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Scholarship on discrimination consistently shows that non‐Whites are at a disadvantage in obtaining goods and services relative to Whites. To a lesser extent, recent work has asked whether or not place of residence may also affect individuals' chances in economic markets. In this study, we use a field experiment in an online market for second‐hand goods to examine transactional opportunities for White, Black, Asian, and Latino residents of both advantaged and disadvantaged neighborhoods. Our results show that sellers prefer transactional partners who live in advantaged neighborhoods to those who live in neighborhoods that are majority non‐White and have higher rates of poverty. This was true across all four racial/ethnic groups, revealing that neighborhood stigma exists independently of racial stigma. We discuss the implications for scholarship on neighborhood effects and we outline how future research using experiments can leverage various types of markets to better specify when characteristics like race trigger discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northeastern, post-industrial cities have some of the highest rates of incarceration, parole and foster care management in the United States. In this essay, I focus on one woman, who I call Kira, to explore ethnographically the lived experience of institutional surveillance in the post-industrial, northeastern city. Written as an analysis of fieldwork completed in a major post-industrial center, this essay traces the emergence of an anxious affect that tethers Kira’s intimate and structural relationships. I show how this affective subjectivity has serious structural implications for the duration and intensity of state surveillance, as well as the possibilities for freedom and continuity in Kira’s world. Through engagement with affect and object relations theory, this paper works through the subjective experience of political-economic marginalization and surveillance in the inner-city. I conclude with reflections on the ethical implications of ethnography and the broader stakes for an anthropology embedded in these types of affective relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1960s, the American milieu has evolved in a way that is at once more tolerant, humane, and progressive on the social and cultural fronts and yet more darkly threatening, unforgiving, and malevolent in our economic and business lives. This article offers a single explanation accounting for these two seemingly divergent phenomena. The all-pervasive, unrelenting power of marketing ideology, with its laser-like focus on the consumer and customer satisfaction, is cited as a contributing agent of change in how the affairs of our public institutions, including universities, are now being conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The worries American citizens express about the distorting influence of minority factions, or special interests, on public governance are as old as the republic. I briefly recount the constitutional design flaws and developmental changes that have combined to make these worries more valid than ever in an age of administratively centered governance. I then review the evidence on the nature and extent of special interest influence on the administrative process from a broad swath of scholarship. After noting the limited efficacy of attempts to limit special interest influence via minor tinkering with the separation of powers, I argue for more fundamental structural change in the form of administration as a separate, constitutionally recognized element of the separation of powers. I outline basic structural features and offer hypothetical yet plausible consequences of such a design change. The latter, I contend, are amenable to confirmation or refutation through systematic analysis of evidence that is already available from past and current governing experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship highlights the importance of public discourse for the mobilization and impact of social movements, but it neglects how cultural products may shift discourse and thereby influence mobilization and political outcomes. This study investigates how activism against hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) utilized cultural artifacts to influence public perceptions and effect change. A systematic analysis of Internet search data, social media postings, and newspaper articles allows us to identify how the documentary Gasland reshaped public discourse. We find that Gasland contributed not only to greater online searching about fracking, but also to increased social media chatter and heightened mass media coverage. Local screenings of Gasland contributed to anti-fracking mobilizations, which, in turn, affected the passage of local fracking moratoria in the Marcellus Shale states. These results have implications not only for understanding movement outcomes, but also for theory and research on media, the environment, and energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies focusing on black–Latino intergroup perceptions in zero-sum environments (e.g., jobs) have found little perceived outgroup discrimination or a tendency for each group to perceive the injustices faced by the other group. In contrast, we examine the non-zero-sum criminal justice domain. Although we find some asymmetry—that is, blacks are somewhat more likely to see discrimination toward Latinos than vice-versa, we mainly find both groups acknowledge the discrimination faced by the other disadvantaged group, especially those who feel closely linked to the fate of their own group. Under such circumstances, blacks and Latinos recognize a common sense of deprivation and discrimination and are likely to regard the other group as facing comparable victimization, potentially seeing the other group as a coalition partner for remediating mutual concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although researchers have demonstrated that economic inequality and social capital are inversely related in an aggregate sense across time and space, to date little is known about the relationship between inequality and the socio-economic disparity in social capital outcomes. Using yearly cross-sectional surveys of American twelfth graders fielded during 1976-2009, I show that social capital is strongly related to parental socio-economic status, and that this relationship grows in strength as economic inequality increases. This relationship is confirmed both over time and cross-sectionally. Finally, I argue that, between resource-based and psychological accounts of why this relationship exists, the former appears more promising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following is an extract from our book Seeing White: An Introduction to White Privilege and Race (Halley et al. ). The book presents an exploration of the culture of whiteness that dominates social and economic life in the United States. This extract contains a brief introduction to whiteness as a cultural norm and presents the argument that whiteness itself has become a form of economic capital supporting the reproduction of dominance and intergroup inequality. We specifically look at the influence of normative whiteness on hiring decisions and employment structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the strategies that can be used by teachers in the U.S. to support school children with internalizing behaviors. It states the need to identify and refer students showing symptoms of internalizing problems. It notes the cognitive behavioral approaches for treating depression and anxiety. It mentions the importance of providing higher rates of praise than reprimands.

