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The New African Diaspora's second generation in the United States is large and growing, yet it is one of the least studied immigrant groups. The purpose of this special issue is to bring together recent work by immigration researchers on the identity negotiations and transnational engagements of the children of first-generation African immigrants. Second generation Africans, who create hybrid identities at the intersection of their ethnic/national origins and the racial categories of U.S. society, often contest (and sometimes embrace), being boxed into embracing a Black identity that is the product of specific African American histories, values, and experiences not shared by recent African immigrants. Contributors examine these issues, as well as the occurrence, distinctive nature of, and motivations for second-generation economic and cultural participation in transnational activities. The collection by key immigration scholars represents a groundbreaking contribution to the nascent discussion of the New African Diaspora's second generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a widespread belief that stable employment is important for social integration, stable employment careers have become less common in America's increasingly complex labor market. Job tenure has dropped, precarious work arrangements have gained prominence, long-term unemployment has spiked, and an increasing share of the jobless are not looking for work. Against this background, we investigate the linkages between labor market experiences and volunteer activities, as an indicator of people's involvement in civic life. We outline a theory on how transitions between labor market states—within, into, and out of the labor force—bring about changes in civic engagement and test our predictions using panel data from the Current Population Survey 2002–2015. Contrary to what much previous research suggests, we find that people who become unemployed are more likely to start volunteering and no more likely to stop. We additionally show that people who leave the labor force altogether (i.e. not having a job nor looking for one) are more likely to stop volunteering. Conversely, entering the labor force, either by securing or searching for a job, is associated with an increase in volunteer activities. We explore the role of motivation and time resources in accounting for these patterns, finding among other things that moving into or out of the most detached labor market state—outside the labor force without any intention to find work—is most consequential for civic engagement. We discuss the implications of our findings for civic democracy in light of ongoing labor market trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on discrimination consistently shows that non‐Whites are at a disadvantage in obtaining goods and services relative to Whites. To a lesser extent, recent work has asked whether or not place of residence may also affect individuals' chances in economic markets. In this study, we use a field experiment in an online market for second‐hand goods to examine transactional opportunities for White, Black, Asian, and Latino residents of both advantaged and disadvantaged neighborhoods. Our results show that sellers prefer transactional partners who live in advantaged neighborhoods to those who live in neighborhoods that are majority non‐White and have higher rates of poverty. This was true across all four racial/ethnic groups, revealing that neighborhood stigma exists independently of racial stigma. We discuss the implications for scholarship on neighborhood effects and we outline how future research using experiments can leverage various types of markets to better specify when characteristics like race trigger discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the strategy and rhetoric of the National Federation of Settlements' 1928 project on unemployment. During the Hoover years, settlement workers assembled an extensive catalog of case studies, which offer a glimpse into the home life of the jobless and their families at the beginning of the Great Depression. From their research, the NFS Committee on Unemployment published a series of books and articles that depicted the unemployed as the undeserving victims of economic change and called for policies to protect them. Throughout, settlement workers focused on the families of the unemployed, drawing on gendered notions of work and family and supporting policies that protected male-breadwinner households. Thus, settlement leaders recast unemployment as a social, rather than an economic, problem. In all, settlement research, writing, and reception presented a skeptical voting public with a palatable argument for social insurance that brought the experiences of the jobless to the voting public and policymakers, demonstrating a process of "policymaking from the middle." In so doing, they redeemed the newly unemployed and the insurance plans intended to protect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The American Dream is that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement. This American Dream attracted millions of immigrants to U.S. shores. A pastoral dream of a new, fertile Eden, a success dream of financial prosperity, and a dream of world brotherhood to be realized in the new continent were considered as the three main components of the American Dream. The inequality rooted in class, race, and ethnic origin suggests that the American Dream is not attainable for all. Bernard Malamud's characters aspire for the American Dream, but they prove to be a failure as it seems a thing beyond their reach. The American Dream had its own terms and conditions along with the hard life though the west held many promises of a vital, successful and prosperous life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article systematically assesses U.S.-Native relations today and their historical foundations in light of a narrow, empirical definition of colonial empire. Examining three core elements of colonial empire—the formal impairment of sovereignty, the intensive practical impairment of sovereignty through practices of governance and administration, and the continuing otherness of the dominated and dominant groups—we compare contemporary U.S.-Native political relations to canonical instances of formal colonial indirect rule empires. Based on this analysis, we argue that the United States today is a paradigmatic case of formal colonial empire in the narrow, traditional sense, one that should be better integrated into the comparative, historical, and sociological study of such formal empires. Furthermore, this prominent contemporary case stands against the idea that the era of formal colonial empire is over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of white privilege and whether the term privilege applies to poor white people, particularly focusing upon the U.S. Supreme Court case Buck v. Bell, which upheld the forced sterilization of the mentally ill and disabled who were deemed capable of passing their genes through their children. The article also examines the eugenics movement.

