sociology of knowledge, and juridical value are discussed.

The article presents views of several sociologists regarding the future direction of social theory and its task in the 1st century. The growing strength of social theory has now placed it at a crossroads: it will have to decide whether it is going to become an overspecialized undisciplined within sociology or a central dimension to sociology, and to social science more broadly. One of the article authors is of the view that sociology is both a theoretical and an empirical discipline and it is important that these dimensions do not lose sight of each other. A second set of questions relates to the relationship between social theory and its public unction. Today sociologists are witnessing transformation in the production and legitimation of knowledge. Social theory needs to face up to the challenge of the democratic legitimation of knowledge. It will not be enough to resist specialization within sociology and social science. Another author is of the view that all the papers published in the journal should be interested in bridging the gap between the classical tradition of sociological theorizing and the sociologists' need to understand and solve contemporary social problems.

Historians of sociology have long recognized the Protestant ambience within which the discipline emerged in the United States. Autobiographies elicited by L. L. Bernard in the 1920s and 1930s provide insight into the impact of this background on early American sociologists. In addition to confirming the importance of mainstream Protestantism, the autobiographies reveal a multitude of identity strategies adopted by those who came to call themselves sociologists. In negotiating the relation of religious and secular spheres, some abandoned religion en route to a sociological career. Others became sociologists of religion, separated value-laden (religious) aspects of their lives from value-neutral (sociological) endeavors, created a sociologically informed mode of Protestantism, or molded a Protestant sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even conservative estimates of the future course of AIDS epidemic make clear that only a small fraction of people who ultimately will experience AIDS symptoms now have them and that the spread of the virus will continue for some time to come. This article focuses on the social consequences of the AIDS epidemic, some of which are beginning to be felt. I argue that sociologists have an important contribution to make anticipating the long range social consequences of AIDS. Intelligent planning is impossible without a reduction of uncertainty in what the future might hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Facta Universitatis: Series Philosophy, Sociology, Psychology & History is the property of University of Nis, Serbia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The International Colloquium of Social Sciences and Communication ACUM (NOW) took place in Brasov in between 17th and 19th of October 2019, over three sunny autumn days. The event was organized by the Faculty of Sociology and Communication of the University Transylvania and by the Society of Sociologists of Romania. The keynote speakers were: Bogdan Voicu (R.I.Q.L.) with a communication about migration as a double osmosis, Robbie Gilligan (University of Dublin), with a paper about working with vulnerable young people, Sylvie Huet, (University of Clermond), who investigated the "glass ceilings", and Mihai Burlacu, from the Bucharest Polytechnic, with a reconsideration of the anthropological space as heterotopia. The colloquium organized by SSR is already part of a local university tradition of national and international openness. Slowly but steadily, a real international character of scientific manifestations in Romania is formed, much less cosmopolitan than similar conferences in the global West, but with a constant presence of foreign guests and participants who bring a much needed diversity of perspectives and research themes. During the works, we received a very careful reception from colleagues in sessions that put together various contributions, from long-term individual research topics to recent exploratory research.The event was one that confirmed its success over the years, thus strengthening Brasov's place on the map of social sciences in Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a compliment to several other publications that present and honor Rolf Huisgen's research achievements, the first part of this paper reveals the human side of this eminent chemist. From excerpts from many of his personal and professional writings, Huisgen's personality and philosophies of life are revealed. Also revealed is Huisgen functioning as a historian of chemistry. The second part of this paper examines the scientometrics of Huisgen's publication history. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Huisgen's career experienced a major transition in terms of publication metrics and the influence these papers had on the organic chemistry community. This was the result of his research into 1,3‐dipolar cycloadditions. Citations to his scientific contributions are well spread over many of his papers, demonstrating his constant work and the building up of a research topic, which continued after his official retirement in 1988. In fact, 17 % of his more than 600 publications appeared after 1988. The majority of Huisgen's papers were co‐authored with his many graduate and postdoctoral students. Consistent with the trend of that era, Huisgen was the sole author of most of his Review articles, and not just those of his many plenary lectures, and it is those Review articles that proved to be his most cited publications. This demonstrates the power and influence of Review articles—secondary sources, in the vocabulary of historians and sociologists of science. In those Review articles, Huisgen principally described the state of the art of 1,3‐dipolar cycloadditions—his golden offspring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a commentary about a study by Michael A. Overington about the changes which have occurred in the history, philosophy and sociology of science. Most scientists are taught that theories will be abandoned when negative evidence is discovered. Scientists are taught that they should evaluate all new ideas even if those ideas contradict existing scientific beliefs. Parts of the work from some philosophers of science have been emphasized by a group of subjectivists who take pleasure in arguing that there is no real difference between scientific ideas and other types of ideas. Most sociologists know that what is considered to be good work depends upon a contemporary but changing consensus. Saying that there is no difference between scientific knowledge and ideology is saying that despite the beliefs of scientists, empirical evidence is of little importance in validating currently accepted scientific beliefs.

