Search

The presence and pre-eminence of settlers from the Northern Aegean world in early Hellenistic Bactria-Sogdiana have been tacitly accepted by scholars since Robert's paper in 1968. The present article challenges the idea which backs up this assumption and also provides some new evidence with a greater focus on the Thracian and Thessalian cases. In this paper, it will be assessed that the hitherto accepted proofs are mostly circumstantial and not compelling. However, the dismissal of these pieces of evidence does not imply the total rebuttal of the possible presence of settlers from Thrace and Thessaly, but a reassessment of their importance and the times and circumstances of their arrival, proposing different migratory waves and purposes behind these populational movements. In consequence, this reassessment also implies new insight about how they would have been integrated into the complex multicultural mosaic of Bactria-Sogdiana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Natural Resources & Technology is the property of Goce Delcev University, Natural Resources & Technology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper introduces and studies jumping pure grammars, which are conceptualized just like classical pure grammars except that during the applications of their productions, they can jump over symbols in either direction within the rewritten strings. The paper compares the generative power of jumping pure grammars with that of classical pure grammars while distinguishing between their versions with and without erasing productions. Apart from sequential versions, the paper makes an analogical study in terms of parallel versions of jumping pure grammars represented by 0L grammars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alexander's conquest of northwest India in the fourth century BCE was often cited by the British in post-Enlightenment England to trace their own identity as conquerors back to the Greeks. Taking a revisionist approach, this paper endeavours to show that the invocation of Alexander's memory to legitimize European hegemony over the Indians was enmeshed in imperialist ideology and involved a distortion of the past. The contexts and motives of the two types of colonization, the Greek and the British, were fundamentally different. The state of Greek thought in Alexander's time could not have sustained the notional binary between India and Greece, 'reason' and 'unreason', to justify a thoroughly hostile form of colonization. The Greeks engaged constructively with the cultural life of the Indians, and the resultant Indo-Greek civilization involved a rich fusion of Indian and Hellenistic influences. Modern European historiography has been extremely averse to acknowledging any fruitful dialogue between ancient Greece and non-Western cultures. This paper will strive to locate the genesis of Indo-Greek culture in the complex intermingling of ancient peoples and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I discuss the importance of the classical sociological thinkers for the development of cultural sociology programs. Based on this, the paper problematizes the specific position of one direction of cultural sociology and its “strong program”, and in that context, re-actualizes the contribution of classical theorists in understanding the interference between the cultural structures with the material/utilitarian and the political/ideological structures of the social world. It is primarily based on the analysis of Durkheim’s and Weber’s place in the sphere of cultural sociology, and the need to supplement the cultural sociology program with theoretical understandings of these thinkers, but also with the thinkers of modernity in general. Therefore, the paper seeks to offer a picture of a broader contribution of the “classics” to the understanding of cultural sociology, as well as the need to reconstruct certain aspects related to the cultural sociology program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The meetings with Indian gymnosophists (γυμνοσοφισταί) or 'naked philosophers' are one of the most popular motifs from the stories of Alexander the Great. The accounts of these meetings are preserved in Strabo, Plutarch, Arrian, Diogenes Laertius, and some later sources. These descriptions have been repeatedly analysed by previous scholars. However, most researchers focused on the problems of cultural differences and overlooked the issue of intercultural relations. They have often considered these descriptions in a dichotomous perspective. Therefore, the aim of this study is reconsideration of these accounts in the broader context of relations between the Greeks and the Indians with particular emphasis on the following issues: the communication problems, which occurred between the Greeks and the Indians, the relation between the asceticism in India and the Cynic philosophy in Greece, the relation between the Buddhist and early Indian sceptical thought and Greek philosophy. Because the study of these problems can lead to a biased search for influences, way of looking at them proposed in this paper is the so-called middle ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antiguo Oriente is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Alexander's famous ban of the exposure of the corpses in Bactra has been long studied. Mostly the discussion has focused on the veracity of the account and his compliance with the Zoroastrian rites. The analysis of the reasons that led Alexander to the ban has hitherto been very superficial, only outlining the apparently exceptional character of that action. This paper tries to put this prohibition into a broader context. For this purpose, a look at the previous actions of Alexander in relation to the foreigners' corpses must first be taken. Also, the extremely negative conception of the unburied in the Hellenic culture, religion, and politics needs to be properly assessed. Only after this analysis, the signification of the prohibition can be rightly apprehended and integrated into the wider context of Alexander's conquest, and not regarding it as a mere king's whim. This Bactrian episode stands for a good example of how the Macedonian campaign put face to face conflicting religious practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presence and pre-eminence of settlers from the Northern Aegean world in early Hellenistic Bactria-Sogdiana have been tacitly accepted by scholars since Robert’s paper in 1968. The present article challenges the idea which backs up this assumption and also provides some new evidence with a greater focus on the Thracian and Thessalian cases. In this paper, it will be assessed that the hitherto accepted proofs are mostly circumstantial and not compelling. However, the dismissal of these pieces of evidence does not imply the total rebuttal of the possible presence of settlers from Thrace and Thessaly, but a reassessment of their importance and the times and circumstances of their arrival, proposing different migratory waves and purposes behind these populational movements. In consequence, this reassessment also implies new insight about how they would have been integrated into the complex multicultural mosaic of Bactria-Sogdiana.

