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Having the South American Amazon as our spatial cut, this paper aims to discuss it as a space of physical, environmental and socioeconomic relevance to regional rearticulation, highlighting the issue of transport infrastructure and the importance of Brazil to boost this process in contemporary times. With the end of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) in 2019, several of its councils were paralyzed and discontinued, such as the Infrastructure and Planning Council (Cosiplan), reflecting the abandonment of efforts built since the beginning of the 21st century. In addition, relations between national preferences and the indispensable search for development, and mechanisms of cooperation and regional integration, which are fundamental instruments to meet such demands, were stressed. In turn, a scenario of discredited institutions made room for greater action by multiple public and private, internal and increasingly international and multinational actors who, in a way disconnected from regional arrangements, directed infrastructure investments focusing on their own interests, resulting in expiation of the the socio-environmental vulnerability in the Amazonian territories. We argue that it is necessary to integrate to preserve and develop. Regional governance and institutionality are central pillars for the resumption of a more resilient South American integration process, aimed at protecting and developing the Amazon, in which Brazil has an important driving role to be exercised and a directive leadership to retrieve.

This paper presents results from a comparative analysis of two sections of Introduction to International Politics, one of which used a traditional research paper as a supplemental assignment and one that used the Statecraft online simulation. Both sections were taught during the same semester and used common lecture notes, PowerPoint slides, exam reviews, and exams. The only difference was the nature of the supplemental assignment. The paper finds that the best predictor of student performance on exams is a student's GPA prior to taking the class. At the same time, the evidence suggests that time dedicated to the online simulation in class may have led to worse performance on at least one exam. Finally, the paper finds that students did enjoy the Statecraft simulation and generally believed that it was preferable to a traditional research paper in spite of its representing additional work relative to the more traditional research paper.

There have been new facets of multilateralism, which have motivated the realignment of traditional power relations established globally, especially regarding the United States and China. This new strategic environment can be observed in changes made to the Brazilian National Defense White Paper (LBDN) of 2020, as well as in the dialectic between white papers of the United States (2017), and China (2019). To investigate these realignments and their possible impacts on the Brazilian defense sector, the analysis was carried out in two phases: (1) analysis of the general characteristics of the Defense White Papers by the USA and China; and (2) comparison of discourses conveyed in chapters on international cooperation in each Defense White Paper. Speech patterns were analyzed according to rationales of Lexical Semantics and Critical Discourse Analysis. As a result, elements of semantic fields, intertextuality and modality in discourse were pointed out as parameters that could contribute to the evaluation of cooperation and deterrence/dissuasion actions to be adopted by the USA and China in the 21st century.

Human rights education (HRE) has been recognised in international educational discourses as a sustainable practice to develop active citizenship and protect human dignity. However, such education has not been fully explored in a broader political context. In addition to contributing to empowering citizens to resist human rights violations, HRE plays several roles in society, contributing to both national identity and international image-building. The article explores possible relations between national identity construction, foreign policy and HRE in Norway through the following research question: "What interplay occurs between Norwegian foreign policy and national identity in relation to human rights, and, within this context, what is the role of HRE?" The article presents a qualitative analysis of Norwegian policy documents and reports, arguing that HRE is a component of Norwegian national identity as well as political currency in foreign relations.

Engineers make things, make things work, and make things work better and easier. This kind of knowledge is crucial for innovation, and much of the explicit knowledge developed by engineers is embodied in scientific publications. In this paper, we analyze the evolution of publications and citations in engineering in a middle-income country such as Mexico. Using a database of all Mexican publications in Web of Science from 2004 to 2017, we explore the characteristics of publications that tend to have the greatest impact; this is the highest number of citations. Among the variables studied are the type of collaboration (no collaboration, domestic, bilateral, or multilateral), the number of coauthors and countries, controlling for a coauthor from the USA, and the affiliation institution of the Mexican author(s). Our results emphasize the overall importance of joint international efforts and suggest that publications with the highest number of citations are those with multinational collaboration (coauthors from three or more countries) and when one of the coauthors is from the USA. Another interesting result is that single-authored papers have had a higher impact than those written through domestic collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the importance of quantifying the impact and quality of research articles, discussing traditional metrics such as the Journal Impact Factor (JIF), CiteScore, and the H-index. It also introduces alternative metrics (Altmetrics) like the Altmetric Attention Score (AAS), emphasizing their role in measuring the reach and success of research articles through social media engagement.

