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The U.S. executive depends upon organized civil society to help set policy and facilitate its implementation. There are currently over one thousand authorized Federal Advisory Committees (FACs) in which such consultation takes place, including 160 that address matters of national security. FACs offer outside organizations, including business firms, voluntary associations, relief organizations, universities, and other private enterprises an important opportunity to exert influence over the direction of foreign policy. I argue that this influence primarily involves covertly helping the administration plan and execute a political strategy for securing consent to pursue a chosen policy. This paper offers an analysis of FAC appointments between 1997 and 2012, based on data published by the General Services Administration, which I have extended in several ways. It has three core empirical findings. First, consistent with the literature on the "two-presidencies" thesis, these data show that congressional involvement is much lower in national security FACs than in other policy domains. Second, these data show that association appointments increase for FACs addressing the most contentious geopolitical issues when the opposition has a more powerful, unified caucus in Congress. Third, association appointments increase when the president is popular among the public. This supports the proposition that interest group access improves when the executive needs help with its political strategy, to mobilize the public as a means to overcome an oppositional Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia, the gateway to the continent of South America, plays a pivotal role in the world politics, insofar as natural resources, geopolitics and national conflicts. In this sense, not only does the world need to pay more attentions to Colombia, but is Colombia at the starting point to request active support to its neighbors on the globe. As will be seen, this paper indicates that how U.S. government recognizes Colombia as a strategic partner, hence, what kind of means and schemes are provided to Colombia by U.S. government, through the analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Colombia. On top of that, this study gives answers to the questions that why US greatly concerns the Colombia issue and how US government formulates "Plan Colombia" strategies according to the background of US policy to Colombia. In details, this research analyzes that US shows four perceptions about Colombia when it comes to appropriation from 2000 to 2008 reported in "Plan Colombia: Drug Reduction Goals Were Not Fully Met, but Security Has Improved; U.S. Agencies Need More Detailed Plans for Reducing Assistance", US Government Accountability Office, October 2008. To this end, I will observe that how US appropriation 2000 through 2008 is allocated to Plan Colombia operations, moreover, explain that what plans US government agencies carry out under Plan Colombia. In addition, this paper goes on to say that each perception leads US government to set proper operations up with goals by presenting the political significance of Colombia in the American international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Since 1989, intelligence analysts and policy-makers have had the opportunity to reevaluate potential strategic threats to the security of the United States. In the past, analysts have been able to develop more accurate measures of the power projection capabilities of potential competitors by relying on more refined analytical tools, such as the use of purchasing power parity figures rather than market exchange rates to determine actual military spending. More recently, some analysts have begun to focus less on static data regarding personnel and equipment and more on state performance, i.e. the ability of states to convert these resources into the ability to project power. However, despite the large number of studies linking social capital theory to organizational behavior, there is very little discussion of social capital as a factor in facilitating this conversion process. Social capital is related to levels of trust and the benefits that arise from belonging to social networks. Like financial and human capital, it is a resource that increases productivity and performance within organizations. This paper will argue that social capital is an important indicator of military capabilities to the degree that it influences the ability of state and non-state actors to mobilize resources and engage in the conversion process. Integrating a social capital assessment into an analysis of potential threats can help analysts and policy-makers avoid overestimating or underestimating the capabilities of competitors and to predict the type of opposition US forces are likely to face in a given conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the United States' recently elevated attention to terrorism, the issue of national security has become of great importance to the American public in recent years. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA) is one of the most significant courts in the judiciary to deal with such issues. Curiously, the business of the court is very different in comparison to other federal courts. The problem is attempting to balance important national security issues with ensuring that civil rights are not violated due to the secret nature of the court. The paper delves into analyzing known functions of the court, reasons for secrecy, structural issues, the quasi-executive nature, affects of the Patriot Act,wiretapping issues and purpose as stated in the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978. In doing so, we reveal problems that arise with lack of oversight, the non-adversarial process, the structure of the court, ex parte opinions, and the constitutional and civil liberties issues in general. We believe the court could be structured otherwise and still achieve national security objectives. Among the suggestions are using a panel of judges, a Special Amicus to represent the accused, and doing away with the current appeals process the court has. Our arguments are normative due to the secrecy of the court, and our suggestions will promote legitimacy and accountability within the FISA Court. