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From 2010 onwards, most US states have aligned their education standards by adopting the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) for math and English Language Arts. The CCSS did not target other subjects such as science and social studies. We estimate spillovers of the CCSS on student achievement in non-targeted subjects in models with state and year fixed effects. Using student achievement data from the NAEP, we show that the CCSS had a negative effect on student achievement in non-targeted subjects. This negative effect is largest for underprivileged students, exacerbating racial and socioeconomic student achievement gaps. Using teacher surveys, we show that the CCSS caused a reduction in instructional focus on nontargeted subjects. [Financial support was provided by DAAD and the Leibniz Competition.]

Family and social networks are widely believed to influence important life decisions but identifying their causal effects is notoriously difficult. Using admissions thresholds that directly affect older but not younger siblings' college options, we present evidence from the United States, Chile, Sweden and Croatia that older siblings' college and major choices can significantly influence their younger siblings' college and major choices. On the extensive margin, an older sibling's enrollment in a better college increases a younger sibling's probability of enrolling in college at all, especially for families with low predicted probabilities of enrollment. On the intensive margin, an older sibling's choice of college or major increases the probability that a younger sibling applies to and enrolls in that same college or major. Spillovers in major choice are stronger when older siblings enroll and succeed in more selective and higher-earning majors. The observed spillovers are not well-explained by price, income, proximity or legacy effects, but are most consistent with older siblings transmitting otherwise unavailable information about the college experience and its potential returns. The importance of such personally salient information may partly explain persistent differences in college-going rates by geography, income, and other determinants of social networks.

Private schools have a long and important tradition in U.S. education and have been the focus of a great deal of political controversy in recent years. There is deep division among Americans over the desirability of using public funds to finance vouchers for private education--an issue that has become the leading educational goal of the Trump Administration. Surveys of the public show that substantial majorities of Americans do not favor voucher policies, yet these efforts have long been supported by significant shares of the public, the religious groups that operate nonpublic schools, and leaders of one of our national parties. This deep division is reflected in the extraordinary differences among the states in their adoption of voucher policies over the past two decades. Examining these differences, along with data on national and regional trends in private education, provides a useful framework for considering the relationship between private school enrollment and the impact of voucher policies. This working paper explores how the size and share of private education has changed in the U.S. over two decades, from 1995 to 2015-16 (the most recent federal data), along with how the students are divided among different kinds of private schools: secular, Catholic, and non-Catholic religious schools. It also examines the racial composition of these schools, providing key data for evaluating the civil rights dimension of private schooling and voucher policies. The civil rights questions concern how well private schools serve students of color, what kinds of schools these students attend, how segregated they are, and whether students of color are getting a major share of the growth of private schools in the areas they are growing, especially in the South. Key findings of the report include: (1) Student enrollment in private schools peaked in 2001 and has moderately declined over the past fifteen years. In 2015, private schools served 9 percent of the nation's students and accounted for 28 percent of the nation's schools; (2) Private schools seem to compete with charter schools. Since its appearance a decade ago, the growth of charter schools is noticeable. In 2015, private schools serve 4.9 million students while charter schools enroll 2.7 million students; (3) The 2015 racial composition of private school enrollment was 68.6% white, 9.3% black, 10.4% Hispanic, 6.9% Asian. The student body of public schools differed substantially from private schools, comprising 48.7% white, 15.2% black, 26.3% Hispanic, and 5.4% Asian students; (4) Private school enrollment rates among white students have not changed over time--one in eight white students in the nation attend private schools. Meanwhile, private school attendance rates among non-white students have slightly declined. As of 2015, 5.6 percent of blacks, 3.8 percent of Hispanics, and 11.3 percent of Asians in the nation are enrolled in private schools; (5) Students from low-income families are underrepresented in private schools, accounting for 9% of the private school student body. The secular sector in particular has the smallest percentage of poor students: 5.4%. In public schools, poor students make up more than 50% of student enrollment; (6) White students are overrepresented in private schools, making up 69 percent of private school enrollment; they comprise 51 percent of total enrollment of school-aged population in the country. African American and Hispanic students are severely underrepresented in private schools. The latter comprise over 25 percent of students in the public sector but only 10 percent of students in private schools; (7) The South has seen an 11% increase in the number of private schools--non-Catholic religious schools in particular--over the past two decades unlike other regions in which private schools have declined over years; (8) The number of Catholic private schools and Catholic school enrollment have decreased over the past two decades in the Northeast and Midwest in particular. Enrollment in nonCatholic religious private schools and secular private schools has grown during the same period. The growth of non-Catholic religious schools stands out in the Northeast and the South in particular; (9) The South has the largest number of schools for both private and public sectors, which account for one third of the country's schools. Given the number of schools for both private and public systems, private schools are most overrepresented in the Northeast; (10) Black and Hispanic private school students on average experience more diversity compared to their peers in public schools. White students are the most isolated group in terms of intergroup contact, and white students in the non-Catholic religious sector across regions have the most limited intergroup experiences, typically attending schools with large white majorities; and (11) The secular sector has seen the largest increase in diversity over time compared to Catholic and non-Catholic religious schools, although the level of diversity does not reach the same level of public schools.