In recent decades, research on ‘political apology’, wherein the state apologizes to victims of its past wrongs, has multiplied, as redress movements based on human rights have proliferated around the world. Since most of this research has been conducted by political philosophers, however, analyses of political apologies tend to adopt formal and normative perspectives. To propose an alternative, empirically-grounded approach, in this paper, I develop the ‘cultural pragmatics’ of political apology. To this end, I first conceptualize political apology as a social performance aimed to ‘re-fuse’ an impaired relationship between the perpetrator state and the victim individual. This conceptual move enables systematic analysis of political apology in terms of six elements constitutive of social performance: collective representations, actors, audience, means of symbolic production, mise-en-scène, and power. To elaborate this model of the cultural pragmatics of political apology, I then examine the protracted dispute over wartime atrocities that Japan committed against South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Progressive’ accounts of property developed in recent legal scholarship have attempted to shift focus from rights to exclude, often regarded as the ‘core’ of the idea and institution, towards focus on a plurality of human values served by property law. Like Thomas Grey's famous thesis about the ‘disintegration of property’ this raises the question of what might be called ‘property perspectivism’: does property looks different from different points in the social fabric? What is involved in the claim to ‘know property’? To understand the diversity of property arguments within legal scholarship and across the human sciences it is important to trace the implicit knowledge claims that accompany the explicit normative arguments, paying specific attention to the ‘exemplars’ that underpin lines of argument, and the ‘sources of property knowledge’ that are drawn upon. This paper draws on and reworks W. B. Gallie's classic discussion of ‘essentially contested concepts’ in order to show that debates about property are as much about defining analytic starting-points as they are about reaching normative conclusions. After outlining major fault-lines in contemporary legal theorizing about property the analysis focuses in on the work of Gregory Alexander and his critics, and concludes by placing this within the even broader perspective provided by contrasting forms of property scholarship from outside of legal studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this great, although old and difficult to find, paper A. B. Bosworth review Tarn's work on Alexander and many of the Historiographical issues on Alexander the Great during most of the XXth Century. THIS PAPER WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN Ancient Society Resources for Teachers 3 (1983). The Director of Karanos wants to thanks the Staff in Ancient Society Resources for Teachers (Macquarie University) for the kindness and managements to re-publish this paper.

While the only surviving legends of Cyrus the great are found in the GraecoRoman sources, they ultimately speak to various viewpoints in Achaemenid Iran on Cyrus. Following a survey of historical conditions surrounding the rise of the Persian Empire by Cyrus and its consolidation under Darius, characteristics of western Iranian historiography concerning the Median “state” and the dawn of the Persian Empire during the Achaemenid period are explored. It is argued that the Median and Iranian orientation of the Achaemenid Empire from the time of Darius provides the possibility of infusion of Young Avestan myths and legends in western Iran. In particular, the parallels between stories of Cyrus the great and Kauui Haosrauuah (Kay Ḵosrow) are investigated that point to a process of assimilation of the former with the latter that probably started in the Achaemenid period and later led to a two-way interaction of legends about these two figures. In addition, the depiction of Alexander in the Iranian tradition and his association with Kay Ḵosrow, analogous to his association with Cyrus the great in the western sources are pointed out that may further show the assimilation of Cyrus the great with the Iranian tradition by being identified with Kay Ḵosrow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alexander’s famous ban of the exposure of the corpses in Bactra has been long studied. Mostly the discussion has focused on the veracity of the account and his compliance with the Zoroastrian rites. The analysis of the reasons that led Alexander to the ban has hitherto been very superficial, only outlining the apparently exceptional character of that action. This paper tries to put this prohibition into a broader context. For this purpose, a look at the previous actions of Alexander in relation to the foreigners’ corpses must first be taken. Also, the extremely negative conception of the unburied in the Hellenic culture, religion, and politics needs to be properly assessed. Only after this analysis, the signification of the prohibition can be rightly apprehended and integrated into the wider context of Alexander’s conquest, and not regarding it as a mere king’s whim. This Bactrian episode stands for a good example of how the Macedonian campaign put face to face conflicting religious practices.