In educational research, there has been much stricture of neoliberalism as a scourge. In the higher education sector, the neoliberal turn has been observed as eroding academic freedom and deprofessionalising academics. Early career academics are often described as victims of neoliberalism. In this paper, we take a positive perspective through a deep dive into resilience that enables self-transformation and, potentially, system change. Our paper is situated in the Chinese higher education context where the "up-or-out" system has been put in place, mirroring the neoliberal university at a global range. We — a mid-career researcher and an early career academic — analyse our collective narratives generated through WeChat text and voice message. Drawing insight from Bourdieu's reflexive sociology, our narratives lead to four themes: capital accumulation and self-transformation, shaping the publication habitus, emancipation from symbolic violence, and resilience to symbolic domination. We conclude the paper with a call for sociology of resilience and recommendations for deneoliberalising higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erving Goffman has a reputation as an intellectual maverick who did not fit neatly into any disciplinary mold. His failure to adhere to professional conventions and occasionally off-putting demeanor are mentioned as an aside that has little to do with his oversize influence on the science of society. This paper advances a thesis that Goffman's status as the most cited American sociologist and widespread influence across social science is related to his principled refusal to fit his scholarship into prevailing scholarly canons. The argument is made that Goffman shared with his mentor, Everett Hughes, misgivings about the narrow professional focus in contemporary sociology, that his cross-disciplinary approach advanced social inquiry beyond its traditional confines, and that his colloquial style and penchant for long essays helped disseminate his ideas. The discussion starts with an overview of Goffman's professional career, after which it moves to the reception of his ideas by fellow sociologists and the impact of his work on neighboring disciplines. The study draws on the interviews, correspondence, and other documents assembled in the Erving Goffman Archives, as well as on several social science citation indexes and datasets illuminating Goffman's stature in various fields of scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Max Weber (1864–1920), a German political economist, sociologist and historian has been influencing the critical accounting research significantly since 20th century. This paper aims to investigate the influence of Weber’s ‘rationality’ concept in accounting research through the identification of research platforms, trends and major themes and findings. This study adopts the qualitative research methods. A number of papers from 1984 to 2021 have been analyzed to reach the aim. Call of modernization and human inheritance with tradition force men to act in a rational and calculative way which are the premise of Weber’s rationality. Through the three specific things – calculability, methodological behavior and reflexivity Weber defined rationality and its process in the society. The study finds that Weber’s rationality has been used to understand the society and its reflection in the implementation of accounting mechanisms. Various disciplines of accounting (financial accounting, management accounting and auditing) as well as implementation of various tools of accounting have been investigated under the concept of rationality. Both the public and private enterprises have been investigated under the concept of rationality. It is expected that the study will contribute to understand the application of Weber’s concept in accounting research and potentiality as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I focus on two thinkers who I contend can be read as Du Boisian sociologists: Franklin Frazier and John Gibbs St. Clair Drake. I argue that both Frazier and Drake are often (mis)represented as being ethnographic sociologists of racism in the American inner city who owe their intellectual training and lineage to the Chicago School. By contrast, I argue that Frazier and Drake, while interested in race in the American inner city, both viewed American racism as only one piece in a global jigsaw puzzle; both advocated for comparative and historical sociologies of race and empire which would highlight—to quote Frazier (1973, 339)—that although racism “in the United States has many unique features, it is […] a phase of a world process.” Excavating this world process, to both Frazier and Drake, necessarily entailed studying the global color line beyond its expression only in the United States. Frazier and Drake ought to be read, therefore, primarily as Du Boisian sociologists, not simply as parochial ethnographers of the inner city. The data for this paper come from the Du Bois, Frazier, and Drake papers housed in archives at the University of Massachusetts‐Amherst, Howard University, and the Schomburg Centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists very often have extra-curricular lives as musicians. This article explores the relationship between musical life and sociological identities. Through a range of examples from Howard Becker's grounding in field research as a pianist in the Chicago jazz clubs and his theories of deviance, to the connection between Emma Jackson's life as a bass player in Brit pop band Kenickie and her feminist