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One of the vulnerabilities faced in modern society is the accidental or intentional dispersal of significant quantities of radionuclides into the environment. The term “dirty bomb” refers to a conventional explosive coupled with radionuclides that are intentionally dispersed when the explosive is detonated. Soon after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States Government commissioned a National Academy of Sciences study to consider the issue of replacement of dangerous radiological sources. Kansas State University is a member of a consortium studying nonproliferation enabling capabilities, including replacement of dangerous radiological sources. Test facilities have been constructed that allow use of a deuterium-tritium (D-T) neutron generator, a machine source of X rays, and radionuclide sources. Various materials can be placed around a tube containing the neutron generator or radionuclide neutron and photon sources, providing an effectively-infinite interaction medium. These test facilities and a tool used to benchmark simulation codes for oil-well-logging and other applications are described. Representative test results are also presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism is one of the greatest threats of modern times. Following September 11, it has especially imposed great fear and concern around the world. This paper will discuss the fight against terrorism by the world's largest organization, the United Nations, as the fight against this phenomenon has not proved successful by states individually. The fight against terrorism by the UN will be addressed by dealing with legal aspects including international legal mechanisms and instruments to combat terrorism. Additionally, this paper will encompass the UN approach and actions to be taken to prevent this threat which is becoming more and more disturbing. Especially following the terrorist attacks on the Twin Towers on September 11, more initiatives were prompted by international states and organizations led by the world's largest organization to undertake concrete actions and international legal acts were consequently issued. The UN with its bodies, in addition to international conventions, has issued a large number of resolutions condemning terrorist actions that call for a united fight against this phenomenon. Therefore, the issues discussed above and the actions of the UN in this regard will be addressed in this paper. Actions and ways how these actions are to be undertaken by the organization itself, actions to be taken by states, as well as raising the issue of terrorism at a higher level than in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How will the market react to an unforeseen event? How efficiently will it react to the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001? This event study tests the semi-strong market efficiency theory by looking at the stock price returns of two samples of totaling 29 firms that were greatly affected by this event using the risk adjusted event study methodology. The evidence shows that both the insurance airline industries were greatly negatively affected on and after the event. However, it is clear to see that the firms in the airline industry were hurt a lot worse overall and their stock price returns took a longer time to recover. Regardless of the differentiation, both industries confirm the semi-strong market efficiency theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the controversy surrounding the film "American Sniper." It mentions that the film is the most recent release among a list of productions addressing the world post 9/11. It reveals that filmography can be classified in categories of dramatic and documental productions focused on the tragedy and the portray of the war and the lives of soldiers and veterans.

This thesis examines the presence of widely circulating cultural narratives in the lyrics of approximately eighty anti-war songs from the Vietnam and post-9/11 eras. Although it is in conversation with contemporary social movements' literature, this paper, unlike much prior work on the movement/music relationship, privileges culture as opposed to movements. Rather than looking at how movements "use" or "mobilize" culture, it views social movements as cultural antennae, both picking up on trends and cultural narratives, and broadcasting their own altered cultural meanings back into the "cultural airways." It sees music as a cultural medium which acquires cultural meanings from its surroundings, alters those meanings, synthesizes new ones, and perpetuates old ones. Drawing on comparative and narrative analysis approaches informed by grounded theory methods, this paper seeks to examine the movementmusic relationship from a new angle by attempting to identify cultural narratives and narratives of resistance present in antiwar music and to chart the transformation of those narratives over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, many countries have passed new counterterrorist legislation. One of the common assumptions about such legislation is that it comes with a price: a compromise to practices of human rights. Previous research, looking at a wide range of case studies, suggested that this is indeed the case and that counterterrorist legislation often leads to subsequent repression. However, no large-scale cross-national study has yet assessed this relationship. Relying on a newly assembled database on nation-level counterterrorist legislation for the years 1981-2009, we conduct a cross-national time series analysis of legislation and repression. My analyses find little evidence for a significant relationships between national counterterrorist legislation and various measures of core human rights in most countries. However, while legislation does not affect repression of physical integrity rights in countries with low and high levels of repression, it is associated with greater state