Fedayî Mehmed Dede in the 17th century wrote one of the versified translations in Turkish of the Mantıku't-Tayr. Fedayî Mehmed Dede, originally from Antep, was a Mawlawi and resided for many years in Mawlawi Lodge of Tripoli. The Title of his translation was Mantık-ı Esrâr. Although some research suggests that this was a "complete translation", Fedayî, excluded 30 sections from the original while he added a story. The story begins with Alexander's journey to the land of darkness. This paper endeavours to explore whether the story belongs to Fedayî or it is borrowed from other sources. The story itself consists of 22 couplets. However with the couplets taken from the previous section, it comes up to 29 couplets under the heading "Hikâyet-i İskender". Fedayî partially explains the metaphors he used. This story, which first appeared in Firdawsi's Shahnama and later in the first separate Iskandarnama that of Nizami-i Gandjawi's Sharafnama, was also found in other various texts and Iskandarnamas. Thus it is apparent that before translating Mantiq a-Tayr into Turkish, Fedayî should have seen some of the translations/commentaries that had been made before him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to evaluate the incidence of the name Alexander among the oldest families of the Russian nobility during the 14th — early 20th centuries. One of the key questions is whether the tradition of this name’s popularity in the ruling dynasties in Russia was related to the historical memory of Alexander Nevsky, his canonization and the prominence of his figure in the first quarter of the 18th century. The study is based on the corpus of genealogies of the Russian aristocracy and ancient noble families that allows the author to track the naming trends over several centuries. With reference to the name Alexander, the following patterns were revealed: it was established that the personality of Alexander Nevsky influenced the popularity of his name among the princely dynasties of Russia, including those distantly related to the prince himself. In the Muscovite dynasty, the name disappeared, while in separate branches of the Rurik dynasty, it was preserved thanks to the historical memory of its other bearers. In the 15th –16th centuries, the name Alexander was relatively popular among the elite but the all-Russian canonization of Alexander Nevsky in the 1540s had no significant impact on it. In the early 17th century, the name is barely mentioned in the genealogies, but since the last quarter of the century it regains its former popularity. It is booming all through the first half of the 18th century which only partially correlates with the relevance of the image of Alexander Nevsky during Peter the Great’s rule. By that time, this name had become a trend among Russian nobility, and there was nothing extraordinary about the future emperor getting the name Alexander Pavlovich. Another peak in the popularity of the name occurred in the late 18th — early 19th century, which is largely due to the success of the reign of Alexander I. During the 19th century, the name became one of the most common among the Russian nobility.

This paper tends to explain how and why Arrian condemns some of Alexander’s transgressions before approving them in the final description of the conqueror. At first, the historian depicts a traditional concept of transgression, which links the crossing of geographical boundaries to the adoption of barbarian habits and hubris. But afterwards he highlights the differences between these transgressions by making it possible to get back into a reasonable behaviour and by differentiating true transgression from apparent transgression. Thus, he establishes different kinds of violations. This analysis enables him to overcome the traditional opposition between transgression and the established order: geographic barriers can finally be crossed in order to preserve justice, and paradoxically, the ostentatious violation of Greek habits and the apparent arrogance can help the ruler fight against disorder.

There are numerous historical reconstructions of the lead-up to the Battle of Gaugamela, albeit often as a short prelude to the battle itself. The focus tends to be historical reality, with the extant sources blended to produce a probable sequence of events. Such narratives have their place, but the process masks the details provided by specific sources. This article analyses Arrian's representation of events to understand his narrative better. Particular attention is paid to his chronological 'mistake', specifically the loss of a day which is usually just corrected by commentators. I suggest that this was not an error at all, but a deliberate construct. I show that Arrian manipulates 'narrative time' by using the night in order to blur historical time, and how this creates a framework within which Arrian carefully constructs his Alexander–Parmenio exchanges. The construct of the adviser, the use of night imagery, and the select use of terminology (kleptein) are utilized by Arrian in order to maintain his heroic image of Alexander and to conceal any strategies of deception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The meetings with Indian gymnosophists (γυμνοσοφισταί) or ‘naked philosophers’ are one of the most popular motifs from the stories of Alexander the Great. The accounts of these meetings are preserved in Strabo, Plutarch, Arrian, Diogenes Laertius, and some later sources. These descriptions have been repeatedly analysed by previous scholars. However, most researchers focused on the problems of cultural differences and overlooked the issue of intercultural relations. They have often considered these descriptions in a dichotomous perspective. Therefore, the aim of this study is reconsideration of these accounts in the broader context of relations between the Greeks and the Indians with particular emphasis on the following issues: the communication problems, which occurred between the Greeks and the Indians, the relation between the asceticism in India and the Cynic philosophy in Greece, the relation between the Buddhist and early Indian sceptical thought and Greek philosophy. Because the study of these problems can lead to a biased search for influences, way of looking at them proposed in this paper is the so-called middle ground.