Building on the inaugural survey conducted three years prior, the 2015 CASE Community College Alumni Relations survey collected additional insightful data on staffing, structure, communications, engagement, and fundraising. This white paper features key data on alumni relations programs at community colleges across the United States. The paper compares results from 2015 and 2012 across such areas as the structure, operations and budget for alumni relations, alumni data collection and management, alumni communications and engagement strategy, as well as fundraising activities with alumni. The latest snapshot from community colleges across the United States shows that alumni relations has made progress. Survey questions are appended. [For the prior White Paper, "Benchmarking Alumni Relations in Community Colleges: Findings from a 2012 CASE Survey. CASE White Paper," ED571308.]

Using a unique dataset of 44 Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), this paper examines critical patterns of enrollment, engagement, persistence, and completion among students in online higher education. By leveraging fixed-effects specifications based on over 2.1 million student observations across more than 2,900 lectures, we analyze engagement, persistence, and completion rates at the student, lecture, and course levels. We find compelling and consistent temporal patterns: across all courses, participation declines rapidly in the first week but subsequently flattens out in later weeks of the course. However, this decay is not entirely uniform. We also find that several student and lecture-specific traits are associated with student persistence and engagement. For example, the sequencing of a lecture within a batch of released videos as well as its title wording are related to student watching. We also see consistent patterns in how student characteristics are associated with persistence and completion. Students are more likely to complete the course if they complete a pre-course survey or follow a quantitative track (as opposed to qualitative or auditing track) when available. These findings suggest potential course design changes that are likely to increase engagement, persistence, and completion in this important, new educational setting.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) is an intergovernmental economic organisation with 35 member countries, founded in 1961 to stimulate economic progress and world trade. The Organisation for works with countries to develop skills strategies tailored to specific needs and contexts. The Organisation prepared a global skills strategy outline over the period 2011 to 2013. Each national skills strategy country project offers a tailored approach to focus on the unique skills challenges, context and objectives of each country. Each project leverages OECD comparative data and policy analysis, fosters collaboration across ministerial portfolios and levels of government while engaging all relevant stakeholders--employers, trade unions, and civil society organisations. In its paper "Towards an OECD Skills Strategy" (OECD 2013), the OECD sets out the main issues which must be addressed by efficient and effective policies for skills formation and skills use. The majority of material in each of the 13 case summaries presented here has been lifted mostly verbatim from original sources. These sources are stated at the beginning of each case summary. [This document is an added resource for the report "Identifying Work Skills: International Approaches. Discussion Paper" which can be accessed in ERIC at ED579874.]

