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East European food self-provisioning (FSP) has fascinated scholars of post-socialism ever since the early 1990s. In keeping with its predominantly economic and cultural conceptualisations, much of this research has been concerned with FSP’s role in household economy and with the social profile of its practitioners. In contrast to western conceptualisations of FSP as an opportunity to expand food activism and foster social justice and environmental sustainability, post-socialist FSP has rarely been considered as such. In Czechia, FSP is practised by 43% of citizens and many of them do so in a relatively environmentally friendly way. Yet, most food-related campaigns run by environmental NGOs (ENGOs) pay little attention to FSP and focus on market-based ethical consumerism and alternative food networks instead. Using insights from actor-network theory, this paper discusses how Czech ENGO activists engage with FSP through discourse and in practice. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with leading activists, we show that FSP does figure in non-food-related campaigns and that the FSP practised by activists themselves or the FSP carried out by relatives and relatives’ friends are not the same as the FSP on which they are reluctant to campaign. These differences, which include controllability and the time-consuming nature of practising FSP according to some of the activists’ ideals, help this paper to come to an initial understanding of why Czech ENGOs do not run campaigns explicitly focused on FSP at the moment and shed some light on how this could change in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores whether and how social activists’ challenges affect politicians’ willingness to associate with targeted firms. We study the effect of public protest on corporate political activity using a unique database that allows us to analyze empirically the impact of social movement boycotts on three proxies for associations with political stakeholders: the proportion of campaign contributions that are rejected, the number of times a firm is invited to give testimony in congressional hearings, and the number of government procurement contracts awarded to a firm. We show that boycotts lead to significant increases in the proportion of refunded contributions, as well as decreases in invited congressional appearances and awarded government contracts. These results highlight the importance of considering how a firm’s sociopolitical environment shapes the receptivity of critical non-market stakeholders. We supplement this analysis by drawing from social movement theory to extrapolate and test three key mechanisms that moderate the extent to which activists’ challenges effectively disrupt corporate political activity: the media attention a boycott attracts, the political salience of the contested issue, and the status of the targeted firm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical‐right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical‐right politics, both institutionalized and non‐institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical‐right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical‐right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical‐right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical‐right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical‐right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical‐right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do youth activists position themselves to speak on behalf of a public, scientific dilemma while in a position of inferiority or civic exclusion? This paper presents analysis of the latest generation of youth climate activists. I specifically attend to the organization Fridays For Future founded by Greta Thunberg in 2018. By undertaking an analysis of rhetorical artifacts from the international network of youth climate activists, this article reveals the rhetorical strategies of young people who intend to influence legislation and policy. Exporting rhetorical theory to youth environmental advocacy helps to understand this emerging and influential discourse community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa has a patriarchal tendency to treat womxn as beneficiaries of protest and activism rather than as agents in the construction of a new socio-political order and as drivers of change through protest. This paper examines the internal gender tensions within South Africa's 2015-2016 student movements including how these tensions materialised publicly; in a sample of university campuses and in the media. The complex particularities of young black womxn who are agitating for an intersectional approach to protest - one that privileges gender - and an end to patriarchy and misogynoir in these movements is observed. Content analysis of self-articulated goals, mission statements on various media and case studies are detailed where black womxn activists constitute majority membership in movements even as they remain disenfranchised in their operationalising. To counter marginality, black womxn student activists' interventions demonstrate a new radical political autonomy that embraces an inclusive feminist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of E-L@tina is the property of E-L@tina. Revista Electronica de Estudios Latinoamericanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Práxis Educativa is the property of Revista Praxis Educativa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuari del Conflicte Social is the property of Universitat de Barcelona - Facultat d'Economia i Empresa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adult Education Discourses / Dyskursy Młodych Andragogów is the property of University of Zielona