The transformation of U.S. foreign intelligence in recent years has led to increasing privacy concerns. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA) traditionally regulated foreign intelligence surveillance by authorizing warrant-based searches of U.S. and non-U.S. persons. Individualized court orders under traditional FISA were intended to protect U.S. persons and limit the scope of intelligence collection. In a post-9/11 world, however, the intelligence community cited concerns regarding the speed and efficiency of collection under traditional methods. The intelligence and law enforcement communities recognized the "wall" preventing information sharing between the communities as a central failure leading to the 9/11 attacks. In response, the scope and authorizations of foreign intelligence collection were expanded with numerous statutory measures, culminating in the passage of Section 702. Under Section 702, only non-U.S. persons located abroad may be surveillance targets, but no warrant is required for the intelligence collection. Since its passage, the intelligence community and privacy advocates have intensely debated the implications of incidental collection of U.S. person communications, including the use of U.S. person queries. Despite the significant expansion of surveillance authorized in the shift from traditional FISA to Section 702, minimization and targeting procedures regulated by the new statute are designed to protect U.S. persons and balance national security and privacy interests. This Comment addresses the uncomfortable question of whether the U.S. Constitution permits the minor intrusion of a few to protect national security and argues that Section 702 queries are searches under the Fourth Amendment that require a justification independent from the overall surveillance to be constitutional. Nonetheless, the Fourth Amendment protects against only unreasonable searches or seizures by the government, and U.S. person queries are reasonable searches characterized by critical foreign intelligence interests and robust safeguards that outweigh limited impacts on privacy. While the Fourth Amendment does require probable cause warrants for U.S. person queries conducted for criminal investigative purposes, such queries are rare. Striking the proper balance between privacy and security, particularly in the modern technological era, is a complex and challenging legal question. In this context, considerations must include policy and value-laden choices that weigh the statute's own regulatory measures against the rights protected by the Fourth Amendment. Such an approach renders U.S. person queries reasonable Fourth Amendment searches, albeit subject to more stringent requirements than courts and the government have previously found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essays in this forum mark the 250th anniversary of Andrew Jackson's birth by reassessing the meaning and legacy of "Jacksonian Democracy." Some scholars have challenged this once-popular concept, while these contributors find that "Jacksonian Democracy" often combined the celebration of majority rule with racial supremacy for white men. Most Jacksonians sought power for white men while denying it to people of color, yet some promoted the interests of all laborers, including the enslaved, and granted citizenship and political rights to Native Americans. Racial democracy did not always function in straightforward ways. Jacksonian political culture also included distinct gender relations and household patriarchy, with mastery at home empowering white men in public. Jacksonian Democracy shaped more than politics, as Jacksonian notions of egalitarianism and democracy influenced religious, economic, and legal thought. This forum underscores the complexity of Jacksonian Democracy, a political ideology and a cultural worldview with a lasting legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is more violent than Canada and it always has been. Even in the face of mass shootings, most Americans remain culturally and politically resistant to the sorts of gun control measures that have long existed in Canada. America's unique gun culture is embedded in the history, imagery, and especially the mythology of the American frontier. Canada had its own frontier experience and has its own history of gun ownership, but it does not have a parallel gun culture. This article presents a comparative analysis of post-Civil War/post-Confederation frontier history and mythology, and examines the construction of contrasting cultural narratives of America's "Wild West" and Canada's "Mild West." It suggests that US–Canadian differences in gun laws and gun culture—even in the borderlands region of Alberta/Montana—are better explained by the countries' two different frontier mythologies than by their actual western histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the symbolic and practical relationships of U.S. President Donald Trump to sexism and capitalism as displayed in his 2016 presidential campaign. Topics include the implication of Trump's presidency for women, immigrants and Muslims, arguments on the relationship of capitalism to kinship and patriarchy in the context of sociologist Emile Durkheim's concept of social facts, and Trump's alleged exploitation of both aspects of kinship and patriarchy as a capitalist-in-chief.