Parents sometimes worry that their child's teacher may not be able to manage the classroom, may not be able to inspire students to reach higher levels of learning, or simply may not be up to the job. The responsibility for these worries often falls on a state's teacher preparation programs, so it is crucial that the programs admit only the best candidates. This is especially true because after a candidate is admitted to a preparation program, he or she will probably face few hurdles for entry into the profession. Recognizing the importance of high standards for these programs, from 2011 to 2015, many states and the Council for the Accreditation of Educator Preparation (CAEP) made signifcant progress in toughening up formerly lax admissions requirements. Unfortunately, in the past year, some of that progress has been reversed, largely because teacher education's accreditor was forced to retreat from its rigorous 2013 admissions standard. Those states that did not rely only on CAEP, but which acted on their own with new laws, appear to be standing firm. CAEP retreated from its previous position largely due to pressure from preparation programs that raised fears over teacher shortages and the critical need to improve teacher diversity. This paper stands firm in making the claim that in reality, setting lower standards for program admissions will not resolve these problems; and a strong argument can be made that lower requirements for program entry exacerbate, rather than solve, shortages. The paper also calls into question CAEP's retreat, demonstrating that most states have programs that are already meeting the strengthened admissions standard, leaving only a fraction of programs that are not likely meeting a higher bar for entry. In light of this nation's urgent need for high-quality teachers and the evidence that weakening standards is not necessary to solve the problems raised by opponents, this paper argues the case for states that recently raised their admissions standards should stay on course or restore a higher bar for entry into teacher preparation.

The Benchmarking Alumni Relations in Community Colleges white paper features key data on alumni relations programs at community colleges across the United States. The paper compares results from 2015 and 2012 across such areas as the structure, operations and budget for alumni relations, alumni data collection and management, alumni communications and engagement strategy, as well as fundraising activities with alumni. Survey questions are appended. [Foreword by Paul Heaton.]

Nationally, families of color--particularly African American and American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN)--are over-represented in child welfare systems. These families also tend to have worse outcomes--such as children more likely to be removed from their homes, less likely to receive family preservation services, and in the case of African American children, experiencing longer stays in foster care. Public policy can play an important role in reducing these disparities and improving outcomes for children and families of color. This report highlights policy strategies that have shown promise in improving outcomes for children and families of color in child welfare systems. The strategic areas for policy development outlined in this report include: (1) Analyzing and using data, including collecting data by race, ethnicity, Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) eligibility, gender identity and age, and the supporting data analysis on the interplay of these categories; (2) Supporting families with appropriate services and resources, including investing in the development of the evidence needed to create effective solutions for families of color and the cross-system collaborations and diverse partnerships to support this work; (3) Ensuring policy implementation is supportive of family well-being and that race, ethnicity and cultural competence are key considerations in advancing a well-being agenda in child welfare policy; and (4) Safeguarding the well-being of AI/AN children through the development of meaningful state partnerships with tribes and ensuring that ICWA is applied and followed by state courts and state agencies. Although this is not an exhaustive list of the policy strategies needed to achieve racial equity, these strategies have shown promise throughout the country in reducing disparities and improving outcomes for children of color and their families. This report begins by providing contextual information about the disparities often experienced by children and families of color, followed by detailed policy strategies, state policy examples, and funding strategies to support the strategic areas for policy development proposed in this paper. Additionally, the appendices include a scan that captures the policies related to promoting race equity in child welfare throughout the states and a race equity impact assessment tailored to support policymakers in making more equitable child welfare policy decisions. This paper is a companion piece to the Improving Outcomes for Children of Color section on PolicyForResults.org.

This report presents data on peer-reviewed S&E journals and conference proceedings reflecting the rapidly expanding volume of research activity, the involvement and scientific capabilities different countries, and the expanding research ecosystem demonstrated through international collaborations. Publication output grew about 4% annually over the past 10 years. China and India grew more than the world average, while the United States and European Union grew less than the world average. Research papers from the United States and EU countries had higher impact scores. International collaborations have increased over the past 10 years. [SRI International, Center for Innovation Strategy and Policy assisted with report preparation.]