Copyright of Japanese Sociological Review / Shakaigaku Hyoron is the property of Japan Sociological Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As teachers, directors and coaches we move between conscious and unconscious use of language with different levels of awareness of its impact. Ideas and images are transformed into movement through a process of 'ideokinesis', where how you think your body works changes how your body works. This mattering discourse can become naturalised within different movement practices and, as such, its political resonance and liberatory potential is side-lined. This article seeks to understand how language matters in movement teaching. What types of language are produced in the movement space and why? How does pedagogic language open up or close down the possibility of a liberatory practice and how might we define this? At this cultural moment, when the complexities of identity politics have been brought into sharp focus, it seems vital to hold our pedagogic language to account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study presents a set of new data, all coming from recent excavations in the ancient urban site of Barikot (Swat, Pakistan), which may allow a new look at phenomena hitherto considered certain, such as the delay of protohistoric phases, the so-called marginalization of Swat, and the beginning of urban phases seen in association with the Indo-Greek colonial power. In our reconstruction, the protohistoric phases end around 800 BCE, while, after a phase of negative interface, i.e. of significant abandonment, towards the middle of the first millennium, there are conditions for the establishment of an urban settlement in Barikot. At this stage, very significantly, for the first time, the local ceramic tradition is replaced by Gangetic and Iranian forms, which are interpreted as markers of a growing process of trans-regional trade relations. In this ongoing process of historical reconstruction, the silence of the archaeological component towards the so-called Mauryan phase, of which field archaeology has not yet managed to provide a clear picture, remains strident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The portrait of a young Heracles wearing the lion skin was a familiar sight on Hellenistic coins. Though this coin type is often interpreted as serving legitimizing purposes by connecting Hellenistic rulers to Alexander the Great, who popularized this type, such explanations are problematic for understanding the portrait's appearance in places like Sparta and Carthage, who had less to gain from evoking the memory of Alexander. This article argues for the symbolic and economic value of Heracles' portrait in its own right. The portrait's popularity can be attributed to the hero's own associations with royal authority, his widespread appeal, and his ability to blend with the regional and local traditions of Hellenistic subjects within and outside of the Greek world. Further, this particular representation of Heracles was especially popular among rulers striving to assert their claims to the throne, including usurpers, because of its familiarity. The coin type lent an element of political and economic reliability to the ruler and facilitated the hiring of mercenary forces, who had long been accustomed to receiving pay in coins of this type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper refers to the Kamieniecki Family and its relations with Moldova in 15th and 16th century. This family owed their careers and social advancements to the immersion in Polish policy towards Moldova. First of all it supported Jagiellons in their southeast political encounters, especially through the brothers Mikolaj, Jan and Marcin of Kamieniec, who played a huge role in Polish-Moldovan relations. They had military ranks and responsibili-ties, such as Mikolaj Kamieniecki who was one of the first Polish Great Commander (i.e. vicecampiductor – Vice-Hetman), fighting against Bogdan III – ruler of Moldova - in 1506 and 1509. He also took part in Polish-Moldovan conferences on political future of Pokutia. Due to its political engagement, the Kamieniecki became one of the richest and influential families in 15th and 16th century in Poland.

Although the view that Anaximander was a Material Monist is not very popular nowadays, it is still widely held that it was embraced by Aristotle at least on some occasions, then adopted by Theophrastus, and later on inherited by Simplicius, our main source on the Presocratics. I argue that none of these three philosophers held this view and that, for this reason, it should not be seen as the standard ancient interpretation of Anaximander. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to elucidate the prophecies of Ezekiel, especially those against Egypt in Book 29, Jerome reconstructed the siege of Tyre by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar. He seems to have done this not so much on the basis of the predictions recorded in the Bible (to say nothing of accurate records), as by comparison with accounts of Alexander the Great's siege of the same city more than two hundred years later. Jerome seems particularly dependent on the account of Alexander's siege of Tyre given by Quintus Curtius Rufus. The following investigation broadens our understanding of the authors known and used by Jerome, the uses to which he put his historical reading, and the methods of his Biblical exegesis, especially historical reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Stratum Plus Journal is the property of P.P. Stratum plus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to elucidate the prophecies of Ezekiel, especially those against Egypt in Book 29, Jerome reconstructed the siege of Tyre by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar. He seems to have done this not so much on the basis of the predictions recorded in the Bible (to say nothing of accurate records), as by comparison with accounts of Alexander the Great's siege of the same city more than two hundred years later. Jerome seems particularly dependent on the account of Alexander's siege of Tyre given by Quintus Curtius Rufus. The following investigation broadens our understanding of the authors known and used by Jerome, the uses to which he put his historical reading, and the methods of his Biblical exegesis, especially historical reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]