Gora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on long-term ethnographic research, this article contributes to the growing scholarship on far-right social movements by presenting an in-depth account of the Italian far-right scene. In presenting personal accounts of three activists and situating them within the milieus in which they are active, it sheds light on a variety of factors that push youth to engage in far-right militancy. Many researchers of far-right extremism have asserted the need to provide more in-depth knowledge on far-right militants, yet there remain important gaps that this article strives to address. First, it demonstrates the value of the ethnographic approach in the study of far right, which offers unique insights into the motivations for involvement and the relations between ideas, beliefs, and practices. Second, it shows the importance of situating present-day activism in a historical context, not only by looking for long-term patterns but also by paying attention to the ways studied actors engage with historical comparisons. Third, in engaging critically with some commonsensical approaches to far-right activists, the paper suggests that ethnographic studies of far-right activism can give us fresh perspectives on broader social phenomena beyond the far right per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyze the 40-day sleep-in and protest at the University of Florida to illustrate the growing popular support for the anti-apartheid movement amongst student and citizen activists in the 1980s. Particular focus will be paid to the issue of divestment, student protests, and public action that called for the university to remove itself from financially supporting the apartheid regime. It will show that student organizations like the UF Coalition for Divestment for South Africa and the Student Coalition Against Apartheid and Racism (SCAAR) represented a wave of public support that dominated this period and acted as a small but crucial component in the eventual toppling of apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses conveniently sampled social and online media data to analyse the amalgamation of dissenting voices and movements in the post Government of National Unity (2009-13) in Zimbabwe. It is in the context of the protest movements that rocked the country in the year 2016, as political activists and the masses sought to challenge and strain the ruling party's legitimacy. The paper analyses the discourses and performative acts of resistance, such as street and online/offline protests by different groups. It asserts that Zimbabwe's late former President, Robert Mugabe's long-drawnout crisis of legitimacy was being explicitly exposed. This strained legitimacy was explicit in Mugabe and his government's increasing resort to coerce Zimbabweans to be patriotic through legislation such as the mandatory National Pledge for all schools. This coercive approach was also notable in the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's (RBZ) attempts to issue bond notes meant to be a form of currency restricted to Zimbabwe's borders. These attempts as will be shown only served to render the relationship between Mugabe and the citizenry confrontational with generalised calls for him to step down from power. The paper reads these widespread forms of dissent through the work of Gramsci and Althusser. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dog fouling is recognised as antisocial, unhealthy and illegal in England, yet it persists. Much action against dog fouling happens in communities and impacts are largely unrecorded. Here, we report an activist project with primary-aged children in Bristol, England that resulted in dog fouling reductions near schools and reflects on the role of children in effecting social change in their local environment. The paper takes a New Materialist turn, de-centring experience from the individual child to the child in assemblages of more-than-human relations. Photos of children's interventions against dog fouling are presented to explore how they have used material resources and creativity to emphasise the health and social risks of faeces from a child's perspective. This provides a focus on child–faeces–environment assemblages where children adopt methods of activist art that comprise matter including the faeces to convey a new relational ontology of dog fouling and a reifying of the 'problem'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminal justice (CJ) education often includes culminating research courses as part of its curriculum. Many of these courses follow a traditional process of considering ethics, theory, research design, quantitative and qualitative methods, and aspects of experiential learning. However, the pedagogy around engaging contemporary modes of knowledge building in CJ, especially those that critique traditional models and rely on new technologies, is lacking. This paper documents our experience using Photovoice methods to empower students as both residents and researchers to systematically assess manifestations of social disorganization in a mid-sized city along the U.S.