Model United Nations (MUN) has seen dramatic growth in Morocco, both at the university and high school levels. It is a popular and effective teaching tool. This paper aims to test its utility using various methodologies. It shares the results of surveys, both historic and current, conducted at Al Akhawayn University evaluating the activity among students. It also includes interviews with MUN participants, both coaches and students, at Al Akhawayn University and elsewhere. Finally, the paper evaluates whether the tool is trans-cultural or whether it is an expansion of White space.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

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This paper examines Russia's spying and social and political interference in the United States in the 1930s and 1940s, a time when Americans were somewhat naïve about Russian intentions and the actual subversive aim of the American Communist Party. The evidence is based on former president Herbert Hoover's archival trove of writings and documents at the Hoover Institute at Stanford University. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nguyen, O. T. H., Aksenov, I., Phan, N. T., & Sakulyeva, T. (2021). Russia's foreign policy priorities in the Asia‐Pacific region. Journal of Public Affairs, e2745. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2745. The above article, published online on 17 August 2021 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) has been retracted by agreement between the journal's Editor‐in‐Chief, Laura Corazza and Shaista Wasiuzzaman and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. The retraction has been agreed following concerns regarding manipulation of the peer review and publishing process. Concerns were originally raised by a third party (1). Further investigation by the publisher has found manipulation of the peer review process, and overlapping text with other publications. The retraction has been agreed because the peer review of the article was compromised and there is unattributed overlap between this article and several other articles (2)(3). Abalkina, A. (2022). Publication and collaboration anomalies in academic papers originating from a paper mill: evidence from a Russia‐based paper mill https://arxiv.org/abs/2112.13322 Burdzik, T. (2019). Slowly but Surely: Russia's Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia https://russiancouncil.ru/en/analytics‐and‐comments/columns/asian‐kaleidoscope/slowly‐but‐surely‐russia‐s‐foreign‐policy‐in‐southeast‐asia/?sphrase%5fid=34631795 Rumer, E., Sokolsky, R., Vladicic, A. (2020). Russia in the Asia‐Pacific: Less Than Meets the Eye https://carnegieendowment.org/publications/82614 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the intertwinement of politics, international affairs and culture during the Cold War through a case study of Polish-Dutch cultural relations and the heterogeneous factors that shaped them. The study centres around the turbulent events of 1968 in Poland, and their impact on the international cultural policies of the Polish People's Republic and the Kingdom of the Netherlands. It demonstrates that the cultural field suffered the most immediate consequences of the political decisions taken by both parties – consequences which lasted for a considerable time – thus making it a metaphorical litmus test for the Cold War international relationships. This article reconstructs and analyses Polish and Dutch reactions to the 1968 events and their use of culture for the sake of their own policies – both as a form of protest and as an anti-crisis tool meant to influence the authorities and citizens of the target country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discussed the relationship between language, ecology, and culture, and claimed that the study of linguistic communication as pragmatics should not be confined to the traditional context, but should focus on a broader ecological environment. It analyzed the context of practical communication from the perspective of language ecology beginning with the discussion of the ecological crisis in communication and found that language, like plants and animals in nature, needed the support of the external environment with certain "soil fertility". This paper classified ecological context into two types: internal ecological context (psychological-cognitive context) and external ecological context (natural environment and social environment). Based on this classification, the ecological context of pragmatics was further divided into environment-friendly context, addressee-friendly context, and speaker-friendly ecological context. This paper was an exploratory analysis of language ecology in pragmatics, aiming at helping communicative participants find their ecological niche and adopt appropriate strategies to maintain the ecological balance in pragmatic communication.

Abstract Three times in the span of 12 years (1968-1980), the foreign policy of the Canadian government was subjected to review by the Department of External Affairs. Although only the [...]

Disclosing beneficial ownership is one of the few ways to prevent the loss of natural resource revenues and to mitigate--if not prevent--the resource curse. This article details how digital platforms [...]

The 2006’s Chinese Defense White Paper settled goals for military modernization that would consolidate a force planning strategy aiming long-term results that could make it possible to win local wars under informationized conditions. The combination of policies of dual-use civil-military technology, catch up and absorption of foreign knowledge through joint ventures, China intends to overcome an imitation-based regime and to consolidate a defense industry with indigenous innovation. The paper analyzes how this strategy would reformulate logistic aspects of the Chinese military and promote the development of the fifth largest military industry in the world.

In a contribution to the political analysis of contemporary Vietnam – a single-party state often wrongly assumed to be an author of reform and deploying considerable and varied powers – this paper seeks to provide an understanding of the Vietnamese term ‘authority’ ( uy ) and its relationship to power. Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan serves as a reference to the notion of authority in Vietnam and is compared to data: what the Vietnamese thought their word best translated as authority meant. The paper concludes that in the ‘two-way street’ of social contracts, the ruling Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) actually has little authority. This helps to explain the chronic problems the VCP has faced in securing state capacity and generalised ability to implement policy. It highlights gaps between the current anachronistic use of Soviet-style power in Vietnam and what could be done if the regime deployed new powers based on authority. The authors conclude that, given the identified lack of authority, the VCP is no real Leviathan. Although more research is needed, this conclusion implies that proactive political tactics in Vietnam may move towards a search for acquiring authority in a ‘two-way street’ relationship within the Vietnamese political community. Enhanced state capacity and Party authority could follow.

Trata-se de position paper sobre a obra “Engenheiros da Vitória: os responsáveis pela reviravolta na Segunda Guerra Mundial” no qual, além de apresentar os principais argumentos do autor, há o posicionamento crítico do autor sobre a sua relevância atual.

Trata-se de position paper sobre a obra “Engenheiros da Vitória: os responsáveis pela reviravolta na Segunda Guerra Mundial” no qual, além de apresentar os principais argumentos do autor, há o posicionamento crítico do autor sobre a sua relevância atual.