The article discusses the implications of the criteria of "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders: 5th edition (DSM-5)" for autism spectrum disorders (ASD) in the U.S. It states that it provides guidelines on the common features of ASD to direct research and treatment. It mentions that the variability in symptomology and performance is a hallmark of ASD in education and medical contexts.

The article discusses the challenges encountered by schools in the U.S. in meeting the mental health needs of students with emotional and behavioral disorders (EBD). It states the prevalence of childhood EBD. It notes the need of complete understand of the emotional and behavioral function of students with EBD. It mentions the scope of the mental health programs.

The article discusses the effects of the changes to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) to healthcare professionals in the U.S. working with young people with disruptive mood dysregulation disorder (DMDD) and substance use disorders (SUDs). It states that the diagnosis and treatment of SUD will become simpler. It mentions that it will provide greater precision in identifying and working with children with special needs.

Existing accounts of the politics of fighting freeways during the age of the Interstate largely describes the victories of white affluent urban neighborhoods that successfully mustered local opposition to urban highway construction. Popular understandings of the “freeway revolt” thus remain limited to places like Beverly Hills, CA, Cambridge, MA, Lower Manhattan, and New Orleans’s French Quarter. Yet a close examination of cultural expression from urban minority communities, like the Chicano barrio of East Los Angeles for example, reveals a more pervasive and sharper critique of building freeways in the city. Losers, perhaps, in the fight against the freeway, city people of color nonetheless voiced specific grievances against highway construction through art, literature, and other forms of creative production. Herein lies another freeway revolt, which inspires local opposition to subsequent forms of spatial injustice in the inner city. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

US sociology has been historically segregated in that, at least until the 1960s, there were two distinct institutionally organized traditions of sociological thought – one black and one white. For the most part, however, dominant historiographies have been silent on that segregation and, at best, reproduce it when addressing the US sociological tradition. This is evident in the rarity with which scholars such as WEB Du Bois, E Franklin Frazier, Oliver Cromwell Cox, or other ‘African American Pioneers of Sociology’, as Saint-Arnaud calls them, are presented as core sociological voices within histories of the discipline. This article addresses the absence of African American sociologists from the US sociological canon and, further, discusses the implications of this absence for our understanding of core sociological concepts. With regard to the latter, the article focuses in particular on the debates around equality and emancipation and discusses the ways in which our understanding of these concepts could be extended by taking into account the work of African American sociologists and their different interpretations of core themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We begin this year with the acknowledgement that there remain great divisions within the United States based on a myriad of socioeconomic, political, regional, and individual factors. This is a nation divided. The 'one nation' called out in the U.S. Pledge of Allegiance and the 'Dream' expressed by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. for all people of all ages to be judged by their character and not their color seem removed from a collective conscious-seemingly out of favor compared to the polarized proclamations by those both in and out of the public eye. Across the political and cultural spectrums these avowals continue to inflame tensions and promote fissures that impede productive dialogue or collaborative action. No matter where one positions his/her argument, the middle seems to be further away. And there is a lesson-actually, there are many that can be gleaned from this. Below are just a few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]