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The article presents a report entitled "The Universe of American Diversity" presented at the annual conference of Western Political Science Association in Oakland, California on March 17 to 19, 2005. The cultural diversity in the U.S. were discussed, it include individual analysis, ideology, ethnicity, gender differences, and private preferences. The theory of Ernst Cassirer about the symbolic forms to American culture were included.

The article presents a report entitled "The Priority of Human Rights to Democracy" presented at the WPSA meeting held in Oakland, California. The content of human rights should be determined through democratic deliberation, where its precise meaning will be supported with the political theorists. The author stresses that if the purpose of the existing principles of human rights is to validate individual agency then human rights is obliged to be practiced for its norms.

The article discusses the reinventing government movement in California cities. Reinventing government is an attempt to implement more entrepreneurial programs and management styles in public organizations. Based on several empirical studies surveying city administrators about reinventing government movement, California states have higher adoption rate of such practices at the city government level compared to national averages.

The article reports on the issue regarding the productivity as the criteria in making decisions in California. Budget decisions based on performance measures require knowledgeable staff as well as elected officers capable and willing to use the information when revenues turn down. Performance measures are used indirectly in deciding budget allocations.

To outside observers, California seems to have become a reliably Democratic state. Demographic shifts in the population have produced a minority-majority state in which increasing numbers of Latino voters would seemingly support the trend toward Democratic Party dominance. A closer look at voting patterns and economic transformations however suggest that California is enroute to becoming an exemplar of a New Political Culture. Initially hypothesized by Clark (1997, 1998) and applied to the California case by Baldassare (2000, 2002), a New Political Culture suggests that a segment of the voting public has emerged that is socially liberal and fiscally conservative. Influenced by the postmaterialist values of Inglehart (1977, 1997) this New Poltical Culture may have become a transformative force in California politics. This work examines support in the last two elections for Governor (General Election in 2002 and Recall election in 2003) through a January 2004 Field Poll which included Inglahart't postmaterialism index. Results suggest that while postmaterialist values did influence probably vote for governor, the influence of these values was not greater than traditional influences on voting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the absence of significant movement toward universal health insurance, California counties have engaged in a range of local strategies designed to improve access to care, including health insurance coverage expansions. In this article, we report on two surveys of 58 California counties and detailed case studies of 6 counties. We find that from 2002 to 2004 there was substantial growth in efforts and plans to implement local health insurance coverage expansions, for children especially and also for adults. We also discuss factors associated with coverage initiatives and the implications of county-level reform for state and federal policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report entitled "An Informed Electorate or California's unintended impediment?" that was presented at the annual meeting of Western Political Science Association held in Oakland, California on March 2005. The report reflects how California has undertaken the activity of using voter pamphlets containing the electoral candidate's information. The state has transformed the pamphlets to a more restrictive information source, dependent on candidate financing.

The article presents a report entitled "Criticism, Subjectivity, Governmentality" presented at the meeting of Western Political Science Association held in Oakland, California on March 16-19, 2005. The report explores about criticism and subjectivity on how one gets distance from culture, language, history and how agency and freedom can be practiced by the subject. The author stresses that critique, criticism, and perspective are the basic level about the struggle of agency and freedom.

The article presents a report entitled "Acknowledging Invisibility: The Avoidance of Self and Other in Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man" presented at the meeting of the Western Political Science Association on March 17-19, 2005 in California. The report discusses how Ellison's novel help in understanding the extent to which politics is an intrinsic aspect of the self. It argues how avoidance is an intrinsic tendency of democracy and viewing self acknowledgment as political and personal achievement.

The article presents a report entitled "A green public sphere in the WTO: The amicus curiae interventions in the trans-Atlantic biotech dispute" presented at the Western Political Science Association meeting held in California on March 16-19, 2005. The report discusses the views of the World Trade Organization (WTO) over the amicus curiae briefs. The amicus provides a clear affirmation by WTO members that they will not widen the rules of membership of the model of executive multilateralism.

