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This study investigated the effect of an electronic boycott of foreign products on the purchasing rate of Jordanian consumers for products from Beirut Lights company for hygienic paper manufacturing. This study collected data from 310 consumers purchasing products from Beirut Lights Company for Hygienic Paper Manufacturing using questionnaires. This study employed the Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) approach and analysed the data. The results revealed that electronic boycotts (consumer animosity, consumer ethnocentrism, consumer efficacy, and product judgment) have significant and positive effects on purchasing rates. The results revealed that a 1% increase in Consumer Animosity would lead to an 18.5% increase in Purchasing Rate. Additionally, the results demonstrated that Purchasing Rate would increase by 15.2 percent with a 1% increase in Consumer Efficacy. Also, the results revealed that a 1% increase in Consumer Ethnocentrism would lead to a 23.5% increase in Purchasing Rate. Similarly, the results revealed that a 1% increase in Product Judgement would lead to a 44.1% increase in Purchasing Rate. For Western multinational corporations focused on expanding their foothold in the world's biggest consumer market, this study's conclusions have crucial consequences for decision-makers and management. The suppressed and intense emotion of hostility, which is a remnant of past hostilities, needs much more attention from the Beirut lights firm, which manufactures hygiene paper in Jordan. In other hostile market scenarios, the conclusions of this examination may be applicable to a strategic study of the boycott model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research aims to explore the institutional history of feminist disciplines and the trajectory of their inclusion in the Romanian academic curriculum, as well as in the intellectual space from the late 90's to the present day. The adoption of feminist theories has been limited by two impediments that have made their curricular inclusion difficult and their circulation in Romania quite sporadic: firstly, the subject has been rejected and boycotted by a moralising conservative public discourse and secondly, their critical disciplinary implication has posed problems of institutional acceptance due to suspicion of leftist bias. The paper aims to analyse the public debates concerning feminism, compared to a form of totalitarianism, in Romania, on the one hand. The second part has in view to define the import channel of feminist studies in Romania, along with the difficulties that hindered the first feminist scholars and activists' efforts to disseminate the discipline in post-communist countries. The liberal ethos with conservative nuances of the Romanian academic space and the public intellectuals' anti-communist positions remain responsible for the poor representation of feminism in Romania, as its impiety towards feminist theories has to do with the protectionism of dominant, conservative discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: All hypothesized relationships were significant. Specifically, H1 was supported as disconfirmation and surprising consumption were significantly correlated. Moreover, arousal (H2) and outrage (H4a) were functions of surprising consumption and negative affect (H3) and outrage (H4b) were functions of arousal. H4c was also supported as negative affect had a significant direct effect on consumer outrage. In addition, disconfirmation had negative direct effects on both negative affect (H5) and dissatisfaction (H6a) and dissatisfaction was a function of negative affect. Finally, both outrage (H7a) and dissatisfaction (H7b) had significant negative effects on behavioral intentions. Design/methodology/approach: Respondents were recruited to participate in the data collection in a "college town" in the Southeastern United States. Respondents were provided a paper and pencil data collection instrument that include complete survey instructions and the balance of the research design. To adequately test all hypotheses, the researchers developed a unique scenario that described an extreme service failure that takes place during a hotel check-in. Each respondent was asked to read the scenario and then reflect upon it as they responded to items that assessed their feelings toward the hotel check-in experience. Findings: The results provide additional evidence in support of the existence of the satisfaction-dissatisfaction continuum, as well as specifically identifying the affective nature of levels of satisfaction that fall surprisingly well-below the zone of tolerance. The authors feel that the present study is a necessary step to provide a more comprehensive view of the satisfaction-dissatisfaction continuum. Likewise, the authors posit initial evidence of the antecedents and consequences of consumer outrage. This research supports the prior assumptions of Westbrook (1987) about the vast detrimental effects of negative affective responses to service or product failures. Research limitations/implications: Future research needs to discover just how extremely deficient service has to be to elicit outrage. Is outrage a personal phenomenon with every consumer experiencing it to different degrees? As such, is outrage triggered at different points on the satisfaction-dissatisfaction continuum? The zone of tolerance seems to suggest this, but it would be interesting to discover if at some collective level of dissatisfaction consumers generally begin to show signs of outrage. Likewise, it would be interesting to understand how the level and pattern of outrage results in customers exiting the relationship but also results in loyal customers becoming enemies (e.g. Gregiore et al., 2009; Gregiore and Fisher, 