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How did Chinese leaders Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang feel about Hong Kong? The existing literature has tended to see the Sino-British negotiations over the future of Hong Kong through the economic lens favoured by the British side and described the Chinese side as primarily motivated by nationalism. However, 'nationalism' remains a vague concept in need of further definition. This paper focuses on the Chinese side of the negotiation table. It unpacks what 'nationalism' meant to Deng and Zhao within the context of the negotiations by examining three interrelated components: history, identity and emotion. This paper then analyses how the Chinese side used history, identity and emotion strategically during the negotiations, focusing on the September 1982 leaders' meetings as a case study. Adopting a constructivist lens, this paper examines historical documents against frameworks and theories from the social sciences, producing an interdisciplinary analysis of Chinese negotiation tactics. It unravels how China's leaders used the country's past to broadcast the Party's stance to the people, bolster their leadership position and win the advantage over Britain in the Hong Kong negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper explores international trade of the Chinese manufacturing industries through the lenses of network analysis (NA) to visualise the world trade network of the Chinese economy, describe its topology and better explain the international organisation of Chinese manufacturing industries. Design/methodology/approach: The authors built a dataset of 40,550 Chinese companies and their 107,026 subsidiaries in 118 countries from Orbis-BVD and used a NA to investigate the connection between China and other countries. In particular, the authors studied the connections between Chinese companies and their subsidiaries in order to build a network of Chinese industries. Findings: The authors found that the network of Chinese companies is ramified but not wide and it can be divided into two clusters. Moreover, the relations between China and other peripheral countries are strongly mediated by a few leading locations (e.g. Hong Kong and the USA). Originality/value: This paper contributes to the literature in several ways. First, the authors provide empirical evidence on the magnitude and ramifications of Chinese enterprises in the world. The existing studies generally focus on applying NA to sectoral insights (Mao and Yang, 2012; Shaikh et al., 2016; Zheng et al., 2016; Wanzenbö ck, 2018; Krichene et al., 2019), whereas in this work the authors take a comprehensive view of the entire Chinese manufacturing system. Second, this paper complements the existing literature identifying the difference between cluster levels in Chinese manufacturing (Wu and Jiang, 2011) by proposing a cluster centralisation method to analyse the international network of Chinese firms rather than just the national network. Finally, the results also shed light on the international trade relationship between China, Hong Kong and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research involving international research communities has been advocated in the field of behavior analysis (Dymond et al., 2000; Martin et al., 2016). The purpose of the present study was to report the status of behavioral research in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, in terms of number of publications, types of research, and frequency of collaboration with international researchers. Fifteen behavioral journals were selected from the list by Cooper et al. (2020). These were searched by hand to find publications conducted in or authored by researchers from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan dating from each journal's inception to December 2021. The earliest publication we found appeared in 1980 in The Psychological Record. Over the following four decades (1980–1989; 1990–1999; 2000–2009; 2010–2021), the number of publications per decade increased dramatically and continues in recent years to rise. Publications include research reports, review papers, and conceptual articles, with the majority being basic research reports published in Behavioral Processes. Approximately half the publications involve collaboration with international researchers, mostly in North America. Implications for behavioral research, practice, and policy in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The problems surrounding the loss and illegal trafficking of Chinese cultural heritage have intensified in recent times due to an increasing demand for Chinese cultural heritage and huge profits to be gained in the art market. While the Chinese mainland government has taken active measures to protect cultural heritage and combat the illegal trafficking of cultural heritage, two special administrative regions of China, Hong Kong and Macao, have not only failed to take similar measures, but have also functioned as key transit locations for the illicit trafficking of Chinese cultural heritage over the past three decades. This paper provides a comparative analysis of the laws related to cultural heritage between the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong and Macao. This paper argues that, while differences exist in these places, these differences should not be an obstacle to taking an integrated approach to cultural heritage in the region. There is a practical need for an integrated approach given the shared initiative of heritage protection and art market regulation. This paper argues that an integrated approach to cultural heritage is possible and should be pursued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sinophobia (anti-Chinese sentiment) has become normalised and increasingly acceptable in Hong Kong in recent decades. Such Sinophobia intersects with aims of protecting what is local in the society, as seen in Hong Kong news media. This paper first explores the concept of Sinophobia. It then provides a background on Sinophobia in Hong Kong, explaining the tensions between the identities of Hong Kong/HongKongers and Mainland China/Mainland Chinese. After elaborating on the role of media and the nature of local media in Hong Kong, this paper examines Sinophobic, stereotypical and quasi-racist