punk sociology, an argument is developed about the things sociologists learn from music. Based on 28 life history interviews with contemporary sociologists this paper shows how sociologists learn – both directly and tacitly – to understand society through their engagement with music. Music offers them an interpretive device to read cultural history, a training in the unspoken and yet structured aspects of culture, and an attentiveness to improvised and interactive aspects of social interaction. For sociologists, involvement in music making is also an incitement to get off campus and encounter an alternative world of value and values. Music enables sociologists to sustain their research imaginations and inspires them to make sociology differently. However, the article concludes that in the contemporary neoliberal university it is harder for sociologists to sustain a creative hinterland in music. The tacit knowledges that often nourish sociological identities may run the risk of being depleted as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written from an auto-biographic perspective, this paper is based on reflections and insights arising from a journey of adaptation by a 'sociologist-teaching-in-a-school-of-management'. These reflections unveil the relevance to management studies of four interrelated conceptual tools: critical thinking, reflection, reflexivity and the sociological imagination. Examples of scaffolding activities and class exercises are provided throughout the paper to illustrate the usefulness of these concepts in management teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociología del Trabajo is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

“Sociologists in Communism. The beginnings of a profession without status” is a collective volume coordinated by Sorin Mitulescu and contains the stories of some sociology graduates in 1975 and of some of their teachers at that time. The book is both an essay in sociology and a collection of oral history papers. We understand from reading the book that sociology was at that time the victim of the oscillations in Romanian politics between the desire for modernization (especially technological) and the fearful and dogmatic conservatism that had penetrated all social levels. Sociologists in communism want to be a starting point in a broader debate on the role of sociology and the sociologist, both in the past and in the present. He discusses several topics such as the relationship between sociology and power, the professional mobility of sociologists, the relationship between personal life and the career of a practicing sociologist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instructors encounter several obstacles when seeking to adopt student team paper assignments. One of the most difficult obstacles concerns the allocation of points to individuals for their participation in producing the collective product. We have developed a Team Evaluation and Assessment Matrix (TEAM) rubric specifically to address the problem of grading individual performance in teams. In this article, we will discuss the development and nature of the TEAM and then results of an initial assessment from three Introduction to Sociology classes. As background, we provide a brief description of a classroom structure for managing team paper assignments. We argue that the TEAM helps students perceive team paper assignments as a valuable method of learning, a method that helps improve their mastery of course content, enhance their writing skills, and increase their appreciation of real-life, instrumental task-oriented teamwork activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a step-by-step guide for the undergraduate instructor in how to launch a student journal. The authors describe their experiences over the past four years in publishing the student journal at Wayne County Community College in Detroit, Michigan. Though there were some problems and pitfalls, the authors concluded that it was a rewarding educational experience and strongly recommend its replication at other undergraduate institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an explanation of sociologist Leo Goodman's paper hierarchical models for significance tests in multivariate contingency tables. In several papers Goodman presents and elaborates a system for the analysis of contingency tables that promises to be extremely useful to sociologists. The papers are however, extremely compressed, heavily complex with the cumbersome notation of contingency analysis and are not easily accessible to the student and average research worker. The aim of this article is to explain the logic and procedures of the system in terms the reader may find more comfortable. The Goodman system consists of two parts: a scheme for making significance tests by means of hierarchical models and an extensive discussion of a set of techniques known as log linear models. The two parts are logically and practically distinct. Among the important uses of hierarchical models are the following: tests for the significance of partial correlations, tests for interactions, where the control variable has as many categories as one pleases, tests for higher-order interactions, succinct statements of what is and what is not going on in a contingency table. Since none of these tools have been easily available to the average sociologist, the Goodman system is well worth learning especially because it provides considerable insight into the properties of cross-classifications and the logic of significance tests.