2008). Originality/value: The motivation for the current study is both pragmatic and theoretical. As alluded to above, it is evident that the level of service customers' emotional responses to their service experiences are increasing in frequency and intensity. These negative emotions affect the efficacy of service workers and impede the financial performance of service providers. The popular mantra of "anti-woke" consumers, "Go Woke, Go Broke," is indicative of the importance of negative emotion. Sometimes referred to as "brand activism" (Moorman, 2020; Sarkar and Kotlet, 2019), recent public stances on social and political issues have led to a boycott of Gillette razors, the burning of Nike shoes, and the canceling of Costco Memberships in what has been called "virtue signaling" (Vredenburg et al., 2020). While none of these actions are desirable, the importance of investigating the impact of strong negative emotions (i.e. outrage) is further demonstrated in reports that 65% of consumers expect companies to authentically support such issues (Barton et al., 2018; Edelman, 2018; Larcker and Tayan, 2018; Moorman, 2020). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This think-piece critically examines (critical) information literacy ((C)IL) and its teleological essence. Despite substantial scholarly inquiry and progress, IL remains invisible and undervalued beyond academia. IL silos and CIL's embeddedness within critical pedagogy and its focus on epistemological issues hinder its theoretical development, reduce it to an academic abstraction and undermine its salience and emancipatory goals. A multidisciplinary/multidomain approach is needed, leveraging insights from critical (social) theories and engaging with the ontological, to facilitate a novel understanding of IL and transform it into real-life action literacy for positive social change. The paper concludes by interrogating assumptions about (C)IL's benefits, highlighting potential inadvertent disempowering effects, and issues a call to consider it a dynamic concept that evolves by accounting for sociopolitical realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper was identification and empirical assessment of the differentiation of consumers' attitudes in Ukraine and Poland to Russian brands and other brands offered on the Russian market after Russia's aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Design/methodology/approach: The main research methods include a systematic literature review and the authors' own surveys conducted in November 2022. The research sample comprised 950 consumers – 67% of them were Poles, 30% – Ukrainians and 3% from other countries. Findings: A respondents' country (Poland and Ukraine) does not impact attitudes to brands offered on the Russian market after Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Moreover, it does not affect and differentiate emotional engagement in the conflict and assistance to war victims. Cluster analysis resulted in identifying two groups on the basis of consumers' declared emotional reactions to the war. The first group was smaller (N = 353, 37.2%), referred to as "indifferent consumers", and was characterized by a greater inclination to purchase brands offered in Russia. The other cluster, referred to as "sensitive consumers" (N = 597, 62.8%), comprises those engaged in offering assistance to war victims, showing strong emotions in connection with the aggression and military activities and characterized by a clearly negative attitude to Russian and other offered brands and an inclination to boycott these brands. Research limitations/implications: A short time horizon, the study confined to two countries, difficulties in reaching Ukrainian respondents due to power failures in Ukraine in the period of conducting the survey (November 2022), a non-representative research sample – overrepresentation of people aged 18–25 years. Practical implications: The research study contributes to the knowledge about consumer brand attitudes and preferences under unique social, economic and market conditions. These conditions were created by Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, as well as the international and global character of the war in Ukraine. The significant implications of the study refer to brand communication policies and companies' CSR-related declarations. A number of consumers' errors were recorded, resulting from wrong brand retrieval, which were rectified at a later stage as a result of international restrictions imposed on Russia, harsh media criticism and social international embargoes imposed on brands offered in Russia. The marketing communication of contemporary global brands should give consideration to the informative function of CSR activities, and the communication process should be continuous. Critical attitudes and an inclination to boycott brands point to the possible consequences faced by inconsistent and ethically doubtful brand policies. This implication is clearly confirmed by the results of the study. Social implications: The authors also wish to highlight the implications for practice and society. As mentioned earlier, Polish consumers involved in providing aid to victims of the war also expressed their opposition to the war by boycotting Russian products and international brands remaining in Russia. Popularization of the research results obtained by the authors can be a form of sensitizing the public to the need for long-term relief, awakening global awareness of the essence and importance of sanctions imposed on Russia, as well as the possibility of expressing opposition through individual purchasing decisions and boycotting brands still present in Russia. Originality/value: The study allowed for identifying consumers' differentiated brand attitudes in two countries: a country inflicted