-Mexico border. We first introduce how other disciplines have incorporated Photovoice into pedagogy, then focus on using a Photovoice study in the CJ classroom to investigate and understand social disorganization in a South Texas border town and consider influences for social action. We conclude with lessons learned and ideas for teacher-scholar-activists to engage in new modes of research pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conservative religious, activist and political groups fuel gender backlash in many spaces. This paper explores this phenomenon and its effects on educational programs designed to prevent gender-based violence in Brasilian schools. It argues that this gender backlash in educative spaces violates fundamental rights, like the right to equality and protection against discrimination and violence, and ultimately contributes to the continuity and escalation of gender-based violence in Brasil. This context shapes advocacy work and the facilitators and participants of its programs. Primary prevention research is mainly conducted in the Global North. This article, guided by a southern feminist framework and informed by 14 interviews with Brasilian advocates engaged in youth gender-based violence prevention programs, addresses a significant knowledge deficit and offers new insights in working in challenging contexts. It suggests that the backlash is mostly directed at LGBTIQA+ cohorts due to the ongoing political attacks on these groups, but it has also undermined the capacity of educational prevention strategies for gender-based violence more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the relationships between rage and humour as politicizing forces among youth climate activists. In the context of FossilFree UofT, a university-based climate action campaign, we traced the learning and political development of activists engaged in a Women's Caucus. We argue snark served the pedagogical purpose of grievance construction and identity development as it enabled participants to express rage, take an agentic stance toward solutions, and build solidarity. We argue that snark should be understood as a pedagogically productive process through which participants developed a political analysis, shared identity as feminists, shifted their epistemological orientations, and became practiced at being angry and advocating for their own leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines references to Jews in the texts produced within the framework of the Ruthenian (Ukrainian) national movement in Habsburg Galicia during the 1830s and 1840s. Looking at literary texts, journalism, correspondence, and minutes produced by the Ruthenian activists, the paper gauges them for "antisemitic sentiments." This paper offers the first systematic study of antisemitism in Ukrainian national discourse in Galicia during its Romanticist phase. Tracing the origins of Ruthenian antisemitism, this article disentangles nationalism proper from historical tradition, folk culture, and other intellectual influences. It also argues that there have been important differences between the images of the Jew in Ukrainian and Polish romantic nationalism, as well as between the Ukrainian national movement in the Habsburg and Russian empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates facework and identity construction on a pro-community water fluoridation Facebook page, drawing on rapport management (Spencer-Oatey 2000) and Culpeper's (1996, 2010, 2011) taxonomy of impoliteness in English. In contrast to previous work on conflictual political talk on social media, which focuses largely on right/left or socially conservative/progressive polarised topics, it addresses discourse on a topic where conflict is between factions aligned with or against the scientific establishment. The paper shows members of an activist group engaging in face-aggravating behaviour against an ideologically opposed commenter. Even when they profess to be educating the commenter, the core goals of their behaviour are enhancing their own quality and identity face within the group by antagonising the outsider; participants construct an expert identity through performing superior intelligence and education, expressed through displays of scientific knowledge and creative forms of linguistic impoliteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanica Olomucensia is the property of Palacky University in Olomouc and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to explore the causes of meager participation of women in Khyber Pakhtukhwa (KP) assembly. The study was conducted on the obstacle that was faced by these women parliamentarians in the KP assembly during the last three governments (2002-2008, 2008-2013, and 2013-2018) in the light of expert opinion offemale political representatives, political activists and experts. Women as a constituent candidate, their role in the parliament and the problems they faced have been discussed. The paper is based on qualitative method. Total 20 MPAs, MNAs, and female rights activists were interviewed for qualitative analysis. The interviews were unstructured, allowing flexibility, liberty of conversation and flow of information. It was found that there are still many difficulties faced by these women parliamentarian in the KP assembly. The study concludes that ideological, economic and patriarchal mind-set are the main factors that hinders women participation in the assembly's business. The findings of the study can be used effectively to increase women participation by bringing awareness at local level and making appropriate policies at national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to respond to Coombs and Holladay's (2012a) concern that textbooks have had a powerful and negative influence on public relations' curricula because they have positioned public relations as a function of business, rather than as a field of knowledge and practice that plays an emancipatory role in society.Design/methodology/approach The paper is a diachronic, thematic analysis of public relations textbooks dating from 1981 to 2017. This methodology is valid because textbooks not only disseminate the knowledge base associated with a community of practice, but they are also influential legitimisers of curricula and bodies of knowledge.Findings The findings show that public relations textbooks are slowly evolving to include activist studies as a content area from both a strategic business perspective and a critical