Using official validated vote records from the Registrar of Voters, we examine voter turnout among Latinos and non-Latinos following the 2001 redistricting effort. Specifically, we compare turnout rates for Latinos that were districted out of, or into, a Latino district. In California, district boundaries shifted significantly in areas where the Latino population was becoming a majority to protect incumbent non-Latino office holders. In most instances, these Latinos were shifted to neighboring districts that already had Latino representatives. If the chance to elect a Latino candidate is a mobilizing force, we expect that Latinos shifting into Latino-held districts will be more likely to vote than in previous years. We test this proposition by modeling voter turnout in 2002 (election under new districts) to determine if Latinos that moved into Latino districts are more or less likely to vote. In this naturally occurring experiment, there are four possibilities confronting a voter after redistricting: (1) Moved from non-Latino to Latino district; (2) Moved from Latino to non-Latino district; (3) Stayed in Latino district; (4) Stayed in non-Latino district. All other things being equal, we find that Latinos who moved from a non-Latino to Latino district were significantly more likely to vote, while non-Latinos who moved for the first time into a Latino district, were less likely to vote. Probit models are estimated using county registrar records from California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the impact of institutional structure and political culture on the path of immigrant political incorporation in Los Angeles, California. Factors in the setting for urban politics that determine political outcomes; Immigrant political participation in New York City and Los Angeles; Collective political action within several political-geographical spheres.

In the absence of significant health care reform (i.e., universal coverage) at the federal or state level, California counties are engaging in a range of approaches designed to improve access to care, including health insurance coverage expansions. Our examination of the implementation of two innovative programs in 2001--Healthy Parents in San Joaquin and The Children's Health Initiative in Santa Clara--suggested practical factors that affect whether and how counties proceed with access initiatives. In 2002, we interviewed representatives from twelve "innovator" counties to characterize the range of access programs underway in California and the factors contributing to program success. Additionally, we administered a 58-county survey to inventory access programs and key determinants, as well as to assess county unmet needs to launch access programs. Our findings indicated that insurance coverage expansions, while highly desired by many stakeholders, had been implemented by few counties. Instead most study counties have programs to enroll and retain eligible individuals in existing public insurance programs. Service expansion, such as building new clinics, is also an area of substantial activity in counties with and without county-run health care services. Recognizing these varied approaches in policies and funding should maximize the impact of county efforts. Our study found that significant resources, broad-based support, and expertise are available to developers of county programs. In addition, some county factors influence the choice of strategies; notably, insurance coverage is most likely in counties with a public Medi-Cal managed care plan. However, other key factors are statewide, such as the rising need for access for the uninsured and the role of funds determined by state laws and policies, such as Realignment (sales tax plus vehicle license fees), Prop 10 (tobacco tax), and Medi-Cal. State actions to assure and increase these funds will allow counties... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While nontraditional families become more numerous and more complex, scholars and lawyers have called on courts and legislatures to rethink the legal definition of "parent" and to allow de facto parents --- nonparents who have taken on the parental role --- to seek custody and visitation with the children they have helped to rear. I examine the development of the de facto parent doctrine in California. I conclude that courts are willing to recognize de facto parents as part of the legal family and extend legal protection of their familial relationships when doing so can be framed as a "legal" matter wiith no "political" nature and they are unwilling to do so when it can be framed as a "political" decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the political parties and partisan networks in California during the 2000 state legislative elections. Analysis of candidate-consultant relationship; Comparison between network analysis and traditional research approaches; Application of network approach to analyze campaign organization.

Inheriting a budget with a mammoth ?structural? deficit, and facing one of the most partisan and polarized state legislatures in the country (or in the history of California), Arnold Schwarzenegger confronted daunting challenges when he took office on November 17, 2003. He still does. However, after less than four months in office, he is off to an impressive start. Most significantly, he convinced the legislature to place two referenda dealing with the budget on the March 2, 2004 primary ballot. The more important and controversial of these provided for a $15 billion bond to tide the state over during a transition to budget stability. After trailing in early polls, the measure passed by a wide margin. Schwarzenegger?s? biggest challenges still lie ahead, however. He must convince a still divided legislature to accept his 2004-05 budget. Beyond that, the state?s respected legislative analyst projects that, even if all of Schwarzenegger?s proposals are enacted, California will still face annual budget deficits of billions of dollars for at least the next several years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the political organizing strategies and tactics of Shelter Now, a homeless social movement organization (SMO) attempting to influence policy and empower homeless people in a small California city. Objectives and tactics shared by Shelter Now with other homeless SMOs; Reasons for the group's refusal to protests; Relationship of Shelter Now with elite allies, and the outcomes of its attempts to influence local homelessness policy.