by war (Ukraine) and a front-line country, strongly supporting Ukraine (Poland). The research contributes to consumer behavior theories and studies of consumer attitudes and preferences from the perspective of international corporations' CSR activities under the unique conditions of war. Also, it contributes to the knowledge of the mechanism of forming attitudes to Russian and international brands offered in Russia among CEE consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The proactive removal of condensed clips from TikTok decreased demand for corresponding full-length originals by 3%, revealing their positive impact to TV industry. Short-form video-sharing platforms have seen phenomenal growth in recent years. One type of video that often goes viral on such platforms is the condensed clips derived from existing full-length video content. The traditional entertainment industry has strongly criticized this new form of user-generated derivative content owing to the potential for infringement on copyright owners' exclusive rights and de facto theft of viewers from original works. However, little is known of the actual impact of condensed clips on the demand for corresponding original works. In this study, we seek to identify such impact with the help of an exogenous boycott event in April 2021 that forced Chinese TikTok to remove condensed clips more proactively. Our results indicate that their removal had reduced the demand for corresponding full-length original works on a major video streaming platform by approximately 3%. In other words, condensed clips serve as friends, rather than foes, of streaming services. Further analyses suggested that positive spillover effects resulted from the fact that condensed clips could enhance the visibility of original works, and such effects were stronger if the original work was of higher quality or had a more fascinating storyline. Our results offer rich managerial and policy insights. History: Catherine Tucker served as the senior editor for this article. This paper was accepted through the Marketing Science: Frontiers review process. Funding: This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grants 72131001 and 72272003]. G. Yang also thanks the Credamo Scholarships for financial support. Supplemental Material: The online appendices and data files are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mksc.2023.0031. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Destinations have faced boycotts for engaging in behaviour perceived by people to be unacceptable. People observe boycotts as a means to construct an ethical life through their travel purchase decisions. Despite the impacts of boycotts, few studies have been undertaken to understand destination boycotts, particularly the people who participate in boycotts. Framed in ecofeminist theory, this paper presents an analysis of Twitter users who have participated in destination boycott calls focused on China, South Africa, and Spain related to concerns about the welfare of animals. The profiles of 3493 Twitter users who participated in tourism boycott calls were analysed using content analysis. Twitter users' profile descriptors align with the characteristics personified in ecofeminist philosophy. Thus, the findings suggest that ecofeminism can be a useful lens through which to understand activism triggered by values embodied in feminism striving towards justice in a tourism context. The findings indicate that the ecofeminist framework is applicable both as a theoretical and practical lens that aids understanding of the kinship between humans, animals, and the environment. The philosophy inherent in ecofeminism provides a strong argument that it is a political enterprise that seeks to empower human and non-human animals to address and change unacceptable practices/policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The close scrutiny of social movements in Morocco during the last decade shows that contentious politics changed dramatically from overt high-risk acts of indignation and public defiance in the streets during the Arab Spring to low-risk, tactical boycott campaigns on Facebook and single-issue movements during the last four years. The purpose of this paper is to suggest how we might read, interpret and understand the politics of contention in Morocco in terms of political opportunities. This article argues that political opportunities can be best apprehended using some context-dependent variables and showing the causal correlation between claims as an independent variable and outcomes represented by three dependent variables, namely recognition, policy change and repression. The aim is to map the field and study the political opportunities available to social movements through their contingent antagonistic interactions with the state. The study of variables revealed how structural features of the state and its conjunctural aspects shape political opportunities in Morocco. Though tactical variations were at play, the article delineated relatively constant mechanisms in these interactions. The article analysed data collected from social media and state television using a mixed method approach (netnography, grounded theory and critical discourse analysis). The results show that the Moroccan regime has been reluctant to respond positively to the social movements' claims and to implement any qualitative changes in policy, and reacted in most cases by smear campaigns, discrediting counter-narratives before using coercive means. The Moroccan state is more preoccupied with promoting its image internationally, though. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On April 1, 1933, the Nazi regime staged the brutal state-organized blockade of Jewish-owned businesses as a peaceful boycott. At the time, attempts to influence public opinion only worked to a limited extent. Both domestic and international papers were reluctant to print photos that represented the Nazi perspective too clearly. Yet astonishingly, the Nazi perspective prevails today. The photos made by the Nazis and their helpers to stage the "boycott" are dominant in exhibitions and publications. The "Nazi victory on the shopfront," as The Guardian called it in 1933, has therefore turned into a belated victory on the "photo front." This article analyzes the photos taken on April 1, 1933, deconstructs the propaganda messages embedded in them, and reconstructs the violence of the Nazi regime's first systematic assault against the Jews in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is an introduction to a special issue of the Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science focused on the role of inclusion, diversity, equity, and access (IDEA) in today's global marketing environment. The authors discuss the importance of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) in improving societal well-being and propose expanding DEI to IDEA by incorporating the element of access. They highlight the challenges faced by marketers in achieving IDEA and provide an overview of the studies included in the special issue, which cover topics such as accessibility for visually impaired consumers, equity and branding, gender representation in film, and the stigma faced by disabled employees. The authors express their excitement about the diverse range of research represented in the issue and the potential for future research on IDEA topics. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the antecedents and consequences of customer intentions to write fake online reviews on Agoda.com as a case in the hospitality context. Brand nostalgia, brand strength, moral attitude, review-related skepticism, and perceived unfairness were represented as antecedents of customer intentions, while boycott behavior, willingness to pay a price premium, and customer satisfaction were represented as consequences of their intentions. Data was gathered using a structured survey from 373 Italian, 440 French, and 392 British customers. Findings present significant insights into customer intentions to write fake online reviews. In addition, multi-group analysis highlights the differences among nationalities. This paper provides valuable insights for industry professionals and policymakers in the hospitality industry. • Proposes an antecedent-intention-value behavior framework by integrating HVTE, WRT, and IFT theories. • Italian, French, and British travelers' intentions to write fake reviews on Agoda.com were investigated. • Morality and brand competence are equally significant in shaping the intention to write fake online reviews. • The study also shows that the higher the intention, the higher boycott behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work, we propose a mathematical model that describes citizens' behavior toward a product, where individuals are generally divided into three main categories: potential consumers, boycotters who abstain from it for various reasons, and actual consumers. Therefore, our work contributes to understanding product boycott behavior and the factors influencing this phenomenon. Additionally, it proposes optimal strategies to control boycott behavior and limit its spread, thus protecting product marketing and encouraging consumer reuse. We use mathematical theoretical analysis to study the local and global stability, as well as sensitivity analysis to identify parameters with a high impact on the reproduction number R0. Subsequently, we formulate an optimal control problem aimed at minimizing the number of boycotters and maximizing consumer participation. Pontryagin's maximum principle is employed to characterize the optimal controls. Finally, numerical simulations conducted using MATLAB confirm our theoretical results, with a specific application to the case of the boycott of Centrale Danone by several Moroccan citizens in April 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A school's emphasis on academic success (SEAS) is a crucial aspect of school climate that can be rated by different informants, such as teachers or principals, and with respect to their perception of different groups' emphasis on academic success, such as parents or students. We know little about whether there is agreement between these ratings. Utilizing Israeli Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 2019 data and multilevel structural equation modeling, we examined how teachers and principals rate teachers', students', and parents' emphasis on academic success and how these ratings are related to student achievement. We found that (a) ratings are invariant across informants; (b) teachers and principals agree on parents' and students' yet not teachers' emphasis; (c) teacher ratings explain more variation in student achievement than principal ratings. Since SEAS ratings diverge by informants and relations to student achievement, researchers need to craft validity arguments in their studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The green open access (OA) model, which offers the most economical approach to comply with open access policies, can increase researchers' audience and scientific outputs impact by delivering wider and easier access. This study examined researchers' perceptions from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) and SSH (social sciences, art and humanities) disciplines in order to reveal the types, patterns, motives, and challenges underlying their articles' self-archiving in the green route to open-access (repositories and institutional repositories) and ASNs (academic social networks). Interviews were conducted with 20 Israeli academic researchers. Half