This report is based on the 2016-17 survey "Career and Technical Education Programs in Public School Districts" and provides nationally representative data on career and technical education (CTE) programs. The survey defines a CTE program as a sequence of courses at the high school level that provides students with the academic and technical knowledge and skills needed to prepare for further education and careers in current or emerging professions. For this survey, districts were instructed to include all CTE programs that the district offers to high school students, including programs provided by the district or by other entities (such as an area/regional CTE center, a consortium of districts, or a community or technical college). The report provides information about the entities that provide the CTE programs and the locations at which the CTE programs are offered to high school students. It also presents data about work-based learning activities and employer involvement in CTE programs, as well as barriers to the district offering CTE programs and barriers to student participation in CTE programs. Data are also presented about the extent to which various factors influence the district's decisions on whether to add or phase out CTE programs. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), in the Institute of Education Sciences, conducted this survey in spring 2017 using the Fast Response Survey System (FRSS). FRSS is a survey system designed to collect small amounts of issue-oriented data from a nationally representative sample of districts, schools, or teachers with minimal burden on respondents and within a relatively short period of time. The survey was mailed to approximately 1,800 public school districts with high school grades in the United Stated (50 states and the District of Columbia). The cover letter and questionnaire indicated that the survey was designed to be completed by the person in the district most knowledgeable about career and technical education programs for high school students. Respondents were asked to provide information for the 2016-17 school year and the summer of 2016, and were offered options of completing the survey on paper or online. The unweighted survey response rate was 87 percent and the weighted response rate using the initial base weights was 86 percent. The survey weights were adjusted for questionnaire nonresponse and the data were then weighted to yield national estimates that represent all eligible public school districts with high schools in the United States (50 states and the District of Columbia). Tables of standard error estimates are provided in appendix A. See the technical notes (appendix B) for detailed information about the survey methodology. Appendix B also includes definitions of the analysis variables (i.e., district characteristics) used in the report. The questionnaire is located in appendix C. Because the purpose of this report is to introduce new NCES data from the survey through tables containing descriptive information, only selected national findings are presented. These findings have been chosen to demonstrate the range of information available from the FRSS study rather than to discuss all of the data collected; they are not meant to emphasize any particular issue. Readers are cautioned not to make causal inferences about the data presented here. The findings are based on self-reported data from public school districts. Many of the variables examined are related to one another, and complex interactions and relationships have not been explored.

Rising health insurance costs have been a source of fiscal distress for school districts. In this paper, I closely examine data from the National Compensation Survey (NCS) of the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) to address a few basic questions: (1) Are district costs for teachers' health insurance higher, on average, than employer costs for private-sector professionals?; (2) If so, how much of this represents greater access to and participation in employer plans?; (3) How does the difference in employer cost break out between that of the policies' total premiums and the employer's share of those premiums?; and (4) What is the impact of collective bargaining on total premiums, employer cost and employee contributions? To address the first question, I convert BLS' published estimates of employers' hourly cost to annual cost, since a shorter work year for teachers inflates the hourly cost of year-round benefits. Using unpublished BLS data on annual hours worked, I find average annual employer insurance costs for teachers to be 25 to 29 percent higher than for private-sector professionals. Adjusting for participation rates, the cost is 15 to 18 percent higher. Direct estimates of employer medical premiums present a mixed picture: higher employer premiums for teachers with single coverage, but not family coverage. In both cases, total medical premiums are higher for teachers than for private-sector professionals, but for family coverage the teachers cover the extra premiums themselves. Employees incur out-of-pocket costs, in addition to premiums. One reason teachers' insurance plans are more expensive is that plan design features (such as generally lower deductibles) reduce their out-of-pocket costs. The BLS data show that unionization is associated with higher total premiums, higher employer costs, and lower employee contributions in both the public and private sectors. This suggests that the high unionization rate among teachers plays a significant role in districts' higher average cost. Varying strength of teachers unions across states also helps explain the wide variation in district costs. In some nonunion states, teacher health insurance benefits are not particularly generous, due to high out-of-pocket costs (e.g. high deductibles) or high teacher shares of premiums (as in Arkansas). In other states, with strong unions, district insurance costs can be very expensive. It is in those states that the opportunities for district cost reduction are most promising. I examine newly available data from Wisconsin to quantify the impact of that state's recent change in collective bargaining law, Act 10. I find a sharp reduction in district costs from lower-cost policies and higher teacher contributions: 13 to 19 percent in the first year after Act 10, and 18 to 23 percent after the second year, relative to projected district costs. [Tables and Figures providing data on employee and employer health care benefits statistics are included.]