perspective.Research limitations/implications The sample size is small but sufficient to indicate the beginnings of a trend. While the influence of textbooks on curricula is waning as students look beyond prescribed texts to a wider array of readings, they remain the most influential educational medium worldwide (Fuchs and Bock, 2018).Practical implications The paper calls for a greater inclusion of activist studies in contemporary public relations curricula to prepare practitioners for changes to the communications environment, as well as an opportunity for public relations to reposition itself as an emancipatory field of knowledge and practice.Social implications Activism studies, as a curriculum field, provide a foundation for positioning public relations as an emancipatory practice.Originality/value The paper proposes that incorporating activism studies into public relations curricula is a way for public relations to reframe itself as a field of knowledge and practice that plays an emancipatory role in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Uni-Pluri/Versidad is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through bringing history into conversation with ethnography, this paper re-examines scholarly understandings of Hindu nationalism and the practice of seva (service). Whereas much scholarship addresses Hindu nationalist service through a secular-liberal register, this paper considers what this language excludes. Giving critical attention to elite activists within the Hindu nationalist-led Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra (Tribal Welfare Centre), in Jharkhand, India, my research demonstrates how elite activists translate service into a religious language of somatic representation. This constructs marginal agents as passive subjects of a heavily moralistic ethical-self making project. This critical analysis opens up for study the differing ritual-politics of caste and gender which underlie the participation of marginal actors, practices which are not reducible to a discourse of religion or a universal category of acts. In order to grasp these more complex models, this paper gives importance to the ways in which its ethical discourses are inhabited in manifold ways. This tells a story of how Western models of religion are parochialized, and challenges the relationship between authority and agency which permeate our imagination of non-liberal discourses like those invoked by Hindu nationalist service projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using archival documentation, digital platforms, and reports, this paper explores the diffusion of #NiUnaMenos ["Not One (woman) Less"] in Latin America, a social movement conceived first in Argentina to protest misogynist violence. To explain diffusion, this paper will explore the role of social media, such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, in helping spread messages, strategies, and the goals of the movement with unprecedented speed (Tarrow 2005, Hanson and Piatti-Crocker 2020). Five years after the first protest, the COVID-19 pandemic had two contrasting effects on the #NiUnaMenos movement. On the one hand, when the virus began spreading around the world, it became clear that measures intended to contain it were exacerbating gender-based violence (also known as the "second pandemic"), which added new urgency to this pervasive problem. On the other hand, COVID-19 created new challenges for #NiUnaMenos activists and their massive street demonstrations, which were no longer safe and in many cases, banned or limited by governmental policy. Hence, some women's groups became more creative by organizing virtual protests in an attempt to hold leaders accountable for their inaction, but with mixed effects (San Diego Tribune 2020, Telam 2020). Overall, and despite the recent pandemic, #NiUnaMenos has given women across Latin America a platform to demand greater gender equity and an end to misogynist violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces D.C. White business leaders' advocacy of (low-income) Black suburban relocation and White upper-class resettlement in D.C.'s central neighborhoods in the 1960s and 1970s. By examining the organizational papers and memos of meetings and policy documents from the Federal City Council, a D.C. nonprofit advocacy organization for the city's leading business and real estate leaders, I document how predominantly White business leaders appropriated fair housing and regional fair share political stances to articulate revanchist desires. These leaders' revanchist rhetoric depicted the Black poor—especially the single Black mother with children—as the primary figure of neighborhood blight and domestic deviance. In the wake of these revanchist politics, low-income Black mothers remained principal victims of pro-mobility policies and gentrification agendas that forced them to continually move to support demolition or redevelopment. This article affirms low-income Black mother activists' political support for placemaking and low-cost, family-friendly, and well-maintained communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly debates over precarity are gaining unprecedented visibility across fields. From labor insecurity forming a growing dangerous class to the existential condition of vulnerability induced by millennial capitalism, precarity has become an object of both empirical study and theoretical reflection. While European social movements have been organizing and writing about precarity from the late 1970s to today, still, from the US perspective, the term precarity might be mistakenly taken as strictly a scholarly invention. "Precarious Writings" offers an important corrective to the ways that precarity has been taken up in anthropology and cognate disciplines, addressing the specific