were from STEM and half from SSH disciplines. Interviews were mapped using a bottom-up thematic analysis and follow-up quantitative comparisons. According to the findings, STEM researchers self-archived pre/post-print versions of their articles to subject-based repositories as a part of their discipline norm resulting from their funding grant requirements and as a way to receive recognition and claim priority. SSH researchers post a link to the printed-published article at the publisher's website in ASNs, and their goal is greater visibility. In addition, findings indicate a lack of awareness, mostly by SSH researchers, regarding copyright issues and OA repositories. The green OA model provides opportunities for researchers to self-archive their work. However, there are differences between the disciplines regarding where, when, why, and how to self-archive, and what is considered a legitimate mode of green OA. This indicates an urgent need to raise SSH researchers' awareness of the existence of open subject-based repositories and of the terms of self-archiving from publishers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores possible reasons for cancel culture in higher education in the Arab world. Specifically, through Q methodology, it investigates the perceptions of twenty-one academics of different nationalities and from different backgrounds working in various universities in the Arab world as to the causes and their professional experiences of cancel culture. The aim is to contribute to a necessary discussion of cancel culture and its impacts on Arab higher education, with the hope of strengthening the region's academic freedom. The data reveal that several political and social issues engender cancel culture in Arab universities. In effect, results indicate that academics working in higher education in the Arab world embrace a 'culture of safetyism' to keep themselves, their students and the societies in which they live 'emotionally safe'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In what was labeled the "nut rage" incident, the vice president of Korean Air, Hyun-Ah Cho (Heather Cho), demonstrated behavior that exemplifies corporate transgression and deviation from societal moral standards toward a flight attendant aboard a flight. Such behavior instigated the public to express negative sentiment on various social media platforms. This study investigates word-of-mouth network on YouTube in response to the crisis, patterns of co-commenting activities across selected YouTube videos, as well as public responses to the incident by employing social and semantic network analysis. A total of 512 YouTube videos featuring the crisis from December 8, 2014 through November 11, 2018, and 52,772 public comments to the videos were collected. The central videos in the network successfully attracted the public's attention and engagements. The results suggest that the video network was decentralized, with multiple videos acting as hubs in the network. The public commented on various videos instead offocusing on a few. The contents of influential videos uploaded by popular news organizations revealed not only Cho's behaviors related to the nut rage crisis but also unrelated illegal behaviors and the moral violations committed by the family members of Korean Air. The public attached derogatory remarks to Cho and her family, and the comments also addressed ethical concerns, management issues of the company, and boycott intentions. The results imply that adverse public reaction was related to the long-standing problem caused by family ownership and governance in large Korean corporations. This Korean Air scandal illustrates backlash toward a leadership breakdown by the family business conglomerate prevalent in the Korean society. This study provides insights for effective handling of similar crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ilahiyat Researches / Ilahiyat Tetkikleri Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Gaza War is a watershed moment not only in the Middle East. It has also increased political divisions in Germany, where Israel's security and the fight against anti-Semitism are part of its historical legacy and political and moral identity. Incidents of anti-Semitism have increased dramatically, as have overdrawn accusations of it. An analysis of controversies about the definition of anti-Semitism, about the use of the term apartheid for the situation in the West Bank, of the BDS movement (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions), and particularly the characterization of Israel as a settler-colonial state shows how difficult it has become to maintain a fair, honest, and frank discussion considering different points of view. The current crisis should be used as an opportunity for Germany to, on the one hand, face the unavoidable contradictions in its responsibilities stemming from the crimes of its Nazi past and, on the other hand, come to grips not only with Arab and Iranian terrorism and eliminationist rhetoric but also with the deficiencies in Israel's policies toward the Palestinians. Germany's new leitmotiv ought to be: 'Between the River and the Sea, Jews and Arabs should be free.