discourse in three major Hong Kong news sources. While respecting Hong Kong heritage is a valuable goal, the Sinophobia accompanying some such aims can be seen to fuel hatred among people. In this context, encouraging a more inclusive and reflective discourse is warranted to work against the pitfalls of Sinophobia as a particular form of xenophobia in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on 'diaspora at home', a concept that encapsulates the unique dynamics between Hong Kong and mainland China, as an analytical tool to explore the cross-border experiences of 23 Hong Kong students at 11 universities in mainland China. It empirically ascertains how the made and imposed claims and identifications of these Hong Kong students resulted in inclusion and exclusion as their interactions with their mainland peers and institutions deepened. Specifically, it highlights how their 'diaspora at home' status offered exclusive access to privileged higher education opportunities, preferential treatments and opportunities for upward social mobility. Meanwhile, such a status also resulted in an overwhelming sense of political liability as they unwittingly became 'political tokens' and suspected political subjects amid the increasingly tense political atmosphere between mainland China and Hong Kong. This paper pinpoints the relevance of class and politics in understanding how diasporic groups engage with higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides the first ethnographic study of spiritual ecology in contemporary Hong Kong. In exploring the life stories of people who wanted to "heal" nature as well as those who were being "healed" by nature through the practice of green living, this paper illuminates the interconnection between self-transformation and social transformation within the green living circle. While the first form of self-transformation occurs when individuals consciously responded to green groups' appeals to cultivating themselves for the environment, the second mode of self-transformation happens unintendedly as people developed an interest in green living. In conclusion, I argue that the spiritual-ecological practices under the umbrella of green living offered people in Hong Kong a means to introspect, re-organize, and even transform their lives during difficult life events and challenging life transition. In turn, the emotional and spiritual experience of self-transformation not only reinforced people's faith in the power of nature, such positive experience was also key to perpetuating their interest and efforts in greening Hong Kong and the world beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to examine how financial technology (FinTech) knowledge from foreign firms flows into and among elite commercial banks in Hong Kong's financial sector to drive innovation. Design/methodology/approach: Using social network analysis and regression analysis on a novel database of patents held by Hong Kong's elite commercial banks, this paper examines the relationships between network position and FinTech knowledge flow. Findings: This paper finds four untold patterns of innovation and inequality in Hong Kong's financial sector: only three banks are responsible for all the FinTech knowledge entering Hong Kong; most foreign FinTech comes from the USA through Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, whereas most FinTech from China enters through Fubon Bank and Development Bank of Singapore; older banks and banks with more connections to firms inside Asia are more likely to import FinTech; the most beneficial sources of FinTech for a bank's network position are firms from outside Asia. Originality/value: Despite the well-documented volumes of cross-border and cross-continental movement of financial institutions in Hong Kong, there is little work on the knowledge flows that underwrite this mobility. This paper addresses this gap by using FinTech knowledge flows to map the distribution of innovation, network position and competitive advantage in Hong Kong's financial sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of an uncovered liability has historically benefited foreign banks and lead currencies. Using the case of China's efforts to fund its foreign exchange needs by exploiting loopholes in the international financial architecture, the paper examines whether using state-owned settlement banks as a means of intermediating a specialised 'non-deliverable' financial asset in offshore markets can substitute the institutional and technical prerequisites that developing economies typically lack. The findings show that while offshore money markets can reduce US dollar dependency in areas such as trade invoicing that do not depend on currency delivery, increasing the offshore holdings of RMB is more challenging. The reasons for this are to be found in the way the governance, geographic and credit generating limitations of state settlement banks reinforce the constraints imposed by the uncovered liability problem. The findings distinguish the historical evolution of the RMB's offshore use from other offshore markets and reinforce the impossibility of separating issues related to trade infrastructures from those related to the structure of the international financial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impacts of state policies and NGO advocacy on female sex workers' identity and how they manage stigma. Comparing three groups of sex workers – those born and working in mainland China, those born and working in Hong Kong, and those born in mainland China who later migrated to Hong Kong and entered the sex industry – this paper suggests that differences in state policies on prostitution and the different degrees of visibility of NGOs campaigning for sex workers' rights are related to three strategies used by sex workers to construct a positive self-image to counteract the stigma they face: gendered obligation fulfilment, professional work and responsible citizenship. The paper illustrates that stigmatized-identity management involves complex relationships among individual interpretation, selection and mobilization of gender, work and citizenship scripts, which are contingent on structural features of the environment and may change during migration and relocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Air connectivity