repression in countries with intermediate scores of repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exceeding exposure of Islam as a religion means treatment of a whole group of billion and three hundred thousand people and their identification as fundamentalists, without making any analysis of the contemporary socio-political tendencies of the Islam itself. The main thesis of this text will be: Is there any conflict between Islam and the other religions (civilizations), and if so, is there any real threat by the Islamic fundamentalism to the international security? By the arguments presented in this text, by making an analysis, I will try to prove that: the identification of the religion Islam with various governmental and social movements, associations and groups which identify them with Islam and declare themselves as "Islamists" is a wrong approch made by the socio-political surveys and analyses of the experts after September 11, 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In past decades, despite public's earlier reluctance toward biometrics technology, the research and development in this field make this technology irresistible to law enforcement as well as to increasingly security-conscious businesses. Since the September 11 attacks on USA, biometric technology is recognized as most secure among available methods for identification. It is widely employed in law enforcement both for forensics and government applications. In this paper we will discuss common mistake of misuse or interchange in terms 'forensics' and 'biometrics' identification, even by professionals. Also in history, some of the current and future uses of biometrics technology will be presented along with the general overview of some issues involved with its use in law enforcement agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examines the influence of 9/11 on the values of news of journalism in Pakistan. A connection between the 9/11 attacks and the agenda of terrorism-related news coverage by media professionals is discussed. The study uses the theory of agenda setting to explain how media professionals construct their news stories in the aftermath of the incident.

The article focuses on the political iconography of dead enemies in the U.S. including Osama bin Laden, Saddam Hussein, and Muammar Gaddafi. It reflects on the announcement of President Barack Obama in the U.S. on May 2, 2011 that the U.S. forces has killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of the Al-Qaeda terrorist network who is one of the leaders in the terrorist attack held in September 11, 2001. It examines the false image of a dead body of bin Laden using visual content analysis.

Using qualitative and quantitative survey data, this research explores what young adults with no direct 9/11 experience who were children in 2001 remember about 9/11 and examines how 9/11 television viewing and conversation influenced current sociopolitical attitudes. Results found that young adults' memories of 9/11 mostly focused on school, 9/11 media coverage, not understanding 9/11, and parent and family 9/11 reactions. Young adults who watched more television coverage of the 9/11 attacks were found to exhibit lower levels of social trust, while young adults who had more frequent conversation about 9/11 with their parents were found to have more confidence in U.S. political institutions to exhibit more support for immigration. Findings illustrate that while the psychological distress from an event like 9/11 may fade for children not directly affected by the event, the influence of that event on how young people think about the world may remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the U.S. conflicts with television network Al Jazeera following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It mentions Al Jazeera building has been destroyed several time by U.S. artillery. Further it mentions the conflict between the U.S. and Al Jazeera was important was important as that time the former U.S. president George Bush was battling for the hearts of the Arab world.

The concept of man's individual rights appeared a long time ago as a means of the individual's protection in relationship with the others. Living in a society, man interacts with other people, and these relations are regulated by certain rules. Once the state was formed, these rules become increasingly powerful while the concept of freedom is differently acknowledged. What actually lay at the basis of individual rights' development was the concept of natural right which appeared in ancient Greece, and which can be traced throughout history like Ariadne's thread, guiding different thought schools. Human's fundamental rights are sanctioned only after being put down in the constitutions of different states, and once regional and international protection instruments are created. Nevertheless, in countries controlled by totalitarian regimes, human rights were infringed, the individual having to obey the collective community. These regimes having collapsed, individual rights underwent a change for the better, but they also came to a standstill due to 9/11 or Ground Zero. After this event, and in the context of the fight against terrorism, individual freedom was limited in the name of freedom itself, and individual rights are currently regressing as to the possibility of being exercised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study of how people in positions of power tend to make sense of the world, in the context of crisis management, and how their views typically differ from those of people who occupy less powerful social roles. It focuses on the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. An overview of the research protocol is provided, which involved the analysis of thousands of quotations from a wide variety of individuals in the immediate aftermath of the attacks. It was found that persons in positions of power tended to favor more abstract, positive and certain views.