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of the glass vessels dating to the Roman period from Israel and other areas around the Mediterranean basin indicate a slow process of acceptance of the vessels made of a different material - which was not widely used in everyday life. It turns out that in Israel, as well as in other regions, the main use of the light cups made from glass dated to the roman period was used mostly in grave complexes. In a gradual manner, the use also expanded to other levels of life, which is expressed in the diverse presence of the tools in various building complexes. Since the Roman period, two main types of goblets are known: suspended and placed, with the more common being the suspended lighting goblets. It is evident that the main center of distribution of glass vessels in general and of glass goblets of light in particular is from Israel and alongside the distribution of these the process was accompanied by a conceptual distribution of the modes of use as accepted in the original distribution area. The research method that will be used in this framework is the method called: "Regional behavioral Tipo-morphology" - that makes use of the tools that were discovered on site and examines them in a comparative manner against circles of use within the site, in the vicinity of the site and through spatial examination circles that are growing in size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses two books: "Contextualizing Sectarianism in the Middle East and South Asia: Identity, Competition and Conflict" edited by Satgin S. Hamrah, and "Elastic Empire: Refashioning War through Aid in Palestine" by Lisa Bhungalia. "Contextualizing Sectarianism" challenges the common focus on the Sunni-Shia binary and explores the political, social, and cultural factors contributing to sectarian conflict in the region. "Elastic Empire" examines the collaboration between the US and Israel in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, highlighting the role of American aid in shaping the conflict. Both books provide valuable insights for scholars and students studying the Middle East and international security. The first text discusses the Anti-Terrorist Certification (ATC) that aid workers and groups must sign to ensure they do not support terrorism or organizations designated as terrorist by the US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). The author argues that the use of modern technologies and databases by ATC and OFAC links Palestine and the US, contributing to American empire. The second text challenges the assumption that evangelical Christians in America universally support Israel over Palestine. The authors conducted surveys over five years and found that younger evangelicals are driven by sociopolitical and justice rationales, leading to more critical views of Israeli policies. The third text is an autobiography by Avi Shlaim, an Arab Jew, that explores his identity and the complex historical context of the Arab Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

Research Summary: Research suggests firms can reduce stakeholder contention (e.g., lawsuits, protests) by collaborating with threatening stakeholders. We propose that by tapping into stakeholder networks and identities, collaborations also produce ripple effects beyond the firm's partner to attenuate contention from a broader set of stakeholders. Using variation in firms' and stakeholders' willingness to collaborate exogenous to contention to account for selection, our examination of contentious and collaborative interactions between 136 environmental movement organizations and 600 US firms corroborates our arguments. Firms face less contention when they collaborate with a better‐connected stakeholder motivated to share affirming information about the firm, or with a more contentious and authentic stakeholder. Our findings generalize to stakeholder criticism beyond movement organizations, suggesting collaborations are powerful tools for fashioning less contentious environments. Managerial Summary: Companies can reduce conflict from hostile stakeholders like social activists by collaborating with their friends. We find social movement organizations mount fewer protests, boycotts, lawsuits, and other conflict against a company that collaborates with an organization that is either well connected in the movement or known for mobilizing movement's grassroots. This suggests that cross‐sector collaborations quell conflict through passing affirming information about a company through interorganizational networks or through the broadcast of an affirming signal to the broader stakeholder environment. We find that criticism from a wide range of stakeholders (e.g., media) also abates, suggesting that collaborations are powerful tools for fashioning less contentious environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital media use can connect citizens across geographic boundaries into coordinated action by distributing political information, enabling the formation of groups, and facilitating political talk. These activities can lead to political consumerism, which is an important and popular form of political participation that translates across geographic borders. This article uses original survey data (n = 9284) to examine the relationship between digital media use and political consumerism in the United States, United Kingdom, and France. Talking politics online, joining social groups on social media, and searching online for political information increase participation in political consumerism. However, the strength of these positive correlations differs by age, country, and mode of political consumerism. Joining social groups on social media has a much larger effect size on buycotting compared to boycotting. The findings imply that social groups are more salient in the mobilization process for buycotting campaigns compared to boycotting campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the issue is presented wherein the editor provides an overview of the journal and discusses articles within the issue on topics including the constitutional status of boycotts, why challenges to school-voucher programs under the education articles of state constitutions misinterpret those articles, and how enforcement of statutory deadlines under Section 706(1) of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) can keep agencies within the bounds of the law.