is a crucial factor for economic development, especially for a free port city such as Hong Kong. This paper examines the role changes of Hong Kong in providing connectivity for the international market that originates from regional airports in Mainland China. The time-dependent earliest arrival time method is employed to assess its connectivity levels compared with other Chinese air gateways in 1998 and 2018, with measurement of three indicators: accessibility, dependency, and centrality. Empirical evidence demonstrates that extensive progress of accessibility and dependency has been presented in both Hong Kong and other Chinese gateways as for liberal arrangements after 2001, while foreign transfers are still an inescapable theme to strengthen air connections. In addition, Hong Kong retained its hub status even while deemed inferior to Beijing and Shanghai in the international market of Mainland China, especially for the Northeast and East Coastal region and air travel to Asia-Pacific, Europe, Middle East, and Africa. What is more, although Hong Kong benefited from its massive traffic generation, major air gateways would be dispersedly located across Mainland China with the rise of central China, geographical proximity effect, and differential market cultivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from Facebook, this article examines how elements of nationalism discourse were invoked by political actors to advance their agenda. In this paper, a novel mixed‐method approach is introduced. The analysis begins with the quantitative phase, and topic modelling is used to identify the recurring themes in corpus. A topic network is generated based on the semantic association and centrality measures from social network analysis are used to identify the core topics in the discourse. In the qualitative phase, texts from the core topics are analysed discursively. The findings reveal that Hong Kong nationalism discourse includes three frames: the threat frame that constructs the overarching narrative of China Threat, the identity frame that engages with the debate on localism and nationalism and the action frame that discusses the actions to be taken in response to the threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to shed light on the little-known history of the Hong Kong City Hall Museum. Housed in the old City Hall between 1869 and 1933, the museum was intended as a place of entertainment and education for the residents of the British colony, including Chinese people. Dedicated to research and seeking the dissemination of knowledge through scientific displays of natural history specimens and artefacts, it was to be an emblem of Hong Kong's modernity and embody a certain degree of 'civilization'. However, the City Hall Museum never lived up to the expectations it initially had raised, and its collections remained disappointing and inconsistent. This failure was perceived as a stigma for the colony. This paper intends to offer an understanding of why this institution, during its more than sixty years of existence, failed to gather sufficient organisation and resources to support itself and ended up disappearing from memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the representations of Africans and African cultures in Hong Kong media and the political, social, and cultural significance in shaping the socioeconomic wellbeing of Africans in the city. With the rising population of Africans in Hong Kong and the evolving nature of Africa-China relations, Africa and its cultures have become more prominent across Hong Kong's media. Representations of the African continent in Chinese medium newspapers in the city help define the local understanding of African peoples and cultures. By analysing the construction of "African-ness" in these representations, this article shows that African cultures are constantly portrayed in relation to those of Hong Kong. It is by studying the absences and presences of "African-ness" that it can be shown that Africa is often narrated as the subordinate of the local. Significantly, this hierarchical system not only predetermines but also crystalizes the local understanding of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A systematic literature review revealed that there are few validated youth prevention and positive youth development programs in different Chinese societies. To promote the holistic development of young people in Hong Kong, we developed, implemented, and evaluated the P.A.T.H.S. Project in Hong Kong. Based on the successful experience of the P.AT.H.S. Project in Hong Kong, Tin Ka Ping Foundation supported the development of Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project in mainland China based on the original P.A.T.H.S. programs. Besides adapting the programs to fit the socio-cultural context of mainland China, we also trained teachers, supported the implementation, and evaluated the developed programs. Besides the junior high school programs, we also voluntarily deployed additional financial and manpower resources to develop senior high school programs. To help colleagues understand the project details, we have documented the project, including curriculum manuals, book chapters, journal articles, and conference papers. In this paper, we present the publications arising from Tin Ka Ping Project in mainland China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue concerns agency and negotiation in the context of the hierarchical relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC), a global superpower, and Taiwan, a subordinated actor often relegated to a marginal position in contemporary global geopolitics. By exploring how Taiwan opposes, interrupts and re-creates its subordinate position vis-à-vis China, the authors of this special issue will shed light on the complexities of the ongoing Taiwan experience, shaped by different, often opposing, interests, positions and perspectives regarding its relationship with China. Yet, by exploring the experience of Taiwan with reference to its Chinese legacies, this special issue will also allow important reflections on China, not only in its hegemonic role regionally and globally, but also in its weaknesses when it deals with subordinated actors. This is a timely and important piece, which will allow alternative interpretations of contemporary events not only in Taiwan, for instance the recent national elections and related political developments, but also in the region, such as the protests which have been occurring in Hong Kong during the last four months. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Public toilets are a common transmission vector of infectious diseases due to environmental contamination. Research on Chinese people's hygiene practices in public lavatories are lacking. This study examined Chinese people's hygiene practices in public lavatories in Hong Kong.Methods: We conducted qualitative interviews and a self-administered questionnaire survey with local residents from June 2016 to April 2018. Four focus group discussions and three individual interviews informed the design of the questionnaire. We recruited interviewees and survey respondents via social service centers. The interviews and questionnaire focused on the public's daily practices and hygiene behaviors in public toilets. Content analysis of qualitative data was conducted. Multivariable logistic regressions were used to examine the association between age and toilet hygiene behaviors.Results: Our qualitative component revealed a range of handwashing practices, from not washing at all, washing without soap, to washing for a longer time than instructions. Other toilet use practices were identified, such as not covering toilet lid before flushing and stepping on toilet seats due to dirtiness, and spitting into toilet bowls or hand basin. Totally, 300 respondents completed the questionnaire. Among them, 212 (70.9%) were female and 246 (86.1%) were aged 65 or below. More than two thirds always washed hands with soap (68.7%) and dried hands with paper towels (68.4%). Up to 16.2% reported stepping on toilet seats and 43.9% never covered the toilet lid before flushing. Over one fourth (26.4%) spit into squat toilets/ toilet bowl. Regression analyses showed that the elderly group were less likely to report stepping on toilet seats (adjusted odds ratio, AOR = 0.17, 95%CI 0.03-0.88), flushing with the toilet lid closed (AOR = 0.40, 0.16-0.96), but more likely to spit into squat toilets/ toilet bowl (AOR = 4.20, 1.50-11.74).Conclusions: Hong Kong Chinese's compliance to hygiene practices in public toilets is suboptimal. Stepping on toilet seat is a unique Chinese practice due to the dirtiness of toilet seats. Spitting practices may increase the risk of airborne infectious diseases and need improvement. Measures are needed to improve toilet hygiene behaviors, including public education campaigns and keeping toilet environment clean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the puzzling phenomenon of why Hong Kong citizens have much lower support for increasing spending on social assistance when all other welfare programs have been favored by local residents. With a random sampling survey, we find that citizens' support towards raising the requirement of immigration is negatively correlated with their support for social assistance (the CSSA scheme). This study highlights that the perception of "who benefits" will influence citizens' support for welfare spending. The Hong Kong story enriches the debate about the impact of citizens' attitudes towards immigration on welfare spending against a backdrop of deglobalization and anti-immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its initial popularization in Africa during the 1970s, Hong Kong martial arts cinema has enjoyed remarkably consistent popularity. This paper analyses some of the causes for this phenomenon by focusing on the consumption of Hong Kong martial arts cinema in South Africa during apartheid. It argues that film-watching under apartheid was jointly structured by state censorship and state-aligned monopolies controlling film distribution and exhibition. These factors facilitated the flow of Hollywood film into South Africa yet at the same time constrained black audiences. Due to a confluence of historical factors, Hong Kong martial arts film arrived in the country just as this dual system of state control via censorship and exhibition was weakening. In addition, the spectacular action and anti-hegemonic narrative in these films, can explain their popularity among black audiences who were familiar with the targeted censorship regimes, and versed in subverting the white supremacist narrative of Hollywood westerns. The paper uses a combination of political economy and film theory to historicize this moment and to understand the position of black audiences under apartheid vis-à-vis Hong Kong martial arts cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After the implementation of the National Security Law (NSL) in 2020 the Hong Kong Special Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China (HKSAR) has gone through a period of tremendous changes. This paper argues that the enactment of the NSL has not only imposed a stricter frame on Hong Kong civil society in terms of rule of law and human rights, but it has also created the conditions for implementing new reforms aimed at increasing the Communist Party of China (CPC) leverage on every aspect of the society. A series of political and economic decisions have been taken to facilitate the full integration of Hong Kong into the Chinese system. After discussing the logic behind these evolutions, the article explains to what extent the recent transformation HKSAR has been going through will inevitably erode its reputation as the most relevant financial hub in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a shock to the Chinese capital market and unique and detailed audit‐adjustment data, this paper investigates the effect of a capital market liberalization program on auditors' adjustments to their clients' financial reports. Employing difference‐in‐differences tests with propensity score matching and firm fixed effects (FE), we find that the capital market liberalization induced by the implementation of the Shanghai‐Hong Kong Stock Connect affects auditors' professional judgment and leads to audit‐adjustment changes stimulated by greater reputational and litigation risks for auditors. Specifically, while the liberalization significantly decreases the frequency and magnitude of upward audit adjustments, the probability of downward adjustments remains the same in most cases. Further evidence