The article explores the works of literature that illustrate poor Southern farmers' perception of time to draw some conclusions about temporal heterogeneity in modem America. Topics discussed include ways in which literary works dramatize the tension between diverging perceptions of temporality; and representation of clocks and time in James Agee's "Let Us Now Praise Famous Men; and "Richard Wright's short story "Long Black Song" that demonstrates the processes of uneven modernization.

The article discusses if Anti-Intellectualism is Good for Democracy especially in the U.S. where the U.S. president Donald Trump campaigned for the presidency and continues to govern as someone who is anti-intellectual, anti-fact and anti-truth. Topics include if anti-intellectualism is defensible or justified, how the populist movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries put an anti-intellectual backlash to positive use and the critique of intellectuals, offered by Irving Kristol, the father of neoconservatism.

ABSTRACT: This article traces the history of libraries run by local unions of the International United Automobile Workers' union (UAW) from the mid-1930s through the 1950s. Using the records of the UAW it examines the purpose of its libraries and the workers' education program they were part of. It analyzes the collections in these libraries and considers how they were developed, who used them, and how they fared in light of the role of print in the UAW's activities and of Depression, wartime-era, and postwar working-class reading culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the thoughts and actions of Michelle Obama while she was the First Lady during the presidency of Barack Obama. It focuses on the expression of her opinions through the social media platform Twitter, the reflection of Black feminism in her tweets, and the representation of her identity as a Black woman through her views. It also talks about the stereotypes of Black women in the U.S. society and social media and sees if Obama's tweets countered or conformed to them.

The traditional gendered division of household labor, where women did the bulk of all domestic labor, is eroding. The literature on housework, however, does not discuss the ways how to test for the non-traditional gender performances. Using the American Time Use Survey (2003-2016), the present study fills in this research gap and re-tests the relationship between relative earnings and the performance of housework. The analysis of women’s time spent on domestic work shows that the traditional gender display explanation still applies to women’s participation in routine tasks such as cooking and cleaning. Thus, breadwinning wives display gender neutralizing behavior and ‘do’ gender. On the other hand, American men show non-normative gender behavior in cooking and cleaning, but not in maintenance, where they still ‘do’ gender. This paper unveils a persistent traditional gender performance of women in housework and a new pattern for men’s involvement in indoor routine housework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2017, the Department for Education published a report that examined the progress of evidenceinformed teaching in England. The findings suggest that despite limited direct application of research in teachers' practice, evidence was valued and did inform teacher thinking (Coldwell et al., 2017). Alongside this report, there were other developments that showed that evidence-informed teaching was a paradigm that was here to stay.began to appoint people responsible for facil