Like the event of September 11, the recent world-wide economic tsunami that is ravaging Wall Street, shaking American finance market and weakening world economy in a chain reaction may trigger a new page of Beck's conception of "world risk society". Predictably, the argument will not bring peoples (including others) any progressive development of "cosmopolitan democracy" in the name of a this-as-well-as-that principle as proposed by Beck in his construct of "cosmopolitan society" that cannot reveal properly the characteristics of both social inclusion and exclusion like Castells' network society. Beck's highly routinized and Eurocentric conceptions of "risk society" and "cosmopolitan society" fail to criticize the western-state-based global intervention and to make the interactions among the states and nonstate actors successfully for global governance and communication in terms of justice, human dignity and equalities. Indeed, other than terrorist attacks, we should not underestimate many other global risks such as global warming, food deficiency, poverty, youth problems and other social inequalities in contemporary, complex, postmodern society. This paper suggests an emphasis on philosophical, sociological, theoretical and empirical studies of a "networked risk society" that should envisage the presence of socially excluded others. Only just interactions among global state and nonstate actors and such excluded others may monitor, as well as hopefully fix, "network risks" in contemporary societies by means of global governance and communication, leading to an "egalitarian" society of global justice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication researchers have made the claim that popular music served important cultural functions in the weeks following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Unfortunately, most of the evidence has been anecdotal. In fact, the impact of 9/11 on American popular music is not at all evident. Only four 9/11-themed songs made the charts: two in 2003, two more in 2004, and none in the weeks following the event. Quantitative, computer-assisted content analysis was conducted to see if the traumatic event left any other mark on the musical record. Changes in the emotional orientation of top selling song lyrics were measured. In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, the emotional tone of the top selling pop songs became significantly more positive. While news, film, and television entertainment programming directly framed and mediated the event, pop music may have provided a welcome escape, a "profound distraction." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using cumulative risk theory as framework, this study provides the first evidence linkingperceived racial discrimination to fear of terrorism in a nationally-representative sampleof African-Americans interviewed up to two years after the terrorist attacks of September11, 2001. Based on data from the National Survey of American Life (NSAL), findingsreveal that African-Americans who had experienced racial discrimination in the past were63.3% more likely to report that the 9/11 terrorist attacks had shaken their sense of safety"a great deal," compared to those who had never experienced discrimination. Moreover,this association is only slightly attenuated and remains statistically significant aftercontrolling for a number of hypothesized confounders. These results suggest that racismposes a significant risk factor for psychological vulnerability to acute stressors, even ifsuch stressors are unrelated to the experiences of racial discrimination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-9-11 consciousness of fear, terrorism and war pervading U.S. culture is perhaps most explicitly expressed through the media. Television can often be viewed as a mechanism for both reflecting and constructing racial/ethnic stereotypes. ABC's Lost and NBC's Heroes seem to do exactly that. Both shows, with their large diverse casts are set in the backdrop of post-911 xenophobia. This paper seeks to critically examine their racial makeup, the prevalence of racial/ethnic stereotypes and determine what both shows are attempting to say about social cohesion. Ultimately Lost and Heroes fall short of creating egalitarian post-racial utopias. White males dominate the quality and quantity of central characters, leaving minor characters of color to serve as tokens of their specific nationality/ethnicity. Women are also less developed compared to the men, serving as targets of interest, rather than strong characters of their own accord. Overall, the writers prove to devote more attention to the central white males at the cost of under-developing women and people of color.However, science fiction television is one of the few genres that, more often than not, dare to imagine a multicultural landscape. Lost and Heroes entice us with their large diverse casts, by making some humble attempts at developing women and characters of color to greater depth. But, in the midst of an uncertain future for U.S. economic, military, and political power in the global arena, both shows serve to perpetuate the myth that white Americans remain in control of the world's destiny. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The negotiated management and strategic incapacitation models of protest policing are outlined and potential variability in police response to protest is examined based on differences in protestor tactics, the characteristics of the challenging group, and the level of threat of the protest event. Using 1,152 demonstrations that took place in Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver, Canada between 1998 and 2004, logistic regression models were estimated to examine arrest patterns. Results suggest that even when tactics utilized by the demonstrators are accounted for, the degree to which the challenging group pre-mobilized or is countercultural significantly influences arrests. The results also provide preliminary evidence suggesting a positive relationship between both the WTO protest in Seattle and the 9/11 attacks on the United States and subsequent use of arrests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11, conflicts involving the rights and status of Muslim women have been