Anti-boycott laws are more popular and pervasive today than ever before. More than half of U.S. states have "anti-BDS laws" that prohibit recipients of public contracts and state investment from boycotting the State of Israel. And almost as many have proposed or passed "anti-ESG" rules that restrict boycotts of fossil fuels, firearms, and other contested industries in similar ways. These controversial rules have triggered a fierce debate--and nationwide litigation--over whether the First Amendment includes a "right to boycott." This Article is the first to take up the question from a historical standpoint. Examining the boycott's constitutional status from before the Founding to the present era, we find that state actors have consistently treated the boycott as economic conduct subject to governmental control, and not as expression presumptively immune from state interference. Before the Founding, the colonists mandated a strict boycott of Britain, which local governmental bodies enforced through trial proceedings and economic punishments. At common law, courts used the doctrine of conspiracy to enjoin "unjustified" boycotts and hold liable their perpetrators. And in the modern era, state and federal officials have consistently compelled participation in the boycotts they approved, while prohibiting participation in the ones they opposed. The Article concludes that modern anti-boycott laws not only fit within, but improve upon, this constitutional tradition. As the Supreme Court's 1982 decision in NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware illustrates, the common-law approach risks violating the First Amendment if applied to restrict not only the act of boycotting or refusing to deal, but also the expressive activities that accompany such politically motivated refusals. Modern anti-boycott laws minimize that problem by surgically targeting the act of boycotting while leaving regulated entities free to say whatever they please. Hence, from the standpoint of history, these laws reflect First Amendment progress, not decay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon and its impact on the environment and indigenous communities. It explains that deforestation, primarily driven by agriculture and mining, has led to habitat destruction, soil degradation, and increased carbon dioxide levels. The article discusses the history of deforestation in the region and the efforts made by different administrations to address the issue. It highlights the success of programs implemented during Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's presidency in reducing deforestation rates, as well as setbacks under Dilma Rousseff and Jair Bolsonaro. The text also mentions recent progress made under Lula's second term, including commitments to end deforestation by 2030 and the creation of protected Indigenous areas. It emphasizes the need for strong and consistent governance at various levels, including the rebuilding and funding of the Ministry of the Environment in Brazil, the creation of more protected Indigenous lands, and regional moratoriums on industries contributing to deforestation. Global governance and pressure on companies are seen as crucial, as well as cooperation among all Amazonian countries to effectively combat deforestation and promote sustainable resource management. [Extracted from the article]

This article is about complaint-making as a form of political participation in the NGO sector. It focuses on public scrutiny of Oxfam's use of Barclays Bank during the anti-apartheid boycott of the bank in the 1970s and 1980s and analyses pro-boycott and anti-boycott correspondence to Oxfam during this period. The article uses the Barclays boycott case to illustrate the dynamics of public-institution relationships during a period in which the NGO sector rapidly expanded and professionalised. It argues that not all donors favoured shallow or passive relationships with the NGOs that they supported. In this example, donors mobilised as a distinct type of 'consumer-supporter-activist'. Finally, the article shows how the Barclays controversy stimulated public debate around the ideal boundaries between the 'charitable' and the 'political'. It argues that apartheid South Africa stimulated far greater public engagement on this issue than other areas of Oxfam's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1893, China boycotted the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in protest of the Geary Act, which renewed Chinese exclusion for ten years. In the absence of an official Chinese exhibit, a group of Chinese American merchants drew upon a set of theatrical elements associated with Chinatown tours to construct the Chinese Village attraction. For two decades, Chinatown tours had functioned as a form of aggregate entertainment featuring a set of archetypes—including the Restaurant, the Joss House, the Opium Den—that advanced the idea that Chinatown was a "Yellow Peril" to white Americans. The Chinese Village took this aggregate entertainment and attached a different cultural message, one which promoted the Chinese Village as a nonthreatening experience defined by consumption, surface aesthetics, and theatrical performance. In advancing this message, the Chinese Village contributed to a cultural shift that redefined understandings of Chinese immigrants for much of the next century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Israel's foreign policy towards Austria, focusing on the Jewish factor and its impact on diplomatic relations. Israel is committed to combating antisemitism and Holocaust denial globally, which has influenced its interactions with Austria, a country with a history of antisemitism. The article analyzes two specific events - the election of Kurt Waldheim as president in 1986 and the inclusion of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) in the government coalition in 2000 and again in 2017 - to illustrate Israel's two-track policy of prioritizing economic and diplomatic ties while expressing concern over antisemitic elements. However, the article argues that Israel's efforts to influence Austria's policy on antisemitism and Holocaust denial were largely symbolic and had limited political impact. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the representation of human rights activism in children's picturebooks. The authors analyze 25 picturebooks and identify four types of activist leaders: Rescuers, Nonviolent Resistors, Integrators, and Builders. The article emphasizes the significance of teaching moral courage and human rights activism through literature, while also acknowledging the need for more diverse representation in children's books. The text discusses a research study that identifies narrative episodes demonstrating moral courage in human rights issues, categorizing the activist leaders into four types. It also explores the concept of Nonviolent Resistors and Integrators as leaders who challenge unjust laws and societal norms. The article highlights the importance of moral courage in addressing human rights violations and suggests using children's literature to explore these themes. [Extracted from the article]