Individuals with disabilities experience lower education levels, lower employment rates, fewer household resources, and poorer health than people without disabilities. Yet, despite comprising more than one-eighth of the US population, people with disabilities are seldom integrated into sociological studies of inequality. This study uses time use as a lens through which to understand one type of inequality between working-aged people with and without disabilities: participation in daily activities. It also tests whether social disparities (as suggested by the social model of disability) or health disparities (as suggested by the medical model of disability) explain a larger percentage of participation differences. I first consider if disability predicts daily time in market work, nonmarket work, tertiary (health-related) activities, and leisure—net of health and sociodemographic characteristics. Next, I utilize Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition to assess the relative contribution of these characteristics in explaining time differences. Results from the American Time Use Survey indicate that adults with disabilities spend less time than adults without disabilities in market work and more time in tertiary activities and leisure. There is no difference in nonmarket time. Health accounts for the largest percentage of the explained component of tertiary time differences, but depending on the choice of predictors, sociodemographic characteristics account for as much—or more—of the explained component of differences in market and leisure time. Results indicate the importance of disentangling disability from health in sociological studies of inequality. They also support a hybrid disability model in suggesting that both health and sociodemographic characteristics determine how disability shapes daily life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines child protection in the U.S. since 2001. Particular focus is given to how this relates to gender politics and the presidency of George W. Bush. Additional topics discussed include the AMBER Alert system, the PROTECT Act, the Unborn Victims of Violence Act, strengthened sentencing guidelines for sex offenders and toughened penalties for possessing child pornography.

This article considers the immigrant store owner as spectacle, signifier, and actor in Korean-Black relations in Los Angeles during the late twentieth century, arguing that the "Black-Korean conflict" was an historical and cultural phenomenon in which events and their representations built upon each other. Members of these groups sometimes resisted and interrogated the framework of interethnic conflict which was projected onto them, but also incorporated it into their outlooks and organizing strategies. The article also reflects upon efforts to address intergroup tensions and conflict against a backdrop of widespread racial injustice and economic inequality in Los Angeles and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses work ethics in US dealing with the fact that American society is rich, American companies dominate their industries and American workers are productive. The article discusses problems with the work ethic as work doesn't reliably deliver the social, moral, and spiritual goods it promises, and artificial intelligence is about to render the work ethic moot. Also discussed is nonemployed majority's claim to social citizenship and role played by the government.

Comparable worth is both a social and legal issue. Yet the issue of comparable worth is not new. It has been addressed in more bask terms in previous years. Different approaches to the definition of comparable worth are reviewed and compared as a background for the current social and political debate over the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the historical background of affirmative action in the United States, and reviews how federal support for it has changed since the Civil War. Several recent US Supreme Court cases deciding affirmative action issues are discussed, with speculation about the future of affirmative action in light of these decisions. The article also discusses the implications of these rulings for human resource practitioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although colonial Americans had long valued frugality and had limited their consumption, actual demand for material comforts and imported consumer goods grew vigorously during the third quarter of the eighteenth century. The nonimportation movement, primarily a politically motivated boycott of British manufactures intended to force repeal of distasteful tax laws, also reaffirmed traditional values and attempted to improve the image of products made in America. Following a discussion of the colonial market and nonimportation, this article examines conflicts between old values backed by patriotic appeals and emerging buyer preferences. The concluding section draws a few implications for understanding present-day consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Viewpoint compares the COVID-19 per capita overall and excess mortality rates in the US vs that of 18 OECD countries and the timing of any increases in excess mortality between February and September 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the history of metalworking industries and unions in the United States. In 1904, blacksmiths held a charter from the American Federation of Labor and had jurisdiction over heavy-metal forging and welding work, except for that claimed by the Carriage and Wagon Workers. The cultural change from industrialization affected workers' ideas about their place in the social order and their relation to other workers, as well as their strategies for adjusting to new conditions. The International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers' reaction to new acetylene welding apparatus illustrates workers' shifting viewpoint and the change in American society in terms of it being a real system and a phenomenal system.