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2002 National Security Strategy for the United States focused American strategic policy around the use, or potential use, of preemptive/preventive strikes, particularly as a counter-proliferation and counter-terrorism tool. While preemption and prevention are not new strategies, they have never been highlighted to such a degree as is currently the case. These activities have been studied in the context of international security, using elements such as spiral models and offense-defense theory. This paper seeks to examine if other elements, specifically international law and normative issues, such as just war tradition, contribute to our understanding of the use, or non-use, of preventive or preemptive actions by states. The results indicate that the limitations on the use of anticipatory military activities found in international law and the just war tradition do not have a significant impact on the likelihood that these actions will be used by states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined state-mandated training requirements for emergency first responders in the eleven states of the southeast United States, focusing on police officers, firefighters and emergency medical workers. The study posited that a clear understanding of first responder training requirements is necessary for the creation of effective state and federal emergency response plans. The study found that emergency medical workers are the most regulated and consistently trained of the three groups, with firefighter training being the most unregulated and inconsistent. The paper includes a discussion of the implications of the differences in training mandates and of the lack of mandated standards on state and national emergency response plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivist theories of securitization are built on a foundation of communicative action tenets. While this represents an important and innovative advance in international relations theory, securitization ignores some of the components involved in a successful communicative act. Williams (2003) calls for securitization theory to incorporate the hitherto ignored effects of mass media and in this paper we answer this call. We first show that securitization's specification of leaders' speech acts and audiences' legitimative discourse presumes mass media actors are indifferent in how they convey leader representations and justifications of crises. We take this presumption as an empirical question and execute a study of whether the national presses of ally countries differently emphasized the frames Bush invoked in their news coverage of key September 11th speeches. We show from comparisons of chi-square distributions and regression analyses that, far from being passive conveyers of speech frames, the national presses of the US, Canada, France, Britain and Ireland (1) did not convey all of Bush's securitizing problem representations and response justifications proportionate to the extent Bush invoked them in his speeches, and (2) that for each national press factors based on professional norms and/or organizational routines increased the likelihood that a speech sentence would be conveyed in a news story. We discuss the implications of our findings for how securitization theory should conceptualize media actors when redressing this gap in its explanatory models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the enduring paradox of balancing liberty and order in the pursuit of justice faced by constitutional democratic republics. The emphasis of the paper will examine privacy and national security from an historic view to present day. The major question addressed will be, how does government balance civil liberties and the obligation to maintain national security? The topics will include: President Lincoln's executive actions during the Civil War, the creation and development of the National Security Agency (NSA) by the Truman Administration in 1952, the "Church Committee" investigation in 1975, the creation and development of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) of 1978 and the FISA Court, the U.S.A. Patriot Act of 2001, satellite surveillance, and data mining techniques and telecoms. The power of the executive branch, the role of Congress, and relevant U.S. Supreme Court and state Supreme Court decisions will also be examined. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effect of immigrant discourse on attitudes toward immigration reform, policy issues with substantial implications for Latinos (education), and Latinos themselves. Using an experimental design with approximately six hundred subjects (200 Latinos, 200 African Americans, and 200 Anglos), we will expose the subjects to varying stories about the presence of immigrants in America. One story will use the term "illegal immigrants," which is commonly used by those with more conservative views of immigration and immigrants. The second story will use the term "undocumented immigrants," which is commonly used by those with more liberal views. The third story will use the term "unauthorized immigrants," which is the term used in publications of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and evinces an in-between perspective. The policy questions will involve a variety of immigration reform proposals that range from libertarian to comprehensive to enforcement oriented. In addition, we will then ask all respondents a number of questions about education policies that relate to Latinos. For example, we will ask about the Dream Act, bilingual education, Plyler v. Doe, and equitable school funding. Some of these policies relate specifically to unauthorized immigrants, while others do not. Lastly, we will