The current study aimed at identifying the methods of Users Generated Marketing (UGM) on X "formerly Twitter" to support the idea of boycott and marketing alternative Egyptian products after the war on Gaza - October 2023, and its reflection on their attitudes and behavior towards the boycott. The study relied on conducting a qualitative content analysis and characterizing a number of hashtags, in addition to applying an online survey to an available sample consists of 435 of "X" users and social networking sites. It has been found that approximately 27 hashtags aimed at urging the idea of boycott, mobilizing the public and raising awareness of its importance and the importance of buying the Egyptian products, and its positive effects, moreover there is an effective role for X and social networking sites users in supporting the boycott and marketing of alternative Egyptian products within the framework of UGM, which was reflected on respondents' socially responsible boycott behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aimed to investigate the influence of brand-targeted animosity on consumers' boycott intentions for target fashion products via their cognitive and affective evaluations, in the context of the "Xinjiang cotton ban" incident. The moderating role of xenocentrism was also examined. Design/methodology/approach: Data were collected through an online survey in China using convenience sampling, and 411 valid responses were obtained. The collected data were analyzed using SPSS 26.0 for the descriptive statistics, frequency analysis and reliability analysis. AMOS 24.0 was employed for the confirmatory factor and structural equation modeling analyses. Bootstrapping analysis using PROCESS Macro was employed to analyze the moderating effects. Findings: This study found that consumers' brand animosity directly and positively affected boycott intentions and that this influence was sequentially mediated through cognitive-affective evaluations. However, cognitive product judgment did not directly affect boycott intentions. The results showed that xenocentrism had a moderating effect on the relationship between animosity and cognitive judgment. The higher the xenocentrism of consumers, the weaker the negative effect of animosity was on cognitive judgment. Originality: This study bridges the gap in the literature on animosity and xenocentrism in a fashion-related context through examining the consequences of brand animosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This bibliography provides a list of sources related to the establishment of colleges in Israel's periphery and the challenges they faced. It includes books, articles, theses, and archival documents that offer insights into the history, policies, and difficulties surrounding the development of higher education in these regions. These sources can be valuable for library patrons conducting research on this specific topic. [Extracted from the article]

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To what extent do U.S. consumers change their purchase behavior or, in the extreme, boycott companies based on negative information about corporate tax activities? Practitioner publications and academic research identify consumers as a key corporate tax stakeholder. But we have limited empirical evidence whether information about corporate tax activities influences consumer actions. We undertake a comprehensive study of this question, triangulating across several settings. First, a representative sample of consumers suggests they rarely boycott in response to corporate tax activities. Next, an analysis of granular retail scanner data fails to provide compelling evidence of consumer purchase responses to negative tax news. An analysis of individual foot traffic at retail establishments around negative tax news again fails to suggest U.S. consumers change their shopping activities in response to negative tax news. The combined evidence suggests consumers do not meaningfully alter their purchase behavior in response to negative tax news. JEL Classifications: M41; M48; H25; H26. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the underexplored topic of compassion in digital activism through linguistic research. Utilising corpus linguistics and the SFL appraisal framework, the study initially analyses the lemma "compassion" and its appraisal nature within The Coronavirus Corpus. It then models compassion development as a social discursive process, taking Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS-Australia) campaigns as a case study, drawing on "communion" and "tendering" strategies, and positioning theory-based morality by linking structure to agency. The analysis provides evidence that the concept of "compassion" extends beyond triggered emotions, expressing institutionalised feelings. Compassion also develops through a moral affiliation process: aligning identities, positioning others within shared moral and sociocultural frameworks, and exhorting people towards purposeful social actions as commodities. This research underscores compassion's normative (i.e. moral orders) core and performative essence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides an overview of the geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East during the late 1970s. It discusses the strategic alliances and military aid between the United States, Egypt, and Israel, as well as the shifting dynamics of power and influence in the region. The text also mentions the involvement of the Soviet Union in Syria and Libya, and Iraq's efforts to diversify its sources of arms supply. It highlights the interdependence between the United States and Saudi Arabia, as well as the impact of nuclear proliferation in the region. [Extracted from the article]