epistemological and political limitations of existing usages and returning the concept to its overlooked grassroots history in social movement struggles in southern Europe. By returning precarity to these activist roots, this paper makes the case for the recognition of social movements as knowledge producers as well as sources of theoretical insight and innovation in their own right. By failing to recognize precarity's development within contentious struggles, scholarly uses miss how the activist notion enables identity reformulations toward a kind of "precarity pride." That is, the politicization of insecurity has become a source for nurturing a fluid space of political creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits and reevaluates the Eriksonian branch of psycho-historians, whose academic influence peaked in the early 1970s before falling largely out of sight by the start of the twenty-first century. Why did what I argue was an unwarranted eclipse occur? The foremost figures in this loose grouping were Erikson himself, Robert J. Lifton, Kenneth Keniston, and Robert Coles. What can the comparatively new field of psychosocial studies usefully learn and integrate from these mostly neglected predecessors? I examine how this widespread academic amnesia set in and explain the relevance of the Eriksonian tradition, relate ways in which psycho-historians trailblazed psychosocial studies, address the importance of an intrinsic "activist ingredient" in such ventures, and argue that both psychohistory and psychosocial studies stand to benefit greatly from such an intellectual exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the student population in higher education has become more ethnically diverse the professoriate in universities remain predominantly of European descent. Reflecting this disparity of representation within the context of higher education in the United States, women faculty of color continue to experience tokenization, among other dissolutions. Within this inequitable context, we continue to find ways to resist these moments of fragmentation. We draw upon an analogy of spider weaving as a way to re-member the fragmented parts of being Women of Color scholar activists in the academy. In this paper, two Xicana Indigenous scholars highlight moments of resistance and transformation in the past 20 years of engagement with higher education. We begin with an undergraduate summer research experience and continue to the present moment as assistant professors. We share the context, our narratives of growth and resilience to unveil effects of the lived realities for Women of Color invested in social transformative justice. We offer a reflective opportunity for those who enter and continue struggling to survive and thrive within academia while navigating the shoals of privilege and marginalization. This awareness can offer a starting point for further discussions focused on the recruitment and retention of Women of Color faculty in the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the consequences of the narrative used to support immigration reform by some immigrant activists, and especially how this narrative may negatively impact potential allies. Policies and policy proposals such as the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals have been consistently championed using a specific narrative of undocumented youths which presents them as well-assimilated, driven, and US-educated. The paper is drawn from 60 in-depth interviews conducted with undocumented youths in 2013 in New York City and northern New Jersey. The paper builds on the literature relative to narratives in social movements, framing and policy-making. Findings indicate that recent campaigns continue to make extensive use of this narrative, even though it creates a divide within the undocumented community. This unintended consequence has recently led some activists to step away from the ‘perfect DREAMer’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how Eritrean refugees in Israel and civil society organisations who engage with refugee issues contest the exclusionary politics of asylum in Israel. It presents various acts of claims-making initiated by Eritrean refugees themselves or in response to hostility by others, as well as acts inaugurated by Israeli civil society organisations on behalf of or with refugee populations. Drawing on the concept of activist acts of citizenship developed by Engin Isin, the paper subsequently analyses to what degree those acts have redefined aspects of social and political membership for Eritrean refugees in Israel. In a further step, it shows the limitations of such acts in terms of developing a solidaristic refugee-citizen agenda that profoundly challenges hegemonic public discourse and political debate. The paper concludes by arguing that activist acts of citizenship are best studied in relation to the transformative power they may have on the various individuals engaging in them, but not as a strategy for a wider politics of resistance, as ultimately nation state politics continue to determine the actual realisation of concrete rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Facial recognition technology has enabled governments and private companies to have control of millions of faces in different countries around the world. This becomes dangerous since it threatens the privacy of citizens, which is why different activists demonstrate against this form of control and surveillance using different technological and aesthetic resources to prevent said recognition. This work aims at showing how face concealment can be a powerful semiotic device that can slow down or divert facial recognition technology, configuring new physiognomies. We begin by characterizing the forms of concealment of the face in the