In a recent issue of the journal Review of Religious Research, sociologist Donald N. Anderson presented an attempted replication of a study one of the present authors published in 1962 on the relationship between laymen's participation in ascetic Protestant churches and their political preferences. The present article offers a testable resolution of the discrepancies between Anderson's findings and authors' findings. In addition, it attempts to clarify the distinction between the way Anderson prefers to study religion and the way most sociologists study it. In so doing, a social interaction model of religious influence is presented. This model is shown to afford a better interpretation of the political outlook of Protestants than do certain other models used by students of religious behavior. According to authors, the conclusion of Anderson's paper is devoted to a critique of the way most sociologists conceptualize and measure religion. He rejects what he thinks is their penchant for defining the religious factor as "the residue apparent when such factors as occupation, education, place of birth, etc., have been controlled." Anderson's approach to religion is quite different from the approach of most sociologists.

Discourse and ideology are interrelated concepts in social sciences and the humanities and are even occasionally employed interchangeably. This paper sheds light on their relationship in academic discourse and examines the role of sociology as a scientific field in its conceptualization. Using bibliometric analysis, we examined 15,716 academic publications mentioning "discourse" or "ideology" in their title and written in English by American and British scholars between 1966 and 2015. The investigation focused on the two terms' conceptual environment, areas of usage, journals, and the organizations to which the authors were affiliated. First, we conclude that although some sociology researchers have attempted to create a sociological definition for the concept of discourse, sociologists are not its most active users. The same is true for ideology. These concepts have established niches in other disciplines (political science and history for "ideology," and educational science and linguistics for "discourse"). Second, throughout the years, the field of discourse studies has become more diversified and fragmented than that of ideology. Third, the leading organizations in both fields are prestigious American and British universities, which indicates that discourse and ideology are elements of the intellectual elites' language. Fourth, the concept of discourse was more frequently applied than that of ideology in the years 2010–2015, and we expect that it will remain popular among scholars in the next decade. As for ideology, we believe that new social challenges could foster the rediscovery of this concept in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Excerpted from my book Generally Speaking, this paper introduces "concept‐driven sociology," a special way of theorizing designed to reveal abstract social patterns. As such, it examines the methodological process by which we can "distill" generic patterns from the culturally, historically, and situationally specific contexts in which we encounter them. It thus champions a "generic sociology" that is pronouncedly transcontextual (transcultural, transhistorical, transsituational, and translevel) in its scope. In order to uncover generic, transcontextual social patterns, we need to collect our data in a wide range of social contexts. Such contextual diversity is manifested multi‐culturally, multihistorically, multisituationally, as well as at multiple levels of social aggregation. True to its message, the book illustrates generic social patterns by drawing on numerous examples from diverse cultural contexts and historical periods and a wide range of diverse social domains, as well as by disregarding scale. Emphasizing cross‐contextual commonality, concept‐driven sociology tries to reveal formal "parallels" across seemingly disparate contexts. The paper features the four main types of cross‐contextual analogies concept‐driven sociologists tend to use—cross‐cultural, cross‐historical, cross‐domain, as well as cross‐level—disregarding conventionally noted substantive differences in order to note conventionally disregarded formal equivalences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Goffman's terms, qualitative interviews are social encounters with their own realities. Hence, the 'situational critique' holds that interviews cannot produce knowledge about the world beyond these encounters, and that other methods, ethnography in particular, render lived life more accurately. The situational critique cannot be dismissed; yet interviewing remains an indispensable sociological tool. This paper demonstrates the value that situationalism holds for interviewing. We examine seemingly contradictory findings from interview studies of middle-class identity (cultural hierarchies and/or egalitarianism?). We