shows that the effect is more pronounced for companies with high trading volume from Hong Kong investors, audited by the largest audit firms and with low financial transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 30,000 children living in Shenzhen, Mainland China cross the border to Hong Kong to attend school every day. This paper focuses on the school as a key meso-level organisation that mediates macro-level policies and micro-level everyday life experiences among these children and their families. We advocate a relational, spatial perspective, conceptualising schools as webs of intersecting physical, social and digital spaces, where differences between the "locals" and "others" are played out, negotiated and (re)produced, and in turn giving rise to specific (and understudied) geographies of in/exclusion. Drawing on our qualitative research, we offer a close reading of three exemplary school spaces: (i) the physical classroom and school grounds, (ii) the digital classroom, and (iii) at the school gate. Our findings demonstrate the complex and at times contradictory ways in which "the school" is a place of both inclusion and exclusion. It is a dynamic and power-traversed space where social differences between the "locals" and the "others" are played out, contested and redefined continuously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to bring consideration to the care receivers' point of view when setting policies for the delivery of health services. Design/methodology/approach - This paper briefly reviews the delivery of health services designed by the governing body in Hong Kong and China. It also looks into how the care receivers behave in the respective delivery system. Findings - With different objectives and fundamentals, Hong Kong and China strive to improve the delivery of health services. However, there are issues which make the implementation of these improvements challenging. This paper looks into the care receiver's concerns that impact the delivery of health services. Originality/value - Provide areas for consideration when setting up health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government bonds might provide reference entities that reduce corporate bond yields. We study China's 2017 issuance of two U.S. dollar (USD)-denominated sovereign bonds when there were (effectively) no outstanding USD sovereigns. We find that Chinese corporate USD bonds experienced a four- to nine-basis-point decline in yield spreads, whereas corporate renminbi (RMB) bonds did not. The effect was stronger for corporate bonds with maturities similar to those of the USD sovereigns. Further consistent with the reference effect, USD-denominated corporate bonds experienced declines in bid-ask spreads and volatility; corporate bond yield spread changes became more sensitive to sovereign yield innovations; and the less-informed foreign mutual funds significantly increased their holdings of offshore USD Chinese corporate bonds. Limited evidence indicates that new corporate bond maturities shifted toward the sovereign bonds' maturity after their issuance. This paper was accepted by Lukas Schmid, finance. Funding: B. Wang received financial support from Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research. C. Y. Hong received financial support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant 72003125]. Supplemental Material: The internet appendix and data are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.4499. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on archival research and oral history, this article examines the career of Holmes Welch (1921-1981). Welch is a towering figure in the study of Buddhism whose trilogy on modern Chinese Buddhism stood as the definitive work on the topic for decades and remains a touchstone today. In many ways, Welch appears ahead of its time. Yet an investigation of Welch's papers makes clear that his work can only be fully understood in the context of the Cold War, for it was not only shaped by but also served the American struggle against Communism. Welch's formation as a scholar took place less at Harvard, where he earned a master's, than Hong Kong, where he served as a political officer in the Foreign Service. Afterward, he continued to write and consult in the service of Cold War objectives into the early 1970s. This intertwining of the academic and the political in his work and career suggests the existence of a "hidden transcript" of Buddhist Studies and the Cold War that merits further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co‐production of films entails a variety of transborder mobility and trans‐local production networks, which are further complicated by state intervention through co‐production treaties or arrangements. This paper unravels the process of Mainland China–Hong Kong film co‐production that has been explosive after the promulgation of 'Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement' (CEPA). Drawing on the information of all Mainland–Hong Kong co‐produced films between 1998 and 2017, we chart the collaborative networks of studios and creative staffs and examine the commercial and artistic performances of co‐produced films to illustrate the impact of regulatory reform on the evolution of cross‐border film co‐production. We argue that CEPA is among the series of national regulatory reforms to enable marketisation of the film industry and, further, to construct an imagined new identity of Chinese culture at the supranational scale. However, the cultural goals have been given way to the commercial interests of co‐production with the implementation of CEPA policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much media and scholarly attention has been paid to the growing tension between Hong Kong people and Indonesian foreign domestic workers, the underlying reasons of cultural difference are largely ignored as an explanation for the challenges Indonesian domestic workers face in Hong Kong. Most often, Islam is one of the primary cultural differences that Hong Kong people overlook. This paper begins with an overview of the significance of Indonesian Muslim foreign domestic workers in Hong Kong society and the domestic sphere. Then, the paper suggests that the Indonesian Muslim domestic helpers have been politically weak, struggling and accommodating