ask respondents various questions aimed at ascertaining attitudes toward Latinos as a community. The paper will thereby investigate whether the experimental treatment not only affects views about immigration reform but also Latino education policies and the Latino community itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long studied the relationship between the federal government and the states and how changes in that relationship affect American politics and policy. During the last decade the federal government has adopted a more coercive posture toward the states, and states in turn have become increasingly willing to challenge federal law and policy, even under threat of reproach. This paper analyzes the state of American federalism through the lens of three policy areas: drug control, education, and homeland security. Measures permitting the medical use of marijuana in eleven states; the backlash against the 2001 No Child Left Behind Act; and criticisms of the cost and content of efforts to safeguard national security represent formidable state-level challenges to federal policy. The federal government historically has used grants-in-aid as the primary means of encouraging states to adopt its goals. But new conditions, including the rise of direct democracy, support for devolution, state budget surpluses and growth in tax revenues, and increasing responsiveness to public opinion, have made states less dependent on federal funds, less attentive to federal priorities, and less willing to accede to federal dictates that come with strings attached. In a shift from previous decades, the public's greater confidence in state and local governments than in the federal government may further contribute to state policymakers' willingness to advance their own agendas. This paper offers findings from three policy areas that shed light on the causes and consequences of the turn toward "coercive federalism" and the states' activist response. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Performance management necessarily involves establishing program goals and measuring performance toward goal attainment. Superior public management systems differentiate among inputs, outputs, and outcomes in measuring performance and efficiency. This otherwise straightforward effort is complicated where program goals are multiple, vague, or in conflict, and where implementation is delegated to third parties whose interpretive view of program goals may further depart from those intended by policymakers (Frederickson & Frederickson, forthcoming). Exemplary of recent policy change has been relaxation of transparency requirements for particular programs through exemptions from transparency laws. Most notable among these are economic development policy and homeland security policies. Within the policy subsystems for both economic development and homeland security there are clear goals, though often not clearly prescribed courses of action. Overarching constituent policy such as open records and open meetings laws (like state freedom of information acts), while not in direct conflict with economic development policy, interferes with the competitive recruitment process at the state level. On the other hand, transparency conflicts directly with the goals of U.S. federal and state policies intended to prevent and respond to emergencies such as terrorist attacks. This paper examines recent policy change in these two policy areas and suggests a theoretical framework to explain how different models of change apply to each as a result of differences between direct and indirect applicability of transparency to policy goals. The paper concludes by examining the role of goal conflict as the impetus for policy change and its implications for performance management. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines what motivates local emergency management officials to implement federal emergency management and homeland security policies within their own departments since the September 11 attacks. Pre-existing research claims there is confusion among local governments about potential changes to the role local emergency management services should play before, during, and after natural, accidental, or terror related incidents (Waugh 2007; Birkland and Waterman 2008; Lindsay 2008; Esinger 2006). Meanwhile, additional research claims the new federal disaster management policies (The National Response Plan, National Incident Management System, and Incident Command System) lack flexibility in implementation expectations, and there is limited cohesion among the layers of government, actors, and interests involved (Waugh 2006; Esinger 2004; McEntire 2004; Haddow 2005; Schneider 2005; Lester and Krejci 2007; Takeda and Helms 2006; Wise 2002; Newman 2002; Nicholson 2007; Department of Homeland Security 2008; Birkland and Waterman 2008; Edwards 2007). Assuming these researchers are correct, my study asserts that something must spur local actors to comply with federal policy demands in their daily operations. The study examines the effects of coercion, defined as actions taken by the federal government to force state and local implementers to comply with federal policy demands, which is nothing new in the policy arena (Posner 2007). Available federal grant dollars for emergency management and homeland security practices could make a dramatic difference to local emergency management operations, forcing these actors to comply with federal policy demands, even if it is in a begrudging fashion that deviates from traditional Comprehensive Emergency Management (CEM) principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relations between the U.S. and Indonesia and security architecture of Southeast Asia. It informs that the relationship between the U.S. and Indonesia is unique as there is a greater perception of give and take between Washington and Jakarta, Indonesia. It also informs that the uncertainty in the security environment in Washington has propelled it to take a closer interest in Southeast Asian security.