then render these contradictions comprehensible by interpreting data excerpts through 'methodological situationalism': Goffman's theories of interaction order, ritual, and frontstage/backstage. In 'situationalist interviewing,' we suggest that sociologists be attentive to the 'imagined audiences' and 'imagined communities'. These are key to identifying the situations, interaction orders, and cultural repertoires that lie beyond the interview encounter, but to which it refers. In sum, we argue for greater situational awareness among sociologists who must rely on interviews. We also discuss techniques and measures that can facilitate situational awareness. A promise of situational interviewing is that it helps us make sense of contradictions, ambiguities, and disagreements within and between interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a new approach to theorizing and empirically investigating a phenomenon variously described by sociologists as internalized oppression or symbolic violence. Located at the intersection of internal worlds and external reality, the intrapsychic and the interpersonal and social, this object of inquiry—here termed self-negation—is crucial to many forms of societal domination. The paper explores its inner workings, analytically disaggregating it into an array of psychosocial processes drawn from the psychoanalytic theory of the defenses. Much of the work's originality consists in showing how these processes operate across multiple systems of domination and drive many and varied outward manifestations of the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social ontology studies the nature and properties of social reality while social metaontology examines the relationship between ontology and the social sciences, which is often treated as a normative question. However, social sciences themselves contain ontological theses, raising the descriptive question of how these internal ontologies relate to the rest of the social sciences. This paper argues that important parts of sociology have an anti-foundationalist metaontology. This descriptive claim is used to build a normative argument against foundationalism and is supported by examining the works of Durkheim and Weber and how their metaontological beliefs continue to influence many sociologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contains a critique of Dirk Meyer's paper on "Deprivation of Politics". It is shown that Meyer's analysis of the structural conflicts between a globalized capitalist economy and democratic politics is unintendedly convergent with Marx' theory of revolution. Seen from this background it is unlikely that the withdrawal of the "mobile factors of production" from the framework of national political democracy will open a way to restore "collective rationality", as the author suggests. Contrarily, what Meyer points to is the scenario of a deepening economic and social crisis. Meyers neoclassical analysis of the crisis is faulty and ignores the historical circumstances which led to the rise of the modern interventionist state in the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Merton proposed middle range theories, not as ends in themselves, but as bases for a consolidation to explain broader phenomenon. More than a half century has passed since Merton's consolidation proposal and in that time a number of experimentally tested middle range theories have been developed. Certainly, the next step should be a consolidation. Yet, to our knowledge, no one has previously offered a consolidation of experimentally tested theories and applied it for explanation. This paper offers a consolidation of middle range theories formulated to explain the rise of the pristine state. Two theories of this consolidation, Status Characteristics Theory and Elementary Theory, form the core of what Analytic Sociologists have called a toolbox of theories. Our toolbox forms an integrated consolidation in two ways. First, the social structures modeled by the theories form a path-dependent process of increasing benefits gained by the elites of the structures. Second, the end conditions of each step of the process are the initial conditions of the next. Whereas the theories in our toolbox have previously been seen as applying exclusively to microstructures, we have encountered no difficulties in scaling them up to apply to macrostructures. While we hope the consolidation has validity in explaining the occurrence of pristine states, this paper's significance lies in its demonstration that today social theories can be consolidated and applied for explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a collaboration between a sociologist and a writing instructor to develop a Human Ecology course that stresses problem-solving and written communication. The emphasis on thinking and writing skills means reduced time for lectures but increased student ability to identify, resolve, and communicate issues in sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]