to the mainstream Chinese culture. Generally speaking, Indonesian Muslim domestic workers in Hong Kong have been powerless under the global labor market and the local socio-cultural forces of Chinese society. Nevertheless, there has been an emerging visibility of Islam through their re-assertion of Islamic piety in Hong Kong everyday life via, for example, veiling, practicing daily prayer, and seeking to follow ahalaldiet. Visibility, however, does not mean accommodation and understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The regenerative design framework aims to ‘engage a broader range of possibilities by moving beyond the immediate building and site boundaries’. It implies that the environmental performance of buildings requires a revised definition so that it considers not only the building itself, but also its contribution beyond its own boundary, i.e. neighbourhoods. In high-density cities, outdoor spaces are culturally considered as the extension of one’s living spaces. The environmental performance of neighbourhoods is particularly important to the health and wellbeing of urban inhabitants. This paper aims to define the environmental performance of neighbourhoods in high-density urban context based on the experience acquired in previous studies in Hong Kong over the last 15 years. These studies cover a wide range of environmental issues including urban climate, outdoor thermal comfort, and daylighting design in high-density cities. Subsequent development of the assessment tools for environmental performance of neighbourhoods in Hong Kong is also presented. The framework of stakeholder engagement, as an integral part of the neighbourhood assessment tool, is discussed. This paper highlights the distinctive features of the environmental performance of neighbourhoods in high-density urban context and how it influences the professional practices in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Area Development & Policy is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Area Development & Policy is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Hong Kong’s open and law-abiding society, applying the political principle of “one country, two systems” presents a challenge to the Chinese government, particularly regarding its efforts to control media ownership. Focusing on the structure of media ownership in Hong Kong, this paper describes the ways in which the Internet – especially social media – has empowered activists and alternative media by providing a means of avoiding censorship and social control. This paper also describes the Chinese government’s use of political power and capital to censor and shape the media landscape in Hong Kong in order to dampen public interest in politics and influence public opinion. Finally, this paper attempts to identify potential solutions to this problem. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper delineates unequal inscriptions of the Yulan Festival, whether as national intangible cultural heritage (ICH) or local ICH, for different ethnic groups in Hong Kong. I argue that the authorised heritage discourse that underlies the inscription of the Yulan Festival is based on the fossilised imagination of ethnic traditions and identities. Classifying the Yulan Festival according to ethnic ritual traditions implies an assumption on the existence of a homogenous ethnic community and tradition, and seems to overlook the dynamic of ethnic tradition, as well as the hybrid and flexible nature of culture and identity. This authorised system has acknowledged and exaggerated differences between various ethnic traditions and has understated the importance of integrated practices, diversified, flexible, and hybrid practices, the changing ethnic complexity of local communities, as well as the subjective agency of individuals. A gap between what was practiced and what was institutionalised is noted, and individual agency is observed in negotiating the festival in relation to the institutionalised heritage designations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the ever-increasing economic and social ties with the Mainland, Hong Kong-Mainland cross-border marriage patterns experienced significant changes after the handover. The proportion of cross-border marriages only accounted for 2% of marriages registered in Hong Kong in the pre-handover period but jumped to 34.7% after the handover. This study examines the impact of stronger economic ties and weakened social and cultural boundaries on the patterns of assortative mating in cross-border marriages. As most of the cross-border workers from Hong Kong are males, they have increasing opportunities for social interaction with Mainland women in communities and social circles in the Mainland. After the handover, the language skills of residents on both sides showed significant improvement and this can enhance the possibility of finding a marriage partner across the border. Empirical results suggest a weaker positive assortative mating in respect of age and educational attainment among Hong Kong husband-Mainland wife couples after the handover. Previous studies suggest that marital partner selection reflects the strength of social boundaries and the strength of these boundaries should be stronger for cross-border marriages. The results of this paper support the view that stronger economic ties and weakened social and cultural boundaries do promote cross-border marriages and negative assortative mating in these marriages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Hong Kong lawyers has so far focused on their internal differences and the rise of cause lawyering. Not much has been done on their role in promoting political liberalism. This paper fills a gap by reviewing the history of lawyers’ political activism before and after Hong Kong’s sovereignty shifted from a liberal-colonial to an authoritarian regime in 1997. It argues, first, that Hong Kong’s post-colonial constitutionalized politics and prolonged democratic deficit have given the legal complex—which includes lawyers and also increasingly legal academics—a key role in its pro-democracy movement, and second, critical political junctures have driven activist lawyers to use various means, from electoral politics to civil disobedience, to defend the rule of law and Hong Kong’s tortuous democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper was written in Hong Kong during a protest movement that shows no signs of ending anytime soon. It coincided with a military lockdown of Kashmir that followed the abrogation of key Articles of the Indian Constitution guaranteeing administrative autonomy to the region. There is little to suggest any similarity between Hong Kong and Kashmir. Nevertheless, as the continuing agitations in both regions make any resolution along available theories of political science increasingly impossible, their coincidence opens new questions around Empire, Nation, Colonialism and indeed Modernity. We explore the resurgence of a very modern empire, stretching from Central to North East Asia. Although effectively a Sino-British co-production (as the One Belt One Road project shows in its tacit reiteration of older British demarcations of regional boundaries), empire splits into two genealogies. One is precisely colonial, the other more amorphously despotic. This divide now determines the modernist pedigree of today's nationalisms and provides ethical justifications for extreme state action. As an old imperial divide reinvents itself as a bipolar global order, Kashmir and Hong Kong require conceptual relocating within larger geographies if we are to take seriously the demands of militant protest to force the question beyond the totalitarian nation-state. Both protests are viewed within a growing crisis of the nation-form as they invoke, but also exceed, the languages of conventional politics, moving into a domain variously named apocalypse, endgame and catastrophe. As distinctions grow between rational politics and the experimental "frontline," history itself hangs in the balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how notions of race, ethnicity, and blood are mobilized in educational texts in Hong Kong. It elaborates how civic identity is racialized as part of a nationalist education operating beneath the surface of expressed commitments to global citizenship, human rights, etc., in curriculum and textbooks. Many have commented on how cultural and ethnic ties are prioritized over political principles as bases for civic education in Asian societies. These cultural/ethnic bases should be critically examined, however, as they imply racial/ethnic exclusions. Examining how race, ethnicity, and blood are used to justify cultural framings of civic identity leads to questions about how education can be used to unify some, while alienating others from a sense of belonging and community. I argue that racialization of Hong Kong civic identity is not a happy solution for all members of society, and for more inclusive visions of identity in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong is characterized by very low fertility. However, over a period from 2000 to 2015, both the total number of births and the sex ratio at birth (SRB) increased and then declined dramatically. We analysed the increases in a 2013 paper in this journal, where we largely ascribed them to a rapid growth in the number of 'transient' mothers from Mainland China disproportionately giving birth to boys in the territory. In 2012, policies were implemented to halt this 'maternity migration'. Here, we explore the impact of these policies, both on births and the SRB in Hong Kong. We conclude that the rises and falls in births and SRBs in Hong Kong can, indeed, be broadly ascribed to the reproductive behaviour of transient Mainland mothers. However, the role of the Hong Kong government's policy interventions is much less clearly defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews Beijing's Hong Kong policy, arguing that the policy mirrors China's policy towards its restive borderlands represented by Tibet and Xinjiang. The rule of Hong Kong and other borderlands in China will be understood in an analytical framework that highlights four broad policies of governing borderlands: promises of a high degree of local autonomy; extension of politico-administrative control; cultural assimilation; and economic integration and domination. These policies may be conceptualised within the term "coercion." It is argued that before Hong Kong's retrocession to China in 1997, the PRC's approach to the territory, in comparison to its approaches to Tibet and Xinjiang, was the least coercive - that is, China initially promised Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy over domestic affairs. The degree of coercion was stepped up when Hongkongers were perceived as becoming increasingly alienated from the new regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on social movements suggests that when protesters use violence, public opinion often turns against them, unless the observers already view the protesters as extremists. This creates what we refer to as an "asymmetric liability," where by moderate protest movements are held to a higher standard of civility than more extreme ones. Based on a survey experiment surrounding the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, we show that violence undercuts Chinese public sympathy when movements are framed around rights-based agendas but has little impact when protesters are portrayed as separatists. Pairing our survey results alongside media trends offers suggestive evidence that mainland respondents became less sympathetic to anti-government protesters and slightly less sensitive to protest violence as state media began depicting protesters as radical separatists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search continues for a Chinese research university model that can balance quality and quantity in research and teaching. This paper argues that finding one depends upon deepening internationalization, defining educational sovereignty, and expanding university autonomy. The paper does this by examining selected aspects in the development of the research university systems of the Chinese mainland and China's Hong Kong, particularly with respect to the governance of research and teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims This paper provides an overview of gambling issues in China, including historical development, governmental responses and social consequences. Methods Based on materials written in Chinese or English available at academic databases and other online