Despite the National Parks system covering 19 million acres, being visited by 25% of the U.S. population and costing the taxpayer two billion dollars annually, the relationship between congressional appropriations and National Parks has gone largely unnoticed by the academic community. This lack of study is probably due to the fact that National Parks expenditures could be considered a rounding error of total federal outlays, and is not considered an impediment to a member of Congress getting reelected. However, our findings suggest that this relationship is important for helping scholars understand government efficiency, management of resources, and representation. We find that appropriations for National Parks are based on factors associated with the resource - not a function of earmarks - that those resources have to be managed, and that committee influence exists, it is negative. Additionally, we will suggest how future research in this area will be important in areas of national security, environmental protection, and economic prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Obama Administration Policy Toward Africa and The Problems of African Security(Abstracts)1.The Obama Administration policy toward Africa is a unique and not a repetition of the Bush era one after President's and Secretary of State Clinton's visits to Africa in summer 2009. The changes are visible and their main features can be described as a policy of strengthening U.S.-African relations at the times when especially China and other countries as well try to challenge the American ability to promote its economic, military and political interests on this continent. AFRICOM is destined to protect U.S. interests in Africa.2.Such policies cannot be considered normal from the point of view of the African security. Africans are interested to see their continent free from any foreign interference, especially the U.S. one. This country has a long history of interfering in the internal affairs of other states. In the Bush era it was justified very often as humanitarian intervention. Now the Obama Administration interferes for political and economic reasons in the affairs of such countries as the Sudan, Somalia and Zimbabwe though the disputable problems can be settled peacefully in the framework of the U.N. and A.U. Charters. In 2003 the US has done a big mistake when it invaded Iraq without the Security Council permission. Now it is strongly desirable not to follow the same mistake and come to terms with the African politicians themselves. May be, the African roots of President Barack Obama can become a way-out of some dead-locks that characterized the Bush Administration African policy in the past. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realism has always been considered one of the safest foreign policy strategies that a nation can follow. Focusing on one's own self interest and the interests of their countrymen has always guaranteed a level of security and consistency that has earned the favor of so many U.S. officials. Now, some of the nations that provided the United States, Great Britain, and other European powers with the most economic or regional control years ago, are the same nations that monopolize our mass media as the plague of international security today.Some of modern histories most notorious revolutions and rebellions have spurred out of years of external meddling and oppression. The Cuban Revolution of 1959, and the 1979 revolutions in both Iran and Nicaragua are the direct result of U.S. intervention and realist tactics. The United States has never had a clear foreign policy except for the cries of liberty and democracy that have carried our nation against every enemy from Nazism to Communism, from Terrorism to Despotism. However, every conflict seems to end in the same confusion surrounding the actual objective of the United States government; is the main objective oil or freedom?The solution is a new look on the workings of the world, that actual promotion of liberalism and constant support for the will of the people, rather than using realist tactics, will eventually result in greater economic and political gain for the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers frequently make sweeping generalizations about the positive relationship between the democracy agenda and U.S. national security. These generalizations are buttressed by important assumptions about the effects the spread of democracy has on national security priorities. This study examines the degree to which political science research to date substantiates these assumptions. A content analysis of each official White House National Security Strategy from 1986-2001 reveals four primary assumptions: the spread of democracy decreases interstate conflict and increases stability, human rights, and economic development. A review of the literature finds that several of these assumptions are only justified by mature democracies that have passed through the gray zone of transition to democratic consolidation. In contrast, those democracies that occupy the intermediate or gray zone actually pose a threat to U.S. national security. It is consequently recommended that the democracy agenda prioritize democratic consolidation of the gray zone above all else. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Offers information on COINTELPRO, the counter-intelligence programs included in the operations of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) against hostile foreign intelligence services from 1956 to 1971. Activities of the COINTELPRO against Ku Klux Klan and other hate groups; Actions taken by the FBI to deal with foreign hate groups; Evaluation of the COINTELPRO activities.