contemporary digital age, and then we analyze, from a semiotic perspective, a particular case: the different types of makeup that Adam Harvey proposes so that faces cannot be recognized. The results of the investigation show how this form of face concealment that generates new physiognomies builds political senses of resistance against advanced technology that aims to identify, monitor, and control human faces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the tumultuous period in Italy between 1968 and 1977, known as the 'long 68', myriad alternative publications focusing on the narratives and the experiences of avant-garde groups, marginal communities, labour organizers and political activist circles gained widespread popularity. Among these, two significant literary and political reviews, I Quindici and Contropiano , played a pivotal role in these movements. My paper aims to analyse the aesthetic and textual makeup of these publications by examining the significance of these journals in the context of the explosive political climate that led to the cycle of protests in streets, schools and factories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does a citizen's decision to participate in political activism depend on the participation of others? We conduct a nationwide natural field experiment in collaboration with a major European party during a recent national election. In a party survey, we randomly provide canvassers with true information about the canvassing intentions of their peers. When learning that more peers participate in canvassing than previously believed, canvassers significantly reduce both their canvassing intentions and behaviour. An additional survey among party supporters underscores the importance of free-riding motives and reveals that there is strong heterogeneity in motives underlying supporters' behavioural responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It is well acknowledged that India's community health workers known as Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) are the bedrock of its health system. Many ASHAs are currently working in fragile and conflict-affected settings. No efforts have yet been made to understand the challenges and vulnerabilities of these female workers. This paper seeks to address this gap by bringing attention to the situation of ASHAs working in the fragile and conflict settings and how conflict impacts them and their work.Methods: Qualitative fieldwork was undertaken in four conflict-affected villages in two conflict-affected districts -Kokrajhar and Karbi Anglong of Assam state situated in the North-East region of India. Detailed account of four ASHAs serving roughly 4000 people is presented. Data transliterated into English were analysed by authors by developing a codebook using grounded theory and thematic organisation of codes.Results: ASHAs reported facing challenges in ensuring access to health services during and immediately after outbreaks of conflict. They experienced difficulty in arranging transport and breakdown of services at remote health facilities. Their physical safety and security were at risk during episodes of conflict. ASHAs reported hostile attitudes of the communities they served due to the breakdown of social relations, trauma due to displacement, and loss of family members, particularly their husbands.Conclusions: Conflict must be recognised as an important context within which community health workers operate, with greater policy focus and research devoted to understanding and addressing the barriers they face as workers and as persons affected by conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The atmosphere of contestation in Moroccan streets post-2011 has offered children the unique opportunity to participate in mounting social critiques and political protests. This paper contributes to the emerging literature on children and social movements in MENA by examining the role children play as social and political activists. We relate a number of examples from the post-2011 events in which children display a mastery of the protocols of protest, glaring back at power and reversing the stereotypes that have long since labeled them pre-political. By exhibiting flexibility at travelling through different (a)geographies and hetero-horologic spheres, children foreground a compelling and pressing plea to see their movements, serious and playful, within the spheres of socio-political action as deserving the system's recognition as well as its academic attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the Alevi-Sunni social conflict in Turkey through an examination of how the politically engaged youth of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) perceived the rights of the Alevi population around the time of the AKP's 'Democratic Opening'. Based on qualitative fieldwork involving 78 interviews conducted between 2009 and 2011 in seven different cities, the research focuses on the boundaries of AKP identity concerning Alevis' democratic demands and different modes of reconciliation with these. The results show the issue of Alevi politico-religious rights to reveal the religious, institutional and national boundaries of AKP political identity. In addition, the demand for the construction of a museum to commemorate the 1993 Madımak Massacre in Sivas triggered the Sunni memory boundaries of young activists in that city. The AKP youth also presented some approaches that reconciled with Alevi demands, classified as pragmatic, political and subjective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women of color in the academy are frequently underrepresented, marginalized as scholars, and undermined as teachers. While there has been a great deal of literature attesting to the sundry obstacles facing women faculty of color (WFOC) as educators, most have focused on challenges that arise when teaching undergraduates, especially in "male-dominated" STEM disciplines. Comparatively less scholarship has explored the classroom climate of PhD seminars in so-called "female-dominated" disciplines. Even less has examined potential interventions to improve postgraduate education in ways that can benefit WFOC and students. This paper presents an autoethnographic account of my use of tactics adapted from the watershed activist-organizing text Emergent Strategy: Shaping Change, Changing Worlds to improve classroom dynamics in PhD seminars. I compare my experience in two feminist-oriented courses taught at a large public university—one a "typical classroom" and the other an "emergent classroom." Findings indicate that using tools from Emergent Strategy can temper masculinist biases that exist in many graduate classrooms, including those that serve to undermine WFOC. I conclude that structuring seminars as "emergent classrooms" can mitigate some of the more troubling white and male biases impacting WFOC in graduate seminars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores key lessons learned during the design and facilitation phases of a conflict resolution workshop with environmental activists in rural Appalachia. As these practice notes and analysis highlight, conflict resolution (CR) practitioners can support activists by engaging in robust preparation work in order to better understand how activists work together, how that work evolves over time, their frames for making sense of conflicts and new possibilities for collaboration. This work raises timely questions about the role of outside facilitator partiality in CR processes, especially when differences of power and marginalization within activist networks reveal fault lines that disrupt collaboration and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social aspects among Mexican society are based on gender hierarchy influencing every decision-making process. I was taught from a young age that every decision needed to come from me. While I had the opportunity to learn an activist approach to working with youth during my doctoral journey, I never thought it would challenge the epistemology of my personal and professional life. An activist approach is based on critical and feminist pedagogies. As such, Chicana feminist theory invited me to question what has been inherited, learned and imposed throughout life, and how this created a conflict between what I was taught and what I was learning. The purpose of this study was to explore the challenges of a teacher-centered facilitator implementing a student-centered pedagogy. This paper is the result of a four-year critical autoethnography project using an activist approach for working with youth in an after-school sports club. Findings are divided into three sections: (1) learning to understand the influence of cultural backgrounds on becoming an activist teacher/researcher over time, (2) how to negotiate the discomfort and challenges faced in the process of moving from a teacher-centered to student-centered positionality and (3) moving from discomfort to comfort with a student-centered approach. Through this process I began to take inventory of my historical upbringing, creating a space for self-reflexivity that allowed me to deconstruct 'old ways' and merge them with 'new'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the historical processes of Malaya-Indonesia literary links and networks in 1950–1965. The focus is on how Malay writers, most of whom were political activists and journalists as well, sought inspiration from Indonesia in their creative processes as a part of the struggle for the Malayan independence. As a preliminary study, this paper is limited to showing the links the Malay writers built with their Indonesian counterparts, and how these links affected and were affected by the political relations between the two countries, especially during the “Confrontation” era in 1963–1965. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Throughout the second year of their BA programme at York St John University (UK), drama and dance students engage with a compulsory module titled "politically engaged practice." As part of this they are given a deliberately provocative assessment brief that requires them to "plan, design and implement a small-scale politically engaged piece of acts activism.". This paper explores the experience of asking students to become, if only temporary, political activists. It does so by first setting out how arts activism is framed and defined for the module as an intersection between effect and affect. Under the headings "dialogical activism," "culture jamming" and "quiet activism," it then provides a typology of the kinds of arts activist projects undertaken by students. Suggesting that the assessment offers an opportunity for "authentic learning" the paper describes how students articulate the impact of the module on their sense of social consciousness and relationship to political issues. Finally, the paper reflects on the role of activism within the academy, particularly in a context where universities are frequently accused of operating under a liberal bias that imposes particular political perspectives on students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this self-reflexive paper, co-written by scholars currently collaborating on the Polish translation of Judith Butler's Bodies that Matter, we discuss the political and activist stakes of translating a canonical queer theory text over 25 years after its original publication, in the context of anti-lgbtq+ public discourse in today's Poland. We argue that the collective character of our translation process turns it into an activist workshop that negotiates social norms