resources, historical, cultural and policy analyses were conducted. The focus is on mainland China, but reference is made to Hong Kong and Macao to illustrate differences. Results Throughout Chinese history, gambling was strictly prohibited by law. In contrast, small-stakes betting for entertainment instead of monetary gain, defined as 'gaming' in this paper, has been culturally acceptable and tolerated by governments. After banning gambling for three decades, the Chinese government attempts to meet public demand for 'gaming' and to confine gambling to 'gaming' by issuing national lotteries. In response to increased economic wealth, gambling opportunities were allowed to develop, but were restricted to Macao. Social problems such as illegal and youth gambling are, however, emerging. The 'gaming' perception may predispose Chinese individuals to wagering activities and increase the risk of gambling disorder, which has been widely seen as misconduct rather than a mental disorder. Currently, the country has a dearth of gambling research and limited prevention and rehabilitation services, almost none at national level. Conclusions A distinction between small-stakes 'gaming' and large-stakes 'gambling', which has cultural roots, plays an important role in relevant governmental policies and social responses in mainland China. Gambling disorder prevention and treatment is not yet on the national agenda. The country's knowledge and services gaps on gambling problems need to be filled out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It was an unusual scene - angry adults and young people making loud protests, accompanied and contrasted by cute yellow dolls, in defence of ‘Pikachu’ - or the ‘Pikachu’ they have long come to identify with. Nintendo’s decision to make the Mandarin transliteration of ‘Pikachu’, pikaqiu, the official Chinese name of its beloved Pokémon character has triggered this unexpected protest. On the surface it was a trivial fight over changing the translated name from the Cantonese-sounding beigaaciu to pikaqiu; to many locals, it was a battle to preserve memories and to safeguard a dwindling culture. This paper looks at the rise of China from a translation point of view, and examines how the predominantly Cantonese-speaking former British colony has struggled to come to terms with the increasing domination of the Mandarin language, whether in the realms of politics, entertainment world, everyday life, or even childhood memories. In the fight of asserting the ‘self’, translation has bcome a powerful tool to articulate the unique Cantonese identity of Hong Kong, whether in refuting the notion that the language is just a minor dialect compared to Mandarin, or in constructing and preserving the collective memory of a more glorious and recognizable past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore the puzzle of why so many Chinese firms eschew listings in China. Hundreds of firms founded in China have reorganized themselves as overseas corporations and listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. These firms are called Red-chips if they are state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and P-chips if they are not state-owned (non-SOEs). To examine the rationale behind the listing decisions of P-chips and Red-chips, we compare the characteristics of Red-chips (P-chips) with SOEs (non-SOEs) listed on China stock exchanges. We find that SOEs are more likely to list in China. Moreover, while we do not observe any significant difference between the performance of Hong Kong-listed and mainland-listed SOEs, we find non-SOEs that are listed in Hong Kong are significantly more profitable than those listed in China. We then explore three possible explanations for why Chinese firms, especially non-SOEs, may prefer to be listed in Hong Kong: (1) to facilitate personal wealth transfers out of China, (2) to increase access to debt capital, and (3) to facilitate more efficient stock price formation. We find that all three of these explanations have statistical support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research applied framing theory, in combination with the protest paradigm, to the specific context of a significant protest event in Hong Kong's history. A total of 191 news stories concerning the "Occupy Central" crisis were examined to delineate how the events were framed in the UK, the U.S., mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The newspapers in all five media markets were found to have differing news stories about the same event or the same issue. News framing was analyzed in terms of selection and description biases, including news perspective, favorability toward the protesters or the government, sourcing pattern, and attribution of responsibility. The results show significant differences among the five markets, not only between contrasting media systems, but also between comparable ones. The frames employed in the coverage are interpreted in terms of the markets' ideological differences. The reasons for these differences and theoretical implications are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are global neoliberal pressures on the academy that are more or less faced by anthropologists around the world. To what extent are anthropologists required to publish in English in SSCI-ranked journals to keep their jobs and get promoted? But there are also distinctly national and local pressures to some extent counteracting or eclipsing these global pressures. In this article I explore these counteracting pressures in the context of Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, my home society, neoliberalism has reigned supreme, with a remarkably short-term mentality. Yet despite this, anthropology has been flourishing, and has operated with great freedom and generous funding that is quite exceptional by global standards. However, this may be coming to an end. In China there is direct government control over anthropology. Hong Kong, following the protests of 2019 and the advent of the national security law in 2020, may be following suit, with many democratic political figures and some journalists now in jail. In light of this ongoing narrowing of room for freedom of inquiry, what will happen to Hong Kong academics and to anthropology? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]