a visible part of the political landscape in many Western countries. Controversies between Western governments and Muslim populations have been marked by incendiary political commentary, landmark court decisions, public protests, death threats, and even assassination. Yet, little is known about how this turbulent political context is shaping the election of Muslim representatives to formal political positions in the West. In this paper, I consider how fear of terrorism, rising Islamophobia, and anti-immigrant sentiments characteristic of Western politics in the post-9/11 era might affect the election of women and men from Muslim origins to national legislatures in Western countries. I first present descriptive information about patterns of legislative representation for men and women from Muslim origins across the West from 2001-2007. Then, I focus more explicitly on the political representation of women from Moroccan and Turkish backgrounds in the Netherlands and Belgium, two countries that elected particularly high levels of Muslim women to their national legislatures following 9/11. Using these two cases, I argue that rising fear of Muslim men coupled with anti-immigrant politics may paradoxically benefit women from Muslim groups. I find, however, that only Westernized and secular women are likely to take advantage of this specific political context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11 the social environment has changed for Muslim communities living in western nations. In recent years a variety of literature has emerged about the potential targeting of Muslims through the new security measures and anti-terrorist legislation that has been implemented in North America (Choudhry 2001, Macklin 2001, Helly 2004 and Pratt 2005). According to this literature these new measures are damaging for Muslims because they construct them as being dangerous and make them vulnerable to discrimination. However, where this literature has come short is in providing an understanding of the actual experiences Muslims have had with these new security measures and legislation and what impact it has had on their lives. This gap is the impetus for this research. Through the use of fifty in-depth interviews, I contribute to the existing literature by examining how government attempts to ensure safety and security is impacting the lives of young Muslims in Canada. More particularly, I explore what experiences young Muslims have had post 9/11 in their interactions with state policies at airports and borders; and how these experiences tied to Orientalist depictions of Muslims in the West and also to the gendered and racialized processes in our society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most uncanny--well, perhaps I should say canny (as in home-ly, heimlich)--aspects of experience after September 11th, 2001, during which time I was in New York City, was not the tremendously unfamiliar characteristic of the time, as if a new era had been entered, as much as the incredible familiarity of many of the discourses in circulation and practices undertaken in the months and years after the attacks. Much of the strategic analysis, geographic knowledge/ignorance, and military-security emphasis of post-September 11th America bore a striking resemblance to Los Alamos of the 1980s that had been unearthed in my prior fieldwork. In some cases the same scenarios, causes, and responses were echoed. In other instances measures undertaken or projected at the Laboratory in the early to mid 1980s became standard government operating procedure. Within the security sphere, notwithstanding the tracking and manipulation of newly emerging and changing conditions, there is something of an 'eternal recurrence of the same' in which old models and practices are repeated, as is demonstrated, for instance, by the U.S. military infrastructure seeking to find a major strategic opponent to fight after September 11th, despite the lack, beyond Afghanistan, of a direct, major state sponsor of Al Qaeda. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central tension in American political history has been the assertion of individual liberties and the rule of law juxtaposed against deep fears of subversive forces seeking to undermine the American way of life. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th , 2001, a novel turn in this historical tension has unfolded. Dramatic new legislation, such as the Patriot and MilitaryCommissions Acts, as well as well-documented secret initiatives of the Bush Administration, have set in place limitations on a number of human rights and constitutional protections previously thought to be firmly established. In this paper, we investigate the dynamics of popular support for these policy changes. We consider a scenario of policy feedback, where the passage of legislation itself influences mass opinion. Classical public opinion theory, and some recent research, suggest that as the initial shock of the 9/11 attacks recedes Americans should return to robust support for liberties and greater opposition towards recent rights-limiting policies. Using data from a new 2007 national survey we conducted, we test the malleability of opinion using embedded survey experiments. Our results suggest greater malleability and lower support when counter-terrorist policies are described in abstract terms, without reference to the details of actual legislation. Multivariate results provide evidence that ideology, education, and especially nationalism shape underlying policy attitudes. We discuss implications for the recent rights reversal and scholarship on policy, public opinion, and the war on terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the economic repercussions of terrorist attacks. It focuses on the negative impact such events can have on countries with which terrorist groups share cultural or religious affiliations. The example of September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and their impact on Muslim countries is cited, using the example of commercial risk insurance. It is noted that the cost of doing business in such countries increased significantly following the attacks, and that this type of effect is not adequately accounted for by traditional economic measures of political risk.