and works on the invention and application of their alternatives. This activist practice results in a programmatically accessible translation, written in gender-inclusive and queer-sensitive language that follows the poststructuralist philosophical underpinnings of the 1993 source text and its gendered language. Discussing examples of Butler's use of grammatical gender and her politicized style in our translation, the article contributes to understanding the queer activist practice of translation and, specifically, underwritten questions of translating queer theory in a contemporary Polish (linguistic) context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between academia and activism. It explores the undergraduate experience of veteran 21st century Black student activist, David C. Turner, III, revealing the foundations of his academic and activist career in higher education. Framed in the context of student engagement and high impact educational practices, this paper argues that 21st century Black student activists are motivated by a belief in a society and world free from overt, insidious, and institutional racism. Furthermore, it argues that activism offers academically relevant learning opportunities. The article draws upon informal conversations and interactions, formal interviews, and Turner's published and unpublished writings. It chronicles Turner's undergraduate experiences at CSU, Dominguez Hills majoring in Africana Studies, president of the Organization of Africana Studies, and research and conference opportunities revealing the foundations of his pursuit of cultural grounding, academic excellence, and social responsibility. Furthermore, it highlights the links between intellectual and academic work, with activism and organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a longitudinal study that uses insights from postcolonial feminism to explore women's entrepreneurship as a political form of feminist organizing for social change in Saudi Arabia. Postcolonial feminist approaches challenge Western feminism, which can obscure the diversity of women's lived experiences, agency, and activism. Through Bayat's (2013) theory of "quiet encroachment," I identify the ways in which contemporary Western conceptualizations of feminist solidarity and social movements have dismissed "Other" women's "silent," protracted and (dis)organized activism in parts of the Middle East. By exploring how Saudi women have utilized their entrepreneurial space as a legitimate platform for change, I aim to enrich understanding of women's activism through everyday solidarity practices, which allow them to quietly encroach onto the previously forbidden political space. The findings exemplify how their activism "quietly" developed over time through a three‐step process—from the entrepreneur aiming to empower women within their organization, to developing feminist consciousness within their entrepreneurial network, to becoming a "political activist" lobbying for policy changes for women. These solidarity practices exemplify the West's relationship with "the Other," and reveal that feminist organizing for social change must be explored within its own context in order to fully appreciate its global political potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do human rights organizations (HROs) aid the consolidation of democracy in post-authoritarian states? It is often argued that these groups contribute to accountability for past repression. Yet HROs can have unintended consequences if they threaten the interests of powerful domestic institutions. This paper develops a simple model of human rights activism in post-authoritarian states. Civilian governments in these states trade off support from the military and human rights activists which seek to punish the military. Counterintuitively, the model predicts human rights activists make amnesty for the military more likely, as activists tempt the government to punish the military and the military becomes more likely to intervene in politics. The model's implications are tested using a sample of post-authoritarian states from 1970-2010. Results show that more HRO influence increases the likelihood of amnesty laws and military involvement in government, though HROs may achieve justice through pathways such as truth commissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the ways in which Muslim women seek to employ online media, particularly social media, to reclaim narratives around space, embodiment, and power. I argue that digital space is, like any other form of media, structured essentially by racism and patriarchy, but I also note the crucial potential for resistance exhibited by Muslim activists such as political leaders Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, Instagram influencer Ayesha Malik, and the largely anonymous women who participated in #MosqueMeToo, encouraged by the journalist and activist Mona Eltahawy. I draw upon a post/anti-colonial feminist framework and the tools of critical discourse analysis in examining specific instances where such women perform acts of resistance that, in turn, trigger a gendered and raced reaction. I note the ways in which some Muslim women, such as Saudi teenager Rahaf Mohammed, are constructed as media heroes, given that their stories can be co-opted to validate notions of the white colonial savior, while others directly challenge narratives of colonialism and oppression and are thus subjected to backlash. I point to the ways in which some of this vitriol continues to refer back to the notion that Muslim women should be silent, and to the fetishized Muslim woman's body: how it should look, where it can/should go, and what can be done to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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