The consequences of violent conflict permeate countless aspects of a society and are not limited to the political and economic institutions of a state. I examine the effect of militarized conflict on the populations of states by evaluating the relationship between war and public health, taking into account relevant political and economic factors, including democracy and wealth. I argue that interstate and intrastate conflict negatively influence the health achievement of states and, therefore, the human security of their populations. I assess this relationship by analyzing data on summary measures of public health in all states between 1999 and 2001. My analysis suggests that the negative effect of war on health is closely linked to the levels of income, trade, and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Americanism is a phenomenon that has received increasing attention in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks and more recently with the invasion of Iraq. However, despite its wide use, anti-Americanism is used often as a polemic term, and then often inconsistently. We attempt to provide a clearer and more consistent definition of anti-Americanism. Then, using newly released Eurobarometer data from the fall of 2002 and the spring of 2003, we observe the prevalence of anti-American attitudes among the peoples of Europe, and what leads to these attitudes. We find that ideology, nationalism, attachment to a supranational Europe, the security concerns of Europeans, and U.S. behavior on the international stage are all strong predictors of anti-American attitudes. We then draw inferences about the effects of anti-Americanism. We find that anti-Americanism leads to an erosion of support for NATO and increased support for a defense arrangement led by the European Union, with no noticeable effect for support of defense led by national governments. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is increasing in Europe, which implies this trend of decreasing popular support for NATO and increasing support for an EU-led defense will continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an institutional analysis of foreign policy making since September 11, 2001 in the U.S. Discussion on who is in charge of U.S. national security policy; Impact of the terrorist attacks on the balance of power; Information on developments that resulted from the terror attacks in September 11, 2001 and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq; Role of the executive branch with President George W. Bush and his advisors in leading the national security policy.

A critical competent of national security policy, military doctrine provides a force with a common understanding of what it perceives itself to be, what it perceives its opponents to be, and what its mission is. Because these understandings affect the mission's conduct, it is important to examine their construction. In the case of contemporary US counterinsurgency doctrine, an epistemic community of military analysts played a key role in aggregating academic knowledge, military traditions, and historical experiences, and distilling them into a coherent operational manual. Despite some initial resistance, their ideas were disseminated to troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, making their propositions part of the material world. How US forces approach insurgents as a result of doctrine affects how the insurgents perceive the United States and create expectations for future interactions that shape the dynamics of the conflict. Modern counterinsurgent wars are particularly illustrative cases in this regard, as the resource asymmetry between the belligerents often means that they have only their direct interactions with each other to base their expectations. By analyzing the construction of doctrine and how it translates academic study into policy innovation, this paper seeks to provide insights for improving military responses to insurgent opponents. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working under the assumption that "politics stop at the water's edge," researchers have long assumed that although Congress and the president may quibble endlessly about domestic policy, Congress does not exert a significant constraint upon the president's foreign policy making in matters of national security. Making use of quantitative ideological scores from Poole and Rosenthal, this paper demonstrates that Congress does exert an institutional constraint upon the president's foreign policy making, but that this institutional constraint is variable depending on the ideological make-up of the actors. Using Correlates of War data from 1945 to 2005, results from an interactive logistic regression suggest that when the ideological difference between the president and the median ideological actor in Congress is great, presidents are constrained in their ability to make threats and deploy the military to solve international disputes. When the Congress is ideologically similar to the president, such constraints are dissolved and the likelihood that the president will employ the military to solve disputes increases significantly. This study suggests that the proper question is not whether domestic institutions matter, but under what circumstances. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War brought about fundamental changes for the U.S. defense industry. Faced with reduced military spending, the industry has relied on rapid consolidation and government assistance in the form of subsidies, tax breaks, and the opening of foreign markets that were traditionally off-limits to grow and prosper in the post-Cold War world. The U.S. has since become the largest supplier of weapons to the developing world. Given this strategy of targeting foreign markets, it is increasingly important to examine the possible consequences - both in terms of U.S. national security and the socioeconomic conditions within’ the importing state. This study uses cross-sectional time-series data to analyze the relationship between U.S. arms transfers and stability in the developing world. A nonrecursive multiple-equation model is constructed composed of three endogenous variables to define political and social stability. U.S. arms transfers along with fourteen control variables are used to explain variation in the endogenous variables. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is important to realize and anticipate the functional limitations of strategy. There are only so many preventative measures that can be articulated. Homeland Security has been broadened and deepened to the point where everything is a potential weapon, and a potential resource. Making a commitment to improve preparedness and response capabilities will require an investment in professional autonomy, skepticism, and flexibility. Friction between the established strategic Homeland Security vision and an adaptive approach based on individual awareness is inventible. The innate complexity and danger present in the new interdependent global milieu places a disproportionate strain on the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to differentiate between ephemeral and enduring considerations. Accordingly, emphasis should be placed on supplementing effective local participation in Homeland Security. People are going to be the difference makers, not acronyms. Organizational culture needs to be updated to prevent the caustic influence of mutually exclusive identities. Otherwise, most ideas, social constructions, and prevailing paradigms will outlive their usefulness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If to assume terrorism is now an A-list security threat for many countries, then it is necessary to evaluate how governments have responded to address this threat? Responses to terrorism typically reflect a wide range of activity. We observe new security policies, changes to laws and the creation of special anti-terrorism laws, and reordering bureaucratic priorities. Such changes, however, work only on the fringes of the broader security problem. Ashton B. Carter (2001/02) suggests reorganizing in the form of counterterrorism (CT) program. A CT program entails a coordinated effort in the areas of detection, prevention, interdiction, containment, attribution, and analysis and invention. This study analyzes the nature of government reorganization for counterterrorism in the United States, the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, and India using Carter's program model. Analysis of these CT programs reveals the dominant tendencies in a government's response. More importantly, this analysis reveals that these governments are not adopting wide ranging CT programs, and instead are focused primarily on detection and prevention, with all other priorities falling by the way side, meaning government responses may be incomplete and limited. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the literature on contemporary state failure focuses on questions regarding the necessity and viability of the U.S.'s state-building efforts, the appropriate strategies for such interventions, and the lessons learned from past involvements in failed and failing states. As noted by scholars and policy experts alike, these questionshave assumed heightened importance in the post-September 11th environment. Key works from the past several years highlight a critical challenge for those involved in the study and practice of state-building: the need forrecognition of and proper responses to state failure not only as it relates to intra-state conflict and humanitarian crises, but as a threat to regional stability and U.S. national security. While many of these studies point to the need for a re-orientation in foreign policy-makers' understanding of state failure and state-building, few seek to address the ways in which this purported shift in thinking has actually influenced the conduct of U.S. interventions abroad. Given the controversy surrounding the U.S.'s missions in Afghanistan and Iraq, it seems as though such questions merit further attention. Using a comparative case study analysis of post-Cold War U.S. engagements in failed states, I assess the relationship between the declared purpose of state-building efforts (humanitarian, security-based, or mixed) and the outcome of these interventions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]