In the aftermath of 9/11, the US media's methods of representing Islam, Arabs, and people of Middle Eastern descent have been the subject of much criticism. Critics have argued that the media's representational strategies have deteriorated, going from more moderate approaches to a classically Orientalist framework. In this system of thought, the world in divided in Manichean terms: on the one side are the forces of destruction represented by terrorism, rogue states, and Islamist extremism, and on the other are the champions of democracy and freedom, represented by the US and its allies.Thus, when Muslims protested the cartoons published in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in September 2005 that caricatured Islam, they were denounced for not appreciating western values of "free speech." When a United Arab Emirates company was to take over the running of six U.S. ports from a British company in early 2006, a xenophobic backlash was unleashed and it was argued that "those" people cannot be trusted with the security of "our" ports. The Pope, in a speech in Germany in 2006, suggested that Islam was violent and that "reason" was more at home in the West. The stunning internal consistency of these and other arguments deserve scholarly attention. In this paper, I draw on existing literature on Orientalism to analyze the old and new ways in which Arabs and Muslims have been demonized post 9/11. I offer five discursive frames that have been employed to represent Muslims, Arabs, and the Middle East post 9/11. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is substantial evidence that catastrophic events, including terrorist attacks, lead to increased levels of post-traumatic stress, especially in communities in close proximity to the incident. Some scholars also argue that these events disrupt social organization. On the other hand, many contend that these incidents produce social cohesion as community members coalesce to help each other in time of need. These ideas have resulted in competing hypotheses in the literature. The first is that violence directed at the self and at others will increase in the wake of catastrophic events due to heightened levels of individual stress and community disorganization. The second is that violence will decline after these events because of increased social cohesion, especially in the face of an outside threat. In order to test these competing hypotheses, we employed autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) techniques to model the impact of the September 11 attacks and the Oklahoma City bombing on monthly homicide and suicide counts at the local, state, and national levels. We found no support for either hypotheses as they related to levels of homicide, though there is some support for the effects of terrorist attacks on levels of suicide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of modern violence that we have experienced in the twenty-first century makes it clear that law enforcement has entered a unique age of public safety. Today, in addition to the traditional duties of law enforcement, order maintenance, and community service, police officers have auxiliary duties imposed upon them: to be the first line of defense in homeland security as well as to actively participate in terrorism investigations. It is expected that terrorism-related calls for service and response have increased since September 11th, having an impact on the daily operations of police agencies. This research seeks to explore the extent of "real change" taking place in local policing practices post September 11 in New Jersey. New Jersey offers a unique environment for a study of this kind as the state has established itself as a leader for counterterrorism response and mitigation. Preliminary data will be presented to: 1. Understand whether September 11 has changed and reprioritized the basic functions of policing, and to what extent; 2. Determine whether the changes are reactive (external) or proactive (internal); and 3. Which elements of policing are being utilized (i.e. military style) to indicate or discount a policing paradigm shift. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies that have assessed U.S. coverage of other nations, peoples, and events comes to the same conclusion: American news media oversimplify, decontextualize, and fail to meaningfully translate foreign news to the American people. A major debate is how to increase both the quantity and quality of foreign news provided to the public. The author suggests that quantity of international news does not necessarily equal comprehensive and useful coverage of foreign affairs. Specifically, this work examines how news selection and gate keeping differs from culture to culture, often representing the governments' views on international issues. In addition it explores the current challenges of good reporting of foreign events and examines solutions on how to get as comprehensive international coverage as possible to the public and in what form. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying intergroup and networks perspectives, as well as the uses and gratifications framework, this article employs narratives, public testimony, and anecdotal evidence to discuss the communicative exclusion of disabled, non-English speaking, and diverse cultural groups during U.S. disasters. Presenting research findings about the events of September 11th, 2001 and Hurricane Katrina, this paper documents specific scenarios in which people belonging to minority groups were communicatively excluded from emergency planning and evacuation. Avenues of further inquiry are proposed, regarding emergency perception and behavior among marginalized (and dominant) groups, in order to addressing some inequities during disaster situations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After September 11, 2001 people gathered to talk about the events. They talked about the violence and they talked about religion. Since that time, religious institutions and congregations have made a stronger effort to increase interfaith dialogue among their members and others in the community while another organization brought interfaith dialogue into the online medium on a global scale. Beliefnet began interfaith dialogue forums two months after 9/11, providing a space for people to ask questions, share issues, and bring religious misunderstandings and intolerance to the forefront of conversation after the traumatic events. This study employed a mixed methods approach to determine who the participants were and what interaction patterns were observed in the interfaith rooms. The results suggest that a myriad of individuals worldwide united to talk about faith, fear, and forgiveness after 9/11. The forum moderators tended to cultivate 1 of 3 interaction patterns in their forum (monologue, dialogue, or interaction) and a culture developed in each forum through moderator leadership and participant interaction. The interfaith experiments from Beliefnet expose benefits of the online medium to facilitate this type of dialogue and also elucidate the need for people to communicate after tragedy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dirty Kuffar (Kuffar means infidel or unbeliever in Arabic) is a music video performed by a British rapper known as Sheikh Terra, who is the lead singer for a rap group called Sheikh Terra and the Soul Salah Crew. The music video was released solely over the internet in early 2004. This paper will examine Dirty Kuffar as an amalgamation of myriad cultural flows and will analyze this music video's simultaneous position as a message of criticism and condemnation of the effects of globalization, as well its position as a hybrid cultural artifact that owes its existence and ability to resonate with audiences to the globalized world. The paper also discusses the implications of Islamic rap and its situatedness in the post-9/11 world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research questions the influence of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on American religious pluralism and the religious minority identity of Muslims living in the United States. Critical discourse analysis is used to examine stories from newspaper published in the northeast region of the United States and the Washington Post seven weeks prior to and following the attacks. The data reveal the media representations of Muslim Americans published before 9/11 are consistent with the religious diversity that is assumed by religious pluralism. Muslim Americans are simply another American religious community that seeks to advance and protect its interests as do other American minorities. Following September 11, media representations of fear and threat are used to create a boundary between Muslims and other Americans that is solidified by images that construct Islam as contradictory to American values and interests. This signals transformations in the meaning of religious minority identity for Muslim American and American religious pluralism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Urban Search and Rescue (USAR) taskforce component of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) in two contrasting deployments; the September 11th, 2001 (9/11) World Trade Center (WTC) and Pentagon terrorist attacks. These sites each held unique characteristics where loss of emergency response personnel, geography, politics, pre-existing social bonds, and professional knowledge created contrasting environments affecting the integration of USAR taskforces. This analysis highlights multiple strategies of action enacted on scene to integrate USAR agencies into search and rescue (SAR) activities. At the WTC, USAR taskforces influenced by structural and individual barriers, engaged in acts of trust building in an attempt to foster inter-organizational development on site, while USAR taskforces deployed to the Pentagon relied upon pre-established professional and personal relationships with local emergency response personnel to integrate themselves into response efforts. This paper highlights the importance of localized familiarity of USAR taskforces in terms of capability, terminology, and personnel as key facilitators of inter-organizational operations in response to disasters. Based on these results, future disaster response efforts could be rendered more efficient by the development of regional and/or state level USAR taskforces. Localized USAR teams would facilitate on-going inter-agency operations and training, socialization, social relationships, and the emergence of trust among the personnel of these various agencies leading to integrated response in times of disasters ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attack of September 11th, on the World Trade Center in New York, had a tremendous impact on the social fabric of community life for Arab Muslims, as well as their diverse neighbors, living in working class neighborhoods of Jersey City, NJâ?”located just across the Hudson River from Lower Manhattan. In particular, this attack sparked a critical turning point in the construction of collective identity, the shifting of group alliances, and the nature of inter-group relationships for Arab Muslims and their neighbors. Sociologically, how can we explain the divergent and troubling responses to the attacks of 9/11 in Jersey City? Why did religionâ?”perhaps more specifically, Arab Muslimnessâ?”become the most salient fault line dividing groups? How did Italian-Americans and African-Americans--who shared a long history of local conflictâ?”come together to form a new (albeit shaky) us vs. them? How does what happened in Jersey City relate to prevailing and emerging theories of ethnic conflict, collective identity and cultural trauma? In this paper, I draw on five years of ethnographic research (September 2001 to September 2006) to discuss some of the most urgent social effects of 9/11 on Arab Muslims and intergroup relationships in Jersey City. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social behavior over short time scales is frequently understood in terms of actions, which can be thought of as discrete events in which one individual emits a behavior directed at one or more other entities in his or her environment (possibly including him or herself). Here, we introduce a highly flexible framework for modeling actions within social settings, which permits likelihood-based inference for behavioral mechanisms with complex dependence. The utility of the framework is illustrated via an application to dynamic modeling of responder radio communications during the early hours of the World Trade Center disaster. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 9/11, it became clear to the US public that a war was upon them, and that they had been the targets of its first salvo. Framed as a 'sneak attack' from outside enemies who despise US culture and liberty, the 9/11 attacks soon mirrored Pearl Harbor in both its circumstances and its importance. When, as US Senator John McCain said that day, "everybody is talking about a second Pearl Harbor," the proverbial train to retaliation and war had already left the station. I argue that the coming together of collective memory along with public opinion helped to profoundly shape the analysis and importance of 9/11, and to view that event as an act of war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Observers argue that the principle tool for executive leadership is rhetoric, that politics now is interwoven with popular culture, and that popular culture is substantially about feeling. Hence, persuasive political communication requires appealing to emotion. Using the case study of President G. W. Bush's first four nationally televised speeches after the events of September 11, 2001, my interest is in empirically exploring how Presidential speeches justifying war can be read as melodramatic narratives that use elements of the symbolic codes of "victim" and "villain." I will argue that when these symbolic codes are co-constructed within narratives, they encourage a range of emotions including fear, anger, sympathy, and condemnation. These ultimately justify the rightness of waging war logically, emotionally, and morally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few people would dispute the necessity of a response to action as horrific as that of September 11, 2001, but the question and content of the response is disputable. By expanding and using the military post-industrial complex, the state threatens nothing less than global annihilation. Perhaps a more fruitful path of action, as implied by Frank's economic research and by the 'blowback' consequences of the 'state of terror,' is to work to change the social, economic and political conditions that give rise to the use of terror as a strategy by states or challenge groups. Unfortunately, the "war on terrorism" of today does little more than provide an excuse to maintain and expand organizations of state terrorism under the guise of counter-terrorism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on comparative case studies, the research elucidates the frames used by Brazilian, French, and American participants to articulate competing constructions of justice, responsibility, and victimhood in response to September 11, 2001. The research identifies commonalities and differences across the three case studies with respect to ideological discourse and associated identity work. More specifically, the study elucidates how different groups employ transnational and national identities to define 9/11's victims and perpetrators. One ideological faction uses American national identity as a tool to blame the United States for 9/11 and to exclude Americans from spheres of moral concern. In response, opposing ideological camps discount national identity as a salient identity marker and employ transnational identity frames to define 9/11's victims. The ways in which such identities are processed by members of these different national groups are examined with an eye to understanding the perspectives of individuals on the semi-periphery and at the core of the world system. In identifying these trends, the work sheds new light on older questions addressing ideological conflict surrounding nationalism and transnationalism. In so doing, the study enriches our knowledge of online discourses regarding national and transnational identities as meaning-making tools. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effects of knowledge strategy and international diversity on MNEs post-Sep 11 performance. The empirical tests on a sample of 191 US MNEs indicate that the MNEs' pursuing an innovative knowledge strategy have higher levels of financial performance, while MNEs' international diversity is negatively correlated with operational performance but positively correlated with financial performance. A post-hoc analysis suggests that in the special context of post-Sep 11th international business environment, international diversity does not illustrate a curvilinear relationship with MNEs' performance as prior studies have predicted. These results provide evidence of the importance of an innovative knowledge strategy and international diversity for the MNEs' operations and shed new light on MNE practices in the post-Sep 11th international business environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, we argue that the HBO series Deadwood rhetorically reflects post-9/11 