The paper discusses the fiscal and political challenges facing California's budget legislation in 2007. Based on public documents and the media, Republican opposition to the budget will be more intense than in past years. While the Governor's proposed mandatory health plan is the most controversal expenditure, it is anticipated that the core issue of concern this fiscal year will be efforts to raise revenue to cover all expenditures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of research into the ways that readers react to cues in political messages - and into the ways that writers frame or prime messages to be more politically effective - have shed considerable light on the ways that the reading and writing of texts can lead to political actions and election outcomes. So far, however, there has been little investigation into whether there are significant grammatical differences between liberal and conservative messages on the largely subconscious level, despite evidence that grammatical patterns can have significant impacts on reader responses. Based on an analysis of voter guide statements and opinion articles from the 2006 California elections, this paper posits that liberal writers are more likely than conservative writers to employ the same sort of grammar as scientists do - indeed, to use a constellation of grammar habits that linguists call a scientific register. If this is true, we should look for two possible consequences, each inherited from science: greater authority and poorer comprehension (Halliday and Martin 1993). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Cities have often articulated visions that give voice to the desires of the politically active for municipal development or the accomplishment of goals that will enhance civic character. Some of these goals, such as economic development, are seen as natural functions for municipalities as they strengthen the economic well being of a city and reflect the needs of development elites. Other goals, such as caring for the poorest of city residents, are seen as problematic as intercity competition and the constant need for fiscal resources are not compatible with the redistribution of resources where political support may be disbursed and short lived. Utilizing a 2005/2006 survey of California development elites that gauge a range of vision elements and development policies, this paper will test how powerful municipal visions can be in influencing policies dedicated to assisting the poor in the face of intercity competition and strained local resources. Generally, I find that cities adhere to suburban and urban typologies, calling into question the independence of policy visions. However, findings regarding a particular form of redistributive housing policy suggests that specific policies can rise above archetypical politics and economics to find some form of utility in a number of political and geographic environments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

County-level transportation sales taxes are an important source of funding for transportation projects and programs in California, raising nearly $3.2 billion annually (Weinstein et al. 2006). As important as these sales taxes are, little has been written in the discipline of political science about local transportation sales taxes or ballot measures at the local level in general. In this paper, I argue that a number of demographic and tax-characteristic variables influence voters in determining how to vote on a county-level transportation tax. Utilizing data collected from 78 county-level transportation sales tax elections in California from 1980-2006, I find that tax-characteristic variables, particularly the duration of the transportation sales tax and whether the measure extends/renews or levies a new sales tax, are significant predictors of vote share for local transportation sales taxes in California. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze why acceptance of homosexual relations and support for same-sex marriage have grown in California at two levels. We examine which characteristics predict who believes that their own attitudes toward homosexual relations have changed (become either more or less accepting) since they became adults. We then examine whether the same variables can explain changes in support for same-sex marriage in California between 1985 and 2004. After showing that progress toward equal treatment of same-sex relationships in the California state legislature stands out from progress in almost every other state, we show that this mirrors differences in public opinion between California and the rest of the country. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transferable development rights (TDR) programs have been implemented across the country to address a variety of land use issues; from the maintenance of historic landmarks, to the conservation of farmland and environmental resources. TDR programs attempt to use market mechanisms in addition to zoning ordinances to direct land use activities away from sensitive resources and permit development without compromising the property rights of private landowners. This paper reviews the existing literature on TDR programs, focusing specifically on gaps in evaluation and analysis, and develops a general framework for measuring success toward achieving a variety of policy goals. The methods presented attempt to include the relative costs and benefits of implementation and continued management, as well as the direct and indirect effects of a program. The TDR program in the Tahoe Basin is specifically used to present program benefits. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the biased interest group system to determine if it is one of the main reasons minority candidates encounter multiple disadvantages when running for elective office. Bias is demonstrated by inequality of interest groups (which are heavy on the affluent business types) that lead to unequal support through campaign funding and unequal representation in the political system. I argue a candidateÂ’s ethnicity or race, like gender, can affect the likelihood that he or she will have a disadvantage at receiving campaign contributions. I examine the state legislators that were elected to the 2005 session to determine the possible inequities in campaign contributions. I hypothesize minority candidates, men and women, raise less money on average than other candidates. To test this hypothesis, I focus on the states which have a substantial minority population (Texas, California, and Florida). The independent variables include the race or ethnicity and gender of each major party legislative candidate. The dependent variable is the total amount of campaign contributions received by the elected legislator. I find that the data is not consistent with previous literature since there are few significant relationships between ethnicity of the candidate and their total amount of campaign contributions. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the approval of the first tribal-state compacts by the state legislature in 1998, Indian gaming has rapidly expanded in California. Currently, there are 53 casinos located throughout the state that generate about $6 billion in annual revenue. While Indian gaming is spreading quickly in California, as in other states, there is virtually no research that examines how the Indian tribes have expanded their casino industry so quickly. Using strategies derived from WalkerÂ’s (1991) work on interest groups, this paper explains how tribes rose to power in California politics using a multi-pronged campaign in the executive, legislative, and judicial arenas to attain their policy objectives. To illustrate how the tribes created a legislative environment favorable to gaming compacts, I analyze data on the campaign contribution patterns to key lawmakers in the California Legislature during the 1997-98 and 1999-00 legislative sessions. The results indicate that tribes strategically targeted legislative leaders and committee members with gaming policy jurisdiction to increase the prospects for passage of the compacts. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of policy narratives in the Los Angeles Unified School District. Based on the ideas of policy design (Schneider and Ingram) and policy images (Baumgartner and Jones), I show that a broader “policy narrative,” which is built on a policy image and its supporting rhetoric, can be a very powerful motivator among residents in a particular geographic region. In this case, the city’s three largest ethnic groups—whites, blacks, and Latinos—each used different narratives to justify their positions on school desegregation policy. Blacks and whites focused on the language of academic quality and race relations to explain why they did or did not support busing for desegregation. Latinos attempted to join the primary black and white narratives, but were not able to reframe either discussion to fit their own community’s needs. Because they were never a significant part of the discussion, Latinos today, though they comprise the vast majority of the district’s students, do not benefit from post-desegregation district policies as much as the other two groups do. Thus, not only can policy narratives be developed and used by the general public (as opposed to political elites), but a group’s skills in using these narratives can also have a significant impact on the level of resources they later gain from public institutions. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reports on a survey of 196 Latino high school students attending a League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) youth leadership conference in Ventura County, California. Responses to questions on leadership are analyzed and grouped into three categories based on leadership perceptions: collective action resolution, leadership style and value orientation. The author finds that respondents were more likely to identify traits associated with transformational leadership (Burns 1978), agentic leadership (Egly and Johannsen-Schmidt 2001) and value-based leadership (Greenleaf 1977). The responses are analyzed by respondent gender and by nativity status. Implications for Latino civic engagement and social capital formation are conisidered and future directions for research in this area are identified ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

None ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using archival and interview data, we examine the policy history of the establishment, funding and expansion of Channel Islands National Park (CINP). Channel Islands National Park was established in 1980, and the subsequent 27 years have been marked by political controversies over: expansion through the acquisition of formerly private land, the removal of non-native species, and a plan to convert one of the islands (Santa Rosa) into a hunting preserve for disabled veterans. We examine the policy making process surrounding the establishment of the park and the ensuing controversies through the examination of documentary material contained in the archival record as well as through interviews with individuals who were involved in the policy making process. Our research draws conclusions about the role of well placed policymakers and organized interests in the policy making for national parks ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a case study, which focused on the California ban of certain Brominated Flame Retardants (BFR). Specifically, the study examined the impact of BFR regulation in a prominent environmental policy process. BFR are chemical compounds that enable manufacturers to meet stringent fire resistance standards.

In no small part, Arnold Schwarzenegger’s victory in the 2003 California recall can be credited to his campaign’s ability to define him as an ‘outsider’ who would save the state from casino-owning indigenous tribes that were seemingly taking over the political system and refusing to pay their ‘fair share.’ This strategy invoked the American sentiment of colonialist anti-tribalism; the view that argues for holding back any expression of tribal sovereignty which may allow tribes to thrive, because thriving tribes are a danger to America. American efforts to prevent tribal casino development too often fall back on anti-tribalism in this way. The first part of this article shows how anti-tribalism played a critical role in the Schwarzenegger campaign. The second part then uncovers the active nerve-center of contemporary anti-tribalism in the work of right-wing citizen groups. In all, I argue that anti-tribalism is not consigned to the American past but in fact persists as an active contemporary phenomenon that, in this case, can be clearly traced from the center-right mainstream to the far right margins of American politics. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The California Recall Election: A Formal Model of Referendum Voting and Candidate Entry Allen Bronson Brierly University of Northern Iowa This study examines what lessons can be learned from two-dimensional voting in an electoral setting. The first dimension involves a binary referendum vote; the second represents a vote cast over a large and finite number of ordered alternatives. In the context of the California recall election, the former consists of a yes or no vote to recall a reelected, incumbent Governor. The latter dimension consists of a list of candidates, whom may be ordered by timing of entry into the campaign, support in public opinion polls, or by their partisanship and political views on a left to right political spectrum. The assumption of a well-ordered dimension can be generalized to describe situations with multiple candidates, more than two political parties, or some number of alternative referenda simultaneously under consideration. In this study, the model of two-dimensional votes generalizes to all contexts involving a two-stage voting process. Examples of this process include a nominating and general election, although the voting order is reversed in the case of the California recall election. Under the voting procedure in California, a recall election is held at the same time as a candidate preference ballot. If the recall is defeated, the incumbent retains the office and votersÂ’ preferences for the candidates are moot. However, if a majority oppose retention, the candidate with the most votes replaces the incumbent. Thus, voting is in two stages, with a pure majority rule outcome selected in the first stage and a plurality rule winning alternative selected in the second stage of voting. By specification of a model for the distribution of votes, it is possible for upwards of thirty-five alternatives to be proposed or to enter the campaign. Among these alternatives, the analysis demonstrates that we should generally only consider the rank order of a few of the alternatives, ranging from the status quo (at zero) to approximately four alternatives to the status quo. By examining plausible voting preferences, it is possible to show the effects of the California voting procedure, to distinguish between Davis supporters and recall voters, and to interpret the election outcome. By supplementing this analysis with the available polling data, the findings describe the campaign in two dimensions. A recall campaign that consisted of trends in support for the Governor, candidatesÂ’ entry and exit, the determination of a feasible set of candidates, and then the emergence of a leading candidate. This voting procedure resulted in the selection of a moderate Republican candidate as a replacement to the status quo administration (a DLC Democrat). Beyond the specific ramifications of this election, the voting procedure itself is significant because other states may adopt similar ballot procedures and because it represents a general form of voting that produces more complicated campaigns and elections. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The governor’s budget proposal called for expenditures to increase by a projected 6.3 percent overall. The biggest gainers were K-12 and higher education, with increases of 10.6 and 9.6 percent respectively. Business, transportation and housing; corrections and rehabilitation; and health and human services also were slotted for significant increases. In her overview, the legislative analyst argued that the Governor’s Budget “moves the state in the wrong direction.” Noting that “unexpected revenue increases” have come from “volatile revenue sources,” she suggested that budget “should focus more on paying down existing debt [incurred during the budget crisis of a few years ago] before making expansive new commitments.” ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on corollaries of female office holding at the local level is lacking and there is almost no research on correlates of female candidacy at this level. Furthermore, of the studies conducted on female office holding, discrepant results leave several important hypotheses inconclusive. In this study, I look at cross-sectional data from a larger longitudinal investigation assessing the office-holding and political candidacy of women in California cities. Specifically, a random sample of 105 cities in California is analyzed. Focusing on the offices of council member and mayor, a number of descriptive and inferential statistics are used to address several hypotheses regarding correlates of female office holding. Moreover, this study uniquely extends these hypotheses to an evaluation of female candidacy at this level. The hypotheses explored include the desirability hypothesis, the competition hypothesis and the diversity hypothesis as well as other competing political, socioeconomic and demographic explanations of female office-holding. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on a 1997 community study performed by San Diego State University researchers studying the impact of talk radio on information and misinformation levels, this study uses OLS regression to test the hypothesis that misinformation behaves similarly to information in regards to political participation. Our findings confirm a positive relationship between high levels of misinformation and participation in a multivariate analysis. We think this is evidence of a possible misinformation problem and conclude that more research on the subject is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low turnout has meant a lack of political representation for Latinos of East Palo Alto, CA, despite an increasingly large population. In the fall of 2004, the local elections office undertook a novel experiment in voter mobilization that brought citizens together in local homes for a "tupperware party" peddling politics. This effort to demystify the political process was remarkably successful, leading to a significant increase in voter participation and the election of a Latino to the city council for the first time in 16 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outcome of the current battle over the state budget will not be resolved until the end of June at the earliest, and probably not until significantly later if past experience is any guide. In his budget submission, Governor Schwarzenegger has proposed to close a $9 billion baseline gap primarily through reductions in the rate of spending increases (while providing for about a 5% increase in spending overall). He is certain to encounter stiff opposition from the teachers' unions, from local governments, and from their allies in the Democratically controlled state legislature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]