anger and anguish by exploiting and subverting the narrative comfort and cathartic closure characteristic of the traditional American Western. In doing so, Deadwood deviates in three key ways from the conventions of the American monomythic formula that informs the Western genre: First, there is no Edenic community to redeem. Second, the morality, practicality, and psychological satisfaction associated with retributive justice are called into question. While the community faces a few exterior threats to its existence from Native Americans and the United States federal government, these threats are remote and might never be realized; the immediate threats to communal life come not from without, but from within. And third, there is the felt loss of a clear moral compass, and with this loss doubts are raised regarding conventional mythic notions of the hero, and indeed of heroism itself. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of the Internet - the ease of access, the chaotic structure, the anonymity, the “liberal spirit”, and the international character - all furnish terrorist organizations with a new, easy and effective arena for action. However, counter-terrorism measures, especially those introduced after the September 11 attacks in New York and Washington, raise serious concerns about restricting free expression and free flow of information. This paper focuses on this new battle, examining both the uses of the Internet by modern terrorist organizations and the costs of the attempts to prevent them. How do modern terrorists use the Internet and for what purposes? How can governments respond to this new challenge? This paper reports the findings of a seven-year monitoring of over 5,000 terrorist sites using a qualitative content analysis to learn about rhetorical structures, symbols, persuasive appeals, target audiences, interactivity and communication tactics. Finally, the study will examine various implications for policy making regarding terrorism and the Internet, especially with regard to its accessibility, boundaries on freedom of speech and usability for the spread of hate and violence. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a general concept, national identity has two different manifestations: patriotism and nationalism. The former connotes pride and love for a country and the latter refers to a chauvinistic arrogance and desire for dominance in international relations. This study examines the role of a national newspaper in the presentation of American national identity by analyzing the New York Times’ editorials after September 11th, 2001. The critical discourse analysis of the New York Times’ editorials over the three months after 9/11 reveals that the New York Times’ presentation of American national identity was a dynamic process. Both patriotism and nationalism were presented in the New York Times’ editorials, but with different priorities in different periods. Interestingly, two categories were almost equally emphasized in the first month after the terrorist attack. This shows that the New York Times’ presentation of national identity in editorials was quite balanced. Both war and criticism were given considerable attention. During the second month, the difference between patriotism and nationalism became notable, with the themes of nationalism accounting for approximately twice as much as those of patriotic themes. There was a shift in the presentation of national identity from nationalism to patriotism over the last month of this study. Criticism of the government became the most prominent theme in the presentation of American national identity. Overall, a shift from nationalism to patriotism can be identified over the three-month time frame. War, fear, reconstruction, and criticism were the four major themes of the presentation of American national identity. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This investigation explores the role of presidential communications regarding the terrorism meta-issue and media content in shaping the salience of the issue from September 11, 2001 to the end of 2004. The study analyzed 1456 news stories (620 from Fox News, 836 from CNN) and 181 presidential communication efforts (including the text of speeches, press conferences, letters, position papers, executive orders, and radio addresses) during this time frame. Significant correlations were found supporting both first- and second-level agenda-building and agenda-setting effects. These results reaffirm existing agenda-building and agenda-setting research, but also extend these theories in terms of context and theoretical application. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship of the world to the USA and vice versa became a global topic at the very latest after September 11, 2001. Plenty of empirical data indicate that there is a growing resentment against the US not only but very obviously in Europe. From the perspective of communication studies, it can be assumed that the media play a fundamental role in spreading and establishing such stereotypes and preconceptions. In particular media dependency and cultivation effects can be expected. The authors conducted a survey to clarify how the use of the media affects relations between Germans and the USA as well as how it affects the spread of anti-American stereotypes. The results show that the tendency is towards a negative stereotypical image of the USA by the Germans. Furthermore anti-Americanism seems to be an elite attitude, as people with higher education and higher political interest tend to agree with negative stereotypes more frequently. The assumption that such stereotypical images are shaped by the media